Diary of Private Louis Leon: November 27, 1863

This morning we marched seven miles, halted a short time, and resumed our march. Got three miles further, and firing commenced in our front. We then counter-marched and formed in line of battle, in the edge of the woods. One corps of sharpshooters was sent out to find the enemy. Fought the enemy one-half hour and were forced back. My corps then went out as reinforcement. We fought then for four hours, and were called back to our command. I, at one time in this fight, was in a close place. Being in front, I did not hear the order to fall back, and being by myself was left a target for a dozen Yankees, but my Captain White saw what a fix I was in and sent a squad of our company to my relief, so I fell back with them. We then, that night, went to Mine Run and formed our line of battle there.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 52-3

Diary of Private Louis Leon: November 28, 1863

To-day the whole army is throwing up breastworks. The sharpshooters are out in front, my corps out to-day. We made ourselves small pits to lay in as a protection from the Yankee bullets. These pits are just about large enough to hold two or three men. Pinkney King, Sam Wilson and myself are in one. We are shooting at the enemy all day. They are returning the compliment. Late this evening we saw some of them opposite our pits, trying to get into a house. We jumped out of our pits and fired at them several times, when poor King was shot and died in a few minutes. Another man was sent to relieve in his place, and we held our position.. The other corps of sharpshooters fought all day.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 53

Diary of Private Louis Leon: November 29, 1863

Ours again to-day, but not as hard as before, but heavy enough. The cannonading is getting heavier.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 54

Diary of Private Louis Leon: December 1, 1863

The other corps is out to-day. The Yankees, as well as ourselves, are well fortified, and we are confronting one another.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 54

Diary of Private Louis Leon: December 2, 1863

This morning at 3 we moved to the right until daylight, when our corps was again sent to the front. We advanced toward the enemy's works. We moved, of course, very carefully, as we saw their breastworks, and in front of us two cannon. When we got in shooting range, the order was given to "Charge!" We did so with a rebel yell, and as we got upon their breastworks, lo and behold, there were no Yankees, and the cannons we saw were nothing but logs. We followed them to the river, but their whole army had crossed. We, of course, captured a great many of their sick and stragglers.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 54

Diary of Private Louis Leon: December 3, 1863

Marched back to our camp at Moulton's Ford, and our regiment was sent on picket at Mitchell's Ford, seven miles from camp. This has been a very severe seven-days' campaign, as we fought mostly all the time. Cold, sleety, disagreeable weather, and we dare not make large fires, as that would be a sure target for the Yankees. Mine Run is a small stream on the Orange and Fredericksburg turnpike. Nothing more worth recording up to the 8th, my birthday, and spent it as dull as could be. Have been on picket, and relieved on Dole's Georgia Brigade. Up to the 27th nothing doing.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 54

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: December 4, 1863

On Friday last there was a severe fight on the Rapidan, at Germanna Ford. The enemy were splendidly repulsed; but my dear Raleigh T. Colston, Lieutenant-Colonel of the Second Regiment, was shot through his left leg, which was amputated on the field. I thank God that he is doing well, and feel so thankful that his life was spared! His mother was in Powhatan, on a visit to one of her daughters; but, becoming uneasy at seeing that General Edward Johnson's Division had been engaged, immediately came to Richmond. The cars arrived at night, and she came directly to our rooms. We were surprised to see her, and I, supposing that she had heard of her son's misfortune, was about to say what I could to relieve her mind, when she exclaimed, “I know that my sons are safe, from your countenance.” “Yes,” said I; “W. is safe, and R. is doing well; he was wounded in his leg.” “Severely?” she asked. “His left leg has been amputated below the knee; he is at the University, under the care of Mr. and Mrs. Minor and his sisters, and is doing remarkably well. Colonel Ruffin received a telegram to-day, and I a letter.” She passed her hand across her eyes for a minute, and said, “Thank God, his life is spared!” Next morning she left us for the University.

General Bragg has met with a repulse in the South-west, and was pursued; but, being reinforced, has again attacked the enemy and repulsed them. This occurred in the Northwestern part of Georgia. The papers say that the enemy under General Grant has retreated towards Chattanooga. Longstreet, when last heard from, was at Knoxville. Meade, on the Rapidan, after having been in line of battle for several days, has fallen back, finding that General Lee was ready to meet him.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 245-6

Official Reports of the Mine Run (Virginia) Campaign: No. 77. Report of Maj. Gen. John Sedgwick, U. S. Army, commanding Sixth Army Corps.

No. 77.

Report of Maj. Gen. John Sedgwick, U. S. Army, commanding Sixth Army Corps.

Headquarters Sixth Army Corps,

December 4, 1863.

Brigadier-General S. Williams,

A.A.G., Army of the Potomac.

General:

I respectfully submit the following report of the operations of this corps from November 26 to December 3:

In obedience to the orders of the commanding general, the corps commenced its march on the morning of the 26th at 6 o'clock, and moved to Brandy Station, where it halted in readiness to follow the Third Corps as directed in the order of march. The road was not cleared until 11 a.m. At that hour the march was resumed and continued with many interruptions, owing to the crowded condition of the roads, until late at night. The column reