Friday, October 11, 2019

John L. Motley to Ann Lothrop Motley, March 16, 1864

Vienna,
March 16, 1864.

My Dearest Mother: I hardly know what to say likely to amuse you. Vienna has been dull this winter to an unexampled extent, and the spring is still duller, parties and dinners being reduced to a minimum. Week before last Mary and I had the honor of being bidden to dine with the emperor and empress. Perhaps it may amuse you to hear how a dinner at court is managed, although it is much like any other dinner party. The gentlemen go in uniform, of course (military or diplomatic), the ladies in full dress, but fortunately not in trains. We were received in one of the apartments of the palace called the Alexander Rooms, because once inhabited by the Czar Alexander I. There were three other members of the diplomatic corps present, the Portuguese minister and his wife, and the minister of one of the lesser German courts. There were some guests from the Vienna aristocracy, besides some of the high palace functionaries, ladies and gentlemen, in attendance. After the company, about twenty-eight in all, had been a little while assembled, the emperor and empress came in together, and, after exchanging a few words with one or two of the guests, proceeded to the dining-room, followed by the rest of the company. Each of us before reaching the reception-room had received a card from an usher signifying exactly where we were to place ourselves at table. Thus on my card I was told to sit on the left of Viscountess Santa Quiteria, the wife of my Portuguese colleague as aforesaid. Mary was directed to be seated on the right of the Grand Duke of Tuscany. So everybody was enabled to march to their places without any difficulty or embarrassment. The emperor and empress sat side by side in the middle of a long table. On his left was the Portuguese lady; on the empress's right was the Grand Duke of Tuscany.

During dinner the emperor conversed very agreeably with the lady next him and with me on topics such as generally come up at a dinner-table, and he asked many questions about manners and customs in America. He has rather a grave face, but his smile is frank and pleasant, and his manner has much dignity; his figure is uncommonly good, tall, slender, and stately. Mary had much conversation about Florence, the Pitti Palace, and the Gardens of Boboli with the deposed potentate her neighbor. The lady on my left, Countess Konigsegg, the principal mistress of the robes, was very agreeable and is one of the handsomest persons in Vienna; and altogether the dinner passed off very pleasantly. After we had returned to the drawing-room the circle was formed, and the emperor and empress, as usual, went round separately, entering into conversation with each of their guests. He talked a good while with me, and asked many questions about the war with much interest and earnestness, and expressed his admiration at the resources of a country which could sustain for so long a time so vast and energetic a conflict. I replied that we had been very economical for a century, and we were now the better able to pay for a war which had been forced upon us, and which if we had declined we must have ceased to exist as a nation. I ventured to predict, however, that this current year would be the last of the war on any considerable scale.

The empress, as I have often told you before, is a wonder of beauty—tall, beautifully formed, with a profusion of bright brown hair, a low Greek forehead, gentle eyes, very red lips, a sweet smile, a low musical voice, and a manner partly timid, partly gracious. She certainly deserves a better court poet than I am ever likely to become. Both the emperor and empress asked very kindly about the health of the girls, who, as they knew, had been seriously ill. The party lasted about two hours. We arrived at the palace a little before half-past five and were at home again soon after half-past seven. I have written this thinking it might interest you more than if I went into the regions of high politics. Next Sunday (Easter Sunday) the Archduke Maximilian accepts the imperial crown of Mexico, and within two or three months he will have arrived in that country. Then our difficulties in this most unfortunate matter will begin. Thus far the Austrian government on the one side, and the United States government on the other, have agreed to wash their hands of it entirely. But when the new “emperor” shall notify his accession to the Washington government, we shall perhaps be put into an embarrassing position.

I remain ever your affectionate son,
J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley, Volume III, p. 6-9

Colonel Edward F. Jones to Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler, April 30, 1861

UNOFFICIAL.

Headquarters, 6th Regiment, M.V.M. Capitol,
WASHINGTON, April 30th, 1861
General B. F. BUTLER, ANNAPOLIS, MD.

MY DEAR GENERAL: I am anxious to get my regiment out of this Capitol and under canvas. I also understand that camp equipage is coming forward, and what I ask is that you will place me in position to take sufficient for my wants when it comes. I have good quarters here, but the men are getting sick from eating everything which they have a chance to get hold of, and from catching colds which the damp, stone floors furnish to any extent. Also do not place me in any position which will detach me from my regiment, as I want nothing, if God spares my life, but an opportunity to take them home with our laurels untarnished. I received a telegraph from Gov. Andrew to Geo. Abbott, saying “every requisition from Col. Jones will be answered,” and I have sent forward to Gov. Boutwell to take some measures to put us in decent apparel, as they are in just the condition which I prophesied some 3 months since, viz., rag, tag, and bobtail. The idea of getting up an “Esprit de Corps” in a man with his shirt-tail sticking out!

I regret exceedingly that we are separated in this campaign. Please inform of your position and future prospects. I am getting my regiment into pretty good state of discipline, but it was a trial of titles at first, - and you can guess who came out ahead if he came out alive. I have not heard from my family since I left home. Too bad, I cannot succeed in getting me a decent horse. Are they to be had out your way? I do not know what to do in regard to drawing clothing, &c., from
the government here.

Your old Friend,
E. F. Jones

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 60-1

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Lieutenant-General Winfield Scott, April 30, 1861

Headquarters Department of Annapolis, April 30th, 1861

To Lieut. Gen’l. WINFIELD Scott, General in Chief U.S. Army,
WASHINGTON, D.C.

GENERAL: Col. Corcoran, of the Sixty ninth N. Y. Regiment, sent to me under arrest a man calling himself Edward Grandval, whose voluntary examination was taken by me in writing, read over to and signed by him. The evidence upon which he has been arrested has been fully seen and weighed, and from it I find that it is substantially proved that the prisoner lately came to Baltimore from the Capital of the Confederate States; that he went into correspondence with one Beach, the Editor of the Baltimore Sun Newspaper, a known enemy of the Union, and known by the prisoner to be such at the time he entered his service, whatever that service was; that he made a written proposal to Mr. Beach to place himself at or as near as possible to Annapolis, there to gather what information he could of the movements and numbers of the troops, to forward the same to Beach by private hand; that on Friday evening he entered upon that duty, and was engaged about it until yesterday morning when he was arrested.

There was found upon him this engagement which he endeavored to destroy, and also portions of a letter which he said had been written by one Alexander in order to procure him his engagement. All but the latter part and the signature was destroyed. There was evidence that he was lurking around Col. Corcoran's Quarters, endeavoring to obtain information of the men as to the forces of his command, that he attempted to tamper with the men, telling them of the forces of the secessionists and that they were ready to receive them as their brothers if they would come over to them. He had examined the private quarters of Col. Corcoran for papers, had taken there a Revolver. His statement in his examination was transparently improbable, and made no impression upon the mind either of his truthfulness or propriety of conduct. From the evidence I have no doubt that he was sent as a Spy upon our movements, and it is for the Commanding General to direct what course shall be pursued. My own opinion is that the utmost severity is needed towards such a person.

Under the guise of bearer of dispatches and reporters of newspapers we are overrun by the meanest and most despicable kind of Spies, who add impudence and brazen effrontery to traitorous and lying reports with which to injure us. I had forgotten to mention that one part of his engagement was that he was to receive a pass from Gen’l. Trimble. I await orders from Headquarters.

Very respectfully, Yr. Obdt. Servt.
BENJ. F. BUTLER

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 59-60

Diary of William Howard Russell: July 21, 1861

The calmness and silence of the streets of Washington this lovely morning suggested thoughts of the very different scenes which, in all probability, were taking place at a few miles' distance. One could fancy the hum and stir round the Federal bivouacs, as the troops woke up and were formed into column of march towards the enemy. I much regretted that I was not enabled to take the field with General McDowell's army, but my position was surrounded with such difficulties that I could not pursue the course open to the correspondents of the American newspapers. On my arrival in Washington I addressed an application to Mr. Cameron, Secretary at War, requesting him to sanction the issue of, rations and forage from the Commissariat to myself, a servant, and a couple of horses, at the contract prices, or on whatever other terms he might think fit, and I had several interviews with Mr. Leslie, the obliging and indefatigable chief clerk of the War Department, in reference to the matter; but as there was a want of precedents for such a course, which was not all to be wondered at, seeing that no representative of an English newspaper had ever been sent to chronicle the progress of an American army in the field, no satisfactory result could be arrived at, though I had many fair words and promises.

A great outcry had arisen in the North against the course and policy of England, and the journal I represented was assailed on all sides as a Secession organ, favorable to the rebels and exceedingly hostile to the Federal government and the cause of the tumors. Public men in America are alive to the inconveniences of attacks by their own press; and as it was quite impossible to grant to the swarms of correspondents from all parts of the Union the permission to draw supplies from the public stores, it would have afforded a handle to turn the screw upon the War Department, already roundly abused in the most influential papers, if Mr. Cameron acceded to me, not merely a foreigner, but the correspondent of a foreign journal which was considered the most powerful enemy of the policy of his government, privileges which he denied to American citizens, representing newspapers which were enthusiastically supporting the cause for which the armies of the North were now in the field.

To these gentlemen indeed, I must here remark, such privileges were of little consequence. In every camp they had friends who were willing to receive them in their quarters, and who earned a word of praise in the local papers for the gratification of either their vanity or their laudable ambition in their own neighborhood, by the ready service which they afforded to the correspondents. They rode Government horses, had the use of Government wagons, and through fear, favor, or affection, enjoyed facilities to which I had no access. I could not expect persons with whom I was unacquainted to be equally generous, least of all when by doing so they would have incurred popular obloquy and censure; though many officers in the army had expressed in very civil terms the pleasure it would give them to see me at their quarters in the field. Some days ago I had an interview with Mr. Cameron himself, who was profuse enough in promising that he would do all in his power to further my wishes; but he had, nevertheless, neglected sending me the authorization for which I had applied. I could scarcely stand a baggage train and commissariat upon my own account, nor could I well participate in the system of plunder and appropriation which has marked the course of the Federal army so far, devastating and laying waste all the country behind it.

Hence, all I could do was to make a journey to see the army on the field, and to return to Washington to write my report of its first operation, knowing there would be plenty of time to overtake it before it could reach Richmond, when, as I hoped, Mr. Cameron would be prepared to accede to my request, or some plan had been devised by myself to obviate the difficulties which lay in my path. There was no entente cordiale exhibited towards me by the members of the American press; nor did they, any more than the generals, evince any disposition to help the alien correspondent of the "Times," and my only connection with one of their body, the young designer, had not, indeed, inspired me with any great desire to extend my acquaintance. General McDowell, on giving me the most hospitable invitation to his quarters, refrained from offering the assistance which, perhaps, it was not in his power to afford; and I confess, looking at the matter calmly, I could scarcely expect that he would, particularly as he said, half in jest, half seriously, "I declare I am not quite easy at the idea of having your eye on me, for you have seen so much of European armies, you will, very naturally, think little of us, generals and all."

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 439-41

Three Things to be Considered.

Before leaving the subject of Jewish servitude, there are three considerations of chief importance on which we wish you may fix your candid attention.

The first is, There is no sufficient proof to warrant belief, that the Hebrew laws ever authorized, or in any way recognized slavery in the American sense of that term. The assertion that they did, is gratuitous, and altogether incapable of establishment. The general tenor of these laws, fully acknowledging and vigilantly guarding several of the most important rights of humanity in the case of those in bondage, shows that they were not considered things, or mere property possession, like cattle; but men, who had sacred rights with which even those who had purchased them for permanent servants, might not, in any circumstances, interfere. Full evidence of this, we think, has already been exhibited; and in the course of our argument confirmatory facts will be incidentally accumulated.

Secondly, Those who claim authority, in virtue of the Hebrew laws, to hold slaves, have no right to violate their charter, by neglecting any thing which it requires, or doing any thing which it prohibits. In regard to a point so plain, let common sense speak out. Suppose you are all elected trustees of a college, duly chartered and of long standing: Are you at liberty, without regard to the original acts of incorporation, to remodel every thing, and make what disposition of the funds you please ? Is it enough that the mere name of the institution is preserved, while the original design of its founders, and of the government in its incorporation, is wholly defeated? Surely you would feel the necessity either of keeping strictly within your chartered limits, or of resigning your offices, if you did not approve of the duties they imposed. Or, suppose the government gives a daring commander letters of marque and reprisal to go forth on the high seas to capture and plunder the vessels of a nation with whom they are at war. He and his crew are legally authorized. But when this commander has been slain, and another has succeeded to his place, and the crew have undergone so many changes that none of the original number remain, have the successors authority under the original license to take more liberty, and proceed to capture and plunder the vessels of other nations, and to destroy their unoffending crews? The things done would indeed bear close resemblance to those which the original commission warranted, but would still be as completely unauthorized and outrageous as if no such commission had ever been given, and must expose the perpetrators of them to be executed as pirates. Provided then you claim the right of holding slaves under the authority of the Levitical laws, consistency requires that you manage the whole business in strict accordance with them.

The regulation of Hebrew servitude, was a business too delicate, involving interests too sacred, to be committed to the discretion of interested masters. Moses of himself was not competent to such legislation. The sovereign Lawgiver, through him as the interpreter of his will, prescribed the rules by which both masters and servants were to be governed, and required all the people to say Amen, to the imprecation, “Cursed be he who confirmeth not all the words of this law to do them.” And when in a certain case the masters ventured to act at their own discretion, and through covetousness refused to release their servants, when the law required them to be set free, they were most pointedly condemned by the Almighty for their unhallowed temerity. “Ye have not hearkened unto me in proclaiming liberty every one to his brother, and every man to his neighbor: behold I proclaim a liberty for you, saith the Lord, to the sword, to the pestilence, and to the famine, and I will make you to be removed into all the kingdoms of the earth. Jer. 34:17. Does God give you greater power over the bodies and souls of your fellow men, than he gives to Moses and his peculiar people? license even to make void by your own enactments or customs his laws, while at the same time pleading their authority in vindication of your slaveholding? If you hold under the Jewish charter, you are bound to govern yourselves strictly by its provisions and limitations.

Instead of imprisoning colored people who come among you, and on their failure to substantiate the fact of their freedom or to pay their jail fees, selling them into hopeless bondage; you must suffer even such as you may know to be runaway slaves from other countries to enjoy liberty and to dwell in whatever part of your country they choose. You must in no case restore them again to their masters. Deut. 23; 15, 16.

Instead of marking your refractory slaves by knocking out teeth, chopping off fingers, or otherwise maiming them, and then unblushingly describe them by these marks in your advertisements when they run away, you must know that all such maimings are to the sufferers irrefragable evidence of their legal title to the liberty which they have taken. Exod. 21:27.

Southern slaveholders must not under any pretence hold in involuntary bondage, over six years, any whose complexion proves them to be of white paternity, especially when they have reason to believe that they may be very nearly related to themselves. Deut. 15:12–14,

All your slaves must be consecrated to God; be required to remember the Sabbath and keep it holy, and to rest from their secular labors one whole year in every seven; and to share fully with you in all other religious privileges.— Exod. 12:49. Exod. 20:10. Lev. 25:4–6.

On every fiftieth year from the commencement of the practice of slaveholding in this country, the enslaved should all have been, and should all hereafter be, set free. As slavery was introduced in the year 1620, there should have been three Jubilees already. The next should occur in thirty one years. Then must liberty be proclaimed throughout the land, to all the inhabitants thereof, and all the millions of your down trodden servants, stand erect in the complete enjoyment of civil and religious freedom. Lev. 25:10.

In the meanwhile, there must be equal laws, in the execution of which the rights of servants, as well as those of masters, shall be duly protected, and impartial justice weighed out in the same balances. “He that killeth a man, he shall be put to death. Ye shall have one manner of law, as well for the stranger, as for one of your own country.”— Lev. 2:21, 22. Ye shall not respect persons in judgment; but ye shall hear the small as well as the great: ye shall not be afraid of the face of man, for the judgment is God’s.” Deut. 1:17. See also, Exod. 22:21–24.

Do you object to slavery under such regulations as these? Then do not refer to Jewish laws, as the foundation of your claim. Either obey their laws, or do not seek protection under them.

3. Another point of importance is this, That in as much as the political laws of the Hebrews both permitted and required them to do various things, which others, undeniably, have no right to do, without similar express authority, it follows, that even if those laws did authorize the modified form of slaveholding in that nation which has been described, it is no proof that you have a right to practice it in this. If the assumed right can be maintained on the ground of divine authority at all, entirely different evidence of the fact must be adduced.

The civil laws of the Hebrews permitted and regulated Polygamy. Exod. 21:10, 11. Deut. 17:17. This license the Jews Understood as giving countenance to concubinage also, or taking without ceremony secondary wives, who had no authority in the family and whose children could not inherit any portion of the father's estate. David, Solomon, and Rehoboam, all had many wives and concubines; and do not seem to have considered themselves as acting illegally, or as setting a bad example while so doing. These statutes also permitted any man without reference to any tribunal whatever, to divorce his wife, and send her away, whenever he became displeased with her. Deut. 21:14, 24:1. And they required the father and mother who had a rebellious son, who would not submit to parental discipline, to bring him forth to the elders of the city, at whose order all the people should stone him to death. Deut. 21:18–21. A married daughter, whose husband should convict her of having been unchaste in any instance before marriage must be publicly executed in the same terrible manner. Deut. 22:21. When the people made war upon any city, if it did not immediately open its gates and submit, the Hebrews on taking it by seige, were required by the laws of their country to “smite every male thereof with the edge of the sword.”— Deut. 20:13. They were commanded in general, respecting the inhabitants of Canaan, whom they were sent to dispossess, “Thou shalt consume all the people which the Lord thy God shalt deliver thee; thine eye shall have no pity upon them.” And having slain a people who had done them no previous injury, they were to possess their country and enjoy the fruit of their labors. Deut. 7:16. 8:7, 8.

Will you from these facts infer that men in this country have scriptural warrant for practising polygamy and concubinage, and to put away their wives whenever they dislike them?—That American fathers and mothers must bring forth their rebellious sons and seduced daughters to be stoned to death? Or that we as a nation are authorized to carry a war of extermination into the territories of our neighbors who have done us no injury and to take possession of their houses and lands for ourselves and posterity? You certainly will not maintain that the judicial statutes of Moses authorized us to do any of these things. But why not? Because these laws permitted and required the Hebrews to do things which we undeniably have no right to do without a warrant from God equally plain. Not the state laws of the Hebrew commonwealth, though given by divine authority, but those principles and precepts of the Bible which are evidently designed for men of all nations, are to be received by us as the proper rules of our conduct. Our ultimate appeal must be to the moral law written by the finger of God upon the tables of stone, to the gospel of our Lord Jesus, and those other portions of divine revelation which agree with them in having not a peculiar but general application. This is as true respecting slavery as it is in regard to polygamy, divorce or exterminating wars. We are no more bound or authorized by the mere political laws of the Hebrew commonwealth, excepting so far as by divine interpretation they are shewn to be of general application, than the people of Maine are bound b the laws of Mississippi. Whoever will maintain the contrary sentiment, must, to be consistent, receive circumcision, abstain from eating swine's flesh, perform the ablutions and offer the sacrifices required by the Levitical law, and take without opposition, the yoke of Judaism upon his neck, however heavy it may be for him to bear.
_______________

Continued from: Reverend Silas McKeen to Thomas C. Stuart, August 20, 1839

SOURCE: Cyrus P. Grosvenor, Slavery vs. The Bible: A Correspondence Between the General Conference of Maine, and the Presbytery of Tombecbee, Mississippi, p. 65-75

Thursday, October 10, 2019

Nathaniel Peabody Rogers: The New Hampshire Patriot, November 17, 1838

A Friend has shown us this week's number, and we see by it that poor Mr. Barton is yet at home. We wonder people should be so insensible to the pleasures of journeying. To be sure, the season is getting to be inauspicious—the trees are naked, and the landscape muddy, and the winds chilled, and the music of the birds hushed—all, all very uncongenial to such a mellifluous spirit as the patriot's of New Hampshire. But still we somehow feel disappointed that he don't travel more. We would respectfully suggest to Mr. Barton the interesting objects with which this free country abounds—all parts of which he cannot yet have visited. Has he ever been to the White Sulphur springs? He need be under no apprehension in going there. To be sure, complexion is attended with inconvenience there, and blood has its hazards. But we think Judge Larrimer and Colonel Singleton and General Carter and Major Thornton would stand the friend of a Colonel from the North, and prevent him any disagreeable consequences of an indiscriminate operation of the domestic slave trade. They are keen observers. They know the invasions the peculiar institution has made upon the Anglo-Saxon color, and they know how the pure Americo-Anglo-Saxon has verged towards the servile shadows without coming within the lawful scope of the institution, and then the symptomatic cry of “nigger,” ever and anon breaking out asleep and awake, would reveal to them at once that the Colonel had the genuine negro-phobia, which a nominal slave never has, and which goes so hard with doubtful white people. They would protect any northern gentleman against being imprisoned and sold for fees, provided they could be satisfied that his proslavery merits overbalanced his colored liabilities—which we think might easily be vouched. The Colonel has a vein of “chivalry” about him, which would go a good way in offset to mere color of liability, which after all is but prima facie evidence of servility.—We warrant him a journey to the White Sulphur against the lawful claims of any person or persons whomsoever.

Then there is Texas—the Colonel has not, peradventure, been to Texas. It is a place of resort for people of enterprise, and where patriotism is a ready passport to consideration, although it has been slanderously styled a valley of villains, field of felons, sink of scoundrels, sewer of scamps, &.c. &,c. Yet it is a most republican clime, “where patriots most do congregate.”

There is Arkansas too—all glorious in new-born liberty—fresh and unsullied, like Venus out of the ocean—that newly-discovered star in the firmament-banner of this republic. Sister Arkansas, with her bowie knife graceful at her side, like the huntress Diana with her silver bow—her knife dripping with the heart's blood of her senators and councillors, shed in legislative debate,—O, it would be refreshing and recruiting to an exhausted patriot to go and replenish his soul at her fountains. The newly-evacuated lands of the Cherokee, too—a sweet place now for a lover of his country to visit, to renew his self-complacency by wandering among the quenched hearths of the expatriated Indians, a land all smoking with the red man's departing curse— a malediction that went to the centre. Yes, and Florida—blossoming and leafy Florida, yet warm with the life-blood of Osceola and his warriors, shed gloriously under flag of truce. Why should a patriot of such a fancy for nature immure himself in the cells of the city, and forego such an inviting and so broad a landscape? Ite viator. Go forth, traveller, and leave this mouldy editing to less elastic fancies. We would respectfully incite our Colonel to travel. What signifies? Journey—wander—go forth —itinerate—exercise—perambulate—roam.

We cannot sustain ourselves or our waning cause against the reasonings of this military chieftain if he stays at home and concentrates his powers. Nigger nigger nigger, and nigger, and besides that nigger, and moreover nigger, and therefore nigger, and hence nigger, and wherefore nigger, and more than all that, and yielding every thing else, “bobalition!” urged with the peculiar force and genius of this deadly writer—with his grace, point and delicacy—with his “nihil tetigit, quod non ornavit." We crave a truce. We appeal to the magnanimity of the Patriot,— to his nighthood—to go abroad, and leave us in apprentice hands or some journeyman's; or if he won't travel in courtesy, we beseech him to turn his editorship upon other enemies than us. Let him point his guns at the Statesman, or the Courier.

But if we must meet him, we protest against encountering the arguments aforesaid. That we are a nigger we can't deny, and we can't help it. That our little paper is a "Nigger Herald," we can't deny, and we can't help it. What signifies arguing that against us, all the time? We don't deny it—we never did deny it—we never shall. And what can we do? We can't wash off our color. We cannot change our Ethiopian skin any more than the Patriot can its “spots.” The sun has looked upon us, and burnt upon us a complexion incompatible with freedom?

Is it so? Will the demoeratic Patriot aver this? Are we to be denied the right of a hearing because we are a "nigger?" Are we to be deprived in New Hampshire of human consideration because we are black, and shall Cyrus Barton dispose of us thus, because he is White? We lay before the yeomanry of New Hampshire the appalling truth, that slavery has rooted itself deep into the heart of American liberty;—“Nigger Herald,” argues this snow-drop Colonel; “Bobalition!” and our appeal is silenced. We warn the country that slavery is overshadowing the North, and that ranting and rampant professing democrats will give their very backs to the southern cart-whip. "Nigger!" replies the Honorable Cyrus Barton; “eh, old nigger!” “old black nigger!” Is it an answer, we ask the country?

But poor Mister Barton is jealous we are after votes for James Wilson. If he is really so, we pity him. He is non compos if he suspects it. He ought to be sent right up to the town farm. Votes for James Wilson! Is this the purpose and aim of the great anti-slavery enterprise that now shakes Europe and America to the centre? Is West India emancipation a plot to defeat the Patriot's democracy here in universal New Hampshire? Are George Thompson and Daniel O'Connell and Henry Brougham thundering for human liberty in Exeter Hall, (henceforth and forever the cradle of liberty—not the cradle of the bastard infant, rocked in Faneuil Hall of Boston, now formally dedicated to the Genius of Slavery,) are these champions of liberty plotting with the fifteen hundred anti-slavery societies of America to defeat the election of Governor John Page?

We give our poor jaundice-visioned neighbor no other answer than this to his paltry accusations about plotting against his partisans. We have other and bigger objects altogether.

SOURCE: Collection from the Miscellaneous Writings of Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Second Edition, p. 51-4 which states it was published in the Herald of Freedom of November 17, 1838.

Mr. Thompson at Lynn, published June 13, 1835

[From the Lynn Record,]

This distinguished young friend and disciple of Wilberforce, and justly celebrated orator, who has been repeatedly invited by the Anti-Slavery Society of this town, arrived on Saturday afternoon last, and was received with great satisfaction and delight. The society had a meeting on business, at the Town Hall, at the close of which, Mr. Thompson addressed a large crowded assembly of people, ladies and gentlemen, nearly two hours, in a strain of eloquence and power, quite beyond any thing we ever heard, and equally beyond our power to describe. All were held, as if by enchantment, to the close. It would be difficult to decide in which he most excelled, matter or manner. He took a comprehensive and varied view of the enormous injustice and evil of slavery, and brought up and considered the most prominent and popular objections to the plan of immediate abolition, and exposed their hypocrisy and absurdity in his own peculiar and effectual manner of cutting sarcasm. The effect was evidently great.

After Mr. Thompson had closed, a stern Pharisaical looking man, who had been sitting near the speaker, announcing himself as a preacher of the Gospel, from the South, desired the privilege of putting a few questions to Mr. Thompson, which was readily granted, and the questions as readily answered, to the satisfaction of the audience generally. The object of the stranger was to cavil and carp at what had been said. But the tables were adroitly turned upon the poor man, in a manner least expected, and most mortifying to him. One of the questions, in substance at least, was—‘Do you consider every slaveholder a thief?’ ‘I consider every person who holds and claims the right of holding his fellow being, as property, A MAN STEALER.’

After several questions, captious in their nature, had been asked and answered, Mr. Thompson turned upon his assailant, ‘If you have now done, sir, I, in turn, should like to ask you a few questions.’

‘Do you consider slavery a sin?’
‘I consider slavery a moral evil.’
Do you consider slavery a sin?’
‘I do consider slavery a sin.’
‘Is the marriage of slaves legal in the Southern States?’
‘It is legalized in Maryland.’
‘Can the Slaveholder, by the laws of Maryland, separate husband and wife?’
‘He can,’ &c. &c.

The gentleman stranger, (who is said to belong to Springfield in this state, formerly from the South) appealed to the people, but finally withdrew his appeal, and declared himself ‘satisfied.’ Whether satisfied or not, we believe he had as much as he could digest, and as much as he could swallow, including the question and answer system.

On Sunday evening, Mr. Thompson delivered a lecture on Slavery, in a religious view, as opposed to the doctrines of the Bible. The meeting-house (Rev. Mr. Peabody's) was much crowded, and many went away unable to gain admittance.

On Monday evening, Mr. Thompson lectured on the sin of slavery, before a newly formed ‘Anti-Slavery Society, of the New England Conference of Methodist Episcopal Ministers, consisting of about 60 or 70 Ministers—(a glorious phalanx!) at the South street Methodist meetinghouse. The house was well filled; but owing to a misunderstanding by many, that the lecture was to be delivered at the Woodend Meeting-house, (which was otherwise engaged) all who went were enabled to get in. The lecture was a powerful and splendid production both in argument and in manner of delivery.

On Tuesday evening, Mr. Thompson lectured at the Friend’s meeting-house, which is very large, and was thoroughly filled. He was assisted by Rev. A. A. Phelps, one of the public Agents of the Society, whose address was able, and well received. Mr. Garrison and several other friends of the cause, from Boston and Salem, were present. Mr. T. took occasion to glance at the past history and conduct of the Friends in regard to slavery, the lively interest they had taken in the cause of the oppressed, and the liberal contributions they had made; and exhorted to a continuance in the ways of well doing.

There may be men in our own country of more learning and more depth of mind, and strength of reasoning, than Mr. Thompson, though, we think, rarely to be found; but for readiness and skill in debate, and splendor of eloquence, as an orator, we believe he stands unrivalled. His amiableness, mildness of temper, urbanity, and blandness of manners and deportment, are adapted to win the love and affection of all, who are honored with his acquaintance. That the haughty, and the envious, should whisper their malignant hints that something evil is lurking about his character, is no more than may be naturally expected; though they are most fully and satisfactorily refuted by his numerous and honorable testimonials of respect which we have seen, from benevolent societies and individuals in England, where he is well known. These all breathe the warm friendship and esteem which goodness and greatness of soul alone can inspire.

The independence of mind which Mr. Thompson possesses, is one of the most striking and important traits in his excellent character. He shrinks from nothing. He is ready to attack sin and wickedness in every shape—in high or low places: and his thrusts never miss—never fail of effect.

The name of ‘Mr. George Thompson’ was often associated in the public journals, with distinguished orators and philanthropists, at the various public meetings of benevolent societies in England, long before he embarked for this country. He was there ranked among the most able and popular orators. But here, in this country, there are certain would-be great men, who dare not meet Mr. Thompson in the open field, who vent their pitiful malice, and strive to induce others to treat him with that neglect, to which themselves are so well entitled; because he brings out and exposes to the light of day their works of darkness.

‘He is a foreigner—he has no right to come here interfering with our laws, our customs, and our private rights.’


Very fine, indeed! Capital! Who has a right to interfere, or say a word, if a man murders his wife and children, or sells them into bondage? It was all his own family concern. Who has a right to express an opinion of the Turks, when oppressing, starving, and murdering the Greeks, not only men, but helpless women and children : Who has a right to express an opinion against the Russians for similar conduct toward the Poles, under similar circumstances, as the latter were the vassals of the former, in both cases? Who has a right to send Gospel missionaries abroad among the benighted heathen, groping in darkness, in order to instruct and enlighten them in the way of truth? WE—we, the American people, the ‘sons of liberty,’ claim the right, and exercise it too; without once being asked, why do ye so We, the American people, claim and exercise the right, when the laws of God— the eternal laws of truth and justice, and humanity, are broken, to expose the sin, and to ‘reprove, rebuke and exhort the transgressor.

‘But slavery was brought to our shores and entailed on us by England, against our consent, when we were under her government; and now shall England send men here to complain of the injustice and cruelty of the act, when we should be glad to get rid of the evil, but cannot?’

Reason answers, Yes. If England did wrong, and afterward saw the evil, repented, and brought forth fruits meet for repentance, by liberating all their own slaves, was it not right—was it not a christian duty, to extend their acts of kindness to us also, whom they had led into error; to tell us what they had done, and how they did it ; and to aid and assist us to get out of the difficulty ? The law of God is universal. The law of Christians—the law of love, is universal; and requires the subjects of that law to oppose and expose sin and oppression wherever they are found. We send Ministers, political, religious, and masonic, to England and other places—to co-operate—to ask and give assistance, and mutually to benefit each other. But what can we, in the Northern States do? We can say, slavery is ‘a sin. We can enlighten public sentiment on the subject, and cause the sin of slavery—the greatest sin in the world, to become odious: and public sentiment in this country has the force of law, to correct any evil.

To assist us in these labors of love, Mr. Thompson has been sent among us, by the friends of humanity in England; and a most efficient and powerful co-worker he is, sweeping away the refuges of lies, and carrying his principles as a mighty sweeping torrent, wherever he goes. The advocates of slavery fear and hate him, the humane and philanthropic love him, and all respect and admire his talents, whatever they may pretend.

Mr. Thompson possesses all the requisites of an impressive and powerful orator—a fund of acquired knowledge, a brilliant imagination, natural pathos, a powerful voice, an elegant form, graceful gesticulation, a countenance capable of expressing any passion or emotion, and lastly, the most important of all, a benevolent heart—an expansive soul.

SOURCES: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 88-92; “Mr. Thompson at Lynn,” The Liberator, Boston, Massachusetts, Saturday, June 13, 1835, p. 3.

Wednesday, October 9, 2019

Statement of Colonel Nathan Bedford Forrest, March 15, 1862

Statement of Col. N. B. Forrest.
MARCH 15, 1862.

Between 1 and 2 o'clock on Sunday morning, February 16, being sent for, I arrived at General Pillow's headquarters, and found him, General Floyd, and General Buckner in conversation. General Pillow told me that they had received information that the enemy were again occupying the same ground they had occupied the morning before. I told him I did not believe it, as I had left that part of the field, on our left, late the evening before. He told me he had sent out scouts, who reported a large force of the enemy moving around to our left. He instructed me to go immediately and send two reliable men to ascertain the condition of a road running near the river bank and between the enemy's right and the river, and also to ascertain the position of the enemy. I obeyed his instructions and awaited the return of the scouts. They stated that they saw no enemy, but could see their fires in the same place where they were Friday night; that from their examination and information obtained from a citizen living on the river road the water was about to the saddle skirts, and the mud about half-leg deep in the bottom where it had been overflowed. The bottom was about a quarter of a mile wide and the water then about 100 yards wide.

During the conversation that then ensued among the general officers General Pillow was in favor of trying to cut our way out. General Buckner said that he could not hold his position over half an hour in the morning, and that if he attempted to take his force out it would be seen by the enemy (who held part of his intrenchments), and be followed and cut to pieces. I told him that I would take my cavalry around there and he could draw out under cover of them. He said that an attempt to cut our way out would involve the loss of three-fourths of the men. General Floyd said our force was so demoralized as to cause him to agree with General Buckner as to our probable loss in attempting to cut our way out. I said that I would agree to cut my way through the enemy's lines at any point the general might designate, and stated that I could keep back their cavalry, which General Buckner thought would greatly harass our infantry, in retreat. General Buckner or General Floyd said that they (the enemy) would bring their artillery to bear on us. I went out of the room, and when I returned General Floyd said he could not and would not surrender himself. I then asked if they were going to surrender the command. General Buckner remarked that they were. I then slated that I had not come out for the purpose of surrendering my command, and would not do it if they would follow me out; that I intended to go out if I saved but one man; and then turning to General Pillow I asked him what I should do. He replied, “Cut your way out.” I immediately left the house and sent for all the officers under my command, and stated to them the facts that had occurred and stated my determination to leave, and remarked that all who wanted to go could follow me, and those who wished to stay and take the consequences might remain in camp. All of my own regiment and Captain Williams, of Helm's Kentucky regiment, said they would go with me if the last man fell. Colonel Gantt was sent for and urged to get out his battalion as often as three times, but he and two Kentucky companies (Captains Wilcox and Huey) refused to come. I marched out the remainder of my command, with Captain Porter's artillery horses, and about 200 men of different commands up the river road and across the overflow, which I found to be about saddle-skirt deep. The weather was intensely cold; a great many of the men were already frost-bitten, and it was the opinion of the generals that the infantry could not have passed through the water and have survived it.

N. B. FORREST,       
Colonel, Commanding Forrest's Regiment of Cavalry.

Sworn to and subscribed before me on the 15th day of March, 1862.
LEVI SUGARS,                   
Intendant of the Town of Decatur, Ala.,         
and ex-officio Justice of the Peace.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 295-6

Tuesday, October 8, 2019

The Victory on the Cumberland—The End in Sight

We have reason to believe, if not the certainty, that Fort Donelson has fallen.  After a struggle, desperate on both sides, and, as far as my be judged from the imperfect details which have reached us, creditable to the fighting qualities of both, the post capitulated, and the National colors took the place, on the ramparts, of the rebel rag.  The destruction of life and the lists of wounded are probably largely in excess of those of any previous contest of the war.  It could hardly be otherwise.  The opposing forces were strong in numbers, but while the assailants were more perilously exposed, the defenders, from their very numbers, cooped up as they were in lines where they were helpless to fight, and simply in the way of each other, must have suffered frightfully from the storm of shell and shot hurled upon them from that circumvallation of fire.  It was doubtless the terrible sacrifice of life to which they were subjected within the fort that prompted these daring sorties which the besiegers so gallantly repulsed.

Having this glorious result of the fight, we may well postpone the discussion of details.  With the capture of Fort Donelson, another of those mortal blows recently struck at the heart of the rebellion has been inflicted.  Nor are we to lose sight of the fact that nearly all of these victories come from the command of Gen. HALLECK.  Fort Henry captured, the loyalty of Tennessee brought to light, the surrender if Fort Donelson, the retreat of PRICE, from Springfield, and the report of this morning that CURTIS had overtaken his rear, had seized his baggage-train and more prisoners that he knew what to do with, show with what energy and how victoriously the commander of the Western Department is executing his part of the great programme.  These, with the retreat of JOHNSTON from before BUELL, relieve, practically, both Missouri and Kentucky from the rebel enemy, and lay bare the Tennessee  to the admission of these Union armies which shall bring liberation to its oppressed but loyal people.

While the war in the West is thus drawing to a close, the signs are not less significant in the East.  There is little doubt that in North Carolina, South Carolina and Georgia, our forces are at this moment executing flank movements to the interior, which must effectually isolate the main rebel army in Eastern Virginia from its sources of supply.  It is clearly improbable for the rebels to hold their position at Manassas.  Their retreat must be a question of a few days—perhaps of a few hours.  There is but one reason for the evacuation of Bowling Green that is not valid for the evacuation of Manassas, and it is that no division of the Potomac army has been thrown forward to threaten an attack.  But such a threat is no longer necessary.  The news that Fort Donelson is in National hands; that the Tennessee river is open to our gunboats even to Muscle Shoals in Alabama; that the Cumberland can now be ascended to Nashville; that Memphis is in danger, and that the garrison of Columbus are for all practical purposes prisoners of war, must give that shock to the rebels near Washington which shall leave to its leaders an only alternative of withdrawing their army, or seeing it dissolve.  A retreat will be begun, but where will it end? Nowhere, we conceive short of the Gulf States.  The only pause at Richmond will probably be to witness the gloomy pageant of JEFF. DAVIS inaugurated as President, like a King crowned on his death-bed, or the succession of a Byzantine Emperor, when Byzantium itself was beleaguered and stormed by the Turks.  It will be in the Gulf States that the last stand of the rebels will be attempted.  But there our lines are already drawn tightly about them.  We hold the coast.  The blockade is pinchingly close.  What our gunboats and mortar-boats have done East and West they can do for every river and harbor on the Gulf.  Our troops will escape from the mud and the frosts of the Border States, to a theater of war, where for months to come the temperature is that of our Northern Summer, and where roads are settled, and military movements facile.  Indeed, of the resistance of the desperate traitors can be protracted through the Summer, a campaign in July and August would convey no discomfort to those who have experienced similar heats in our own latitudes; for the steady Southern Summer is far less intolerable that the varying temperatures of the North.

It is no extravagance, therefore, to say the rebellion has culminated.  Its settling must be as the flash of a meteor.  Had the illusory stimulus of the apparent victories of Bull Run and Ball’s Bluff been wanting; and had the certainty of the non-interference of France and England been earlier attained, the result must have been early reached.  After this, it certainly can[no]t be materially postponed.  The monster is already clutched and in his death struggle.

SOURCE: “The Victory on the Cumberland—The End in Sight,” The New York Times, New York, New York, Monday, February 17, 1862, p. 4.

Brigadier-General Ulysses S. Grant to Brigadier-General George W. Cullum, February, 25, 1862

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF WEST TENNESSEE,
Fort Donelson, February 25, 1862.
Brig. Gen. G. W. CULLUM, Cairo, Ill.:

I wrote you that General Nelson's division had been sent to Nashville. Since that I have learned that the head of General Buell's column arrived there on Monday evening. The rebels have fallen back to Chattanooga, instead of Murfreesborough, as stated in a former letter. I shall go to Nashville immediately after the arrival of the next mail, should there be no orders to prevent it.

The soldiers of the Eighth Missouri Volunteers who were disguised and sent to Memphis have just returned. They went by the way of Nashville and Decatur. Saw Beauregard at Decatur sick; he has since gone to Columbus. They were in Fort Donelson before the attack commenced, and say the force was estimated at 40,000.

Since the battle the people through the country are much disposed to return to their allegiance. Orders have been given for the evacuation of Columbus. This I learn not only from the men themselves, but from Memphis papers which they bring with them. I send two of these papers to General Halleck. I am growing anxious to know what the next move is going to be. The Southern papers advise the Columbus forces to fall back on Island No. 10 and to Fort Pillow. The force at Memphis is said to be about 12,000.

U.S. GRANT,
Brigadier-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 666

Monday, October 7, 2019

Brigadier-General Lorenzo Thomas to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, March 10, 1862

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,         
Adjutant-General's Office, Washington, March 10, 1862.
Maj. Gen. H. W. HALLECK,  U. S. A.,
Commanding Department of the Mississippi, Saint Louis :

It has been reported that soon after the battle of Fort Donelson Brigadier-General Grant left his command without leave. By direction of the President the Secretary of War desires you to ascertain and report whether General Grant left his command at any time without proper authority, and, if so, for how long; whether he has made to you proper reports and returns of his force; whether he has committed any acts which were unauthorized or not in accordance with military subordination or propriety, and, if so, what.

 L. THOMAS,
 Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p. 683

Major-General Henry W. Halleck to Major-General George B. McClellan, March 4, 1862

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE MISSOURI,         
Saint Louis, March 4, 1862.
Major-General MCCLELLAN, Washington:

A rumor has just reached me that since the taking of Fort Donelson General Grant has resumed his former bad habits.* If so, it will account for his neglect of my often-repeated orders. I do not deem it advisable to arrest him at present, but have placed General Smith in command of the expedition up the Tennessee. I think Smith will restore order and discipline.

I hear unofficially, but from a reliable source, that our forces took possession of Columbus this morning, the enemy falling back to Island No. 10 and New Madrid. I am expecting official telegram hourly.

H. W. HALLECK,    
Major-General.
_______________


SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 7 (Serial No. 7), p.682

Sunday, October 6, 2019

Gerrit Smith

As a general thing, they who in the late war fought for the salvation of our country, were poor. Included in this salvation were the estates of our rich men. It would be an expression of justice and gratitude toward the poor, and at the same time not at all oppressive to the rich, were our large estates made to pay, for a few years to come, a greater proportion than they now pay of the annual payment on our war debt. Moreover both the benevolence and patriotism of our rich men should make it a pleasure to them to pay ten per cent on incomes exceeding ten thousand dollars, and twenty per cent on incomes exceeding twenty thousand dollars.

SOURCES: Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gerrit Smith: A Biography, p. 271-2

Diary of to Amos A. Lawrence: January 21, 1859

Evening to James Lawrence's. Meeting of forty gentlemen about a building for Agassiz collection. Mr. Gray has given $50,000 for increasing and supporting the collection already made. Ex-Governor Clifford in the chair. Those who made remarks were Dr. Walker, Governor Banks, ex-Governor Washburn, E. R. Hoar, Mr. George Ticknor, Dr. Gould, Dr. Jacob Bigelow, and myself. But Agassiz made the speech of the evening, very modest and characteristic; all for the science, nothing for himself. Dr. Bigelow introduced a vote and called the collection the “Agassiz Museum,” etc., but Agassiz interrupted him and declined decidedly. “Personalities,” said he, “must be banished from science.”

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 159-60

Diary of to Amos A. Lawrence: Wednesday, January 26, 1859

Company to dinner at four. Agassiz, George Ticknor, Professor Felton, Rev. Dr. Huntington, Charles Hale (Speaker of House of Representatives), Lord Radstock, ex - Governor Washburn, and some gentlemen from the legislature whom I wished to become acquainted with Mr. Agassiz. They all seemed to have an agreeable visit, and I hope it will help along the project of establishing the Museum of Zoëlogy at Cambridge. Lord Radstock is a young man, travelling with his wife.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 160

Diary of to Amos A. Lawrence: Wednesday, February 15, 1859

Subscribed $1,000 to Agassiz's museum in Cambridge. The committee now have $40,000 subscribed, and expect more.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 160

Diary of to Amos A. Lawrence: April 9 , 1859

President Walker came to see about the Sanders donation. Before he left Mr. Agassiz came to get some money in advance and at the same time Governor Gardner came about something else.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 160-61

Diary of to Amos A. Lawrence: May 5 , 1859

Meeting at my Court Street office of the committee appointed to be the faculty of the Agassiz Museum: President Walker, Dr. Jacob Bigelow, Dr. O. W. Holmes, and Mr. Agassiz. The latter is so progressive that it requires all the tact of Dr. Walker and Dr. Bigelow to keep him in check.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 161

Dr. Francis Mallory* to Congressman Robert M. T. Hunter, January 12, 1840

Near Hampton, [va.], January 12, 1840.

Dear Hunter: For some months past I had almost given over talking or reading of politics and my papers by the dozens were filed on my table unopened. So that your election might for a season have escaped my observation, so seldom is it that I leave home except to officiate occasionally in the humble capacity of an attendant on human misery. Indeed I am utterly secluded from the gay world and its noisy concerns. While in this state of existence an afternoons chat with a neighbor, both of us mounted on a rail, was broken in upon by a horseman in full gallop who had sought me out to communicate your good fortune. It proved to be our friend Booker and most happily did we converse over your distinguished person. To congratulate you at this late season would perhaps be out of place. I have for several days intended dropping you a Line but my old enemy, procrastination hovers around me closer than ever. Most heartily I rejoice at this unexpected tho’ not undeserved honor. You have nothing to fear, but act out your part and the “just of all parties will sustain you.” To speak on this occasion as I feel and think would, to one of your modesty, savor somewhat of deceit or flattery; and I can only repeat that I rejoice in your elevation and trust it is only the promise of still better fortune and more distinguished honors. Altho’ I can understand by what means your election was effected I cannot at this distance from the centre of action account for some few votes, such for instance as that of Rhett and more especially Dixon Lewis on the last ballot.1 The former you know is no favorite of mine. I have no faith in the soundness of his head or the honesty of his heart. Like most reforming gentlemen he is a selfish changeling. As sure as you live he will deceive some of those who now confidently calculate on his services. B. H. Rhett aspires to be a leader and will some day or other set up for himself. So soon as the weather breaks, for we have had a most severe winter, I will send you up some good oysters. By the way who brews your punch now that I am no longer an honourable? Does Mr. Speaker heat his water in a shaving can as of yore to fabricate this divine distillation and regale himself with an air bath in a sitting posture by the round table as was the case on a certain occasion which now shall be nameless.

I like not Calhoun's reconciliation (so far as I understand it) with V[an] B[uren]. He has reversed his position. The Whigs on whom at least he depended for support he has in a measure driven off. His recent quarrel with Clay, altho I think not at first the aggressor, was ill timed and will prove ruinous. If he leans alone on Locofoism he will find it a broken reed. The bulk of the Whigs begin already to look up to him as their man against Benton, and Clay's friends are true to him to the last. Besides Clay is broken down as a Pre[sidential] candidate and by some little management his party in the South might have been secured. But I pretend to no knowledge of these things and let them pass. As regards myself politically speaking I have no hopes or fears. Mr. Loyall, the Navy agent, is about resigning his office to become Pres[iden]t of a Bank in Norfolk. My friend Robertson would like to obtain it on acc[oun]t of a poor brother-in-Law who could fill the station of club and thus provide for a large family. He is every way fit for this or any other station. His politics too are right—that is he is with us on any subject. Holleman will strive to sustain a Betonian in the person of his friend Dr. Batten of Smithfield. Robertson is the Leading Whig in the district and on the score of policy the adm[inistration] would gain. He is an honest fellow—a perfect gentleman and my best friend. Can you withoutt [sic] prejudice to your position without violence to your personal feelings assist him? Trust me in the matter as a friend. Be candid for from the circumstances surrounding, you ought only to be governed. Be not guided by ordinary rules on such occasions, for I know, and I hope, I appreciate the delicacy of your position. I would not call you friend if I thought you could not act with the utmost freedom toward me. If you can properly act, consult with Pickens and my late associates and do what you can for me, but decide and act at once. Send T G Broughton and son and S. T. Hill of Portsm[outh], Va., a document now and then. They will be pleased. If you see or write to Mason tender him my best salutations. If Mrs. Hunter is in the city and young Mr. Speaker be pleased to present me to them with my best respects. Wishing you, Hunter, every honor to which your heart aspires and every happiness which a virtuous and independent mind can here enjoy

I remain
[Dr. Francis Mallory.]

[P. S.]—Sewart is in Washington. Poor fellow he has become a vagabond—one of the last acts of his political life was a deliberate and I fear a mercenary conspiracy against my election. I pity him and still more his destitute family. My friends name is Geo. H. Robertson.
_______________

* A Whig Representative in Congress from Virginia, 1837-1843.

1 Robert B. Rhett voted for Francis W. Pickens of South Carolina; Dixon H. Lewis for George M. Keim of Pennsylvania. Benton, Abridgement of Debates of Congress, XIV, 8.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916 in Two Volumes, Volume II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter 1826-1876, p. 31-3

Saturday, October 5, 2019

Congressman Daniel Webster to Justice Joseph Story, May 12, 1823


Boston, May 12, 1823.

My Dear Sir,—It will give us great pleasure to go to Portsmouth, especially in company with you and Mrs. Story. I believe there is very little to do in the Circuit Court. For myself I have next to nothing. There will probably be one capital trial, as I learn from Mr. Blake, which he thinks must be postponed for a short time from the commencement of the court; so that on the whole there will probably be no inconvenience in adjourning the court over next week.

I never felt more down sick on all subjects connected with the public, than at the present moment. I have heretofore cherished a faint hope that New England would some time or other get out of this miserable, dirty squabble of local politics, and assert her proper character and consequence. But I at length give up. I feel the hand of fate upon us, and to struggle is in vain. We are doomed to be hewers of wood and drawers of water; and I am prepared, henceforth, to do my part of the drudgery, without hoping for an end. You know I am not disappointed at the result of the election for governor. My “agony” was over before the election took place, for I never doubted the result Indeed, on the grounds on which the controversy was placed, I could have enjoyed the triumph of neither party. What has sickened me beyond remedy is the tone and temper of these disputes. We are disgraced beyond help or hope by these things. There is a Federal interest, a Democratic interest, a Bankrupt interest, an Orthodox interest, and a Middling interest, but I see no national interest, nor any national feeling in the whole matter.

I am, dear Sir, your true but despairing friend,
D. Webster.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Volume 1, p. 325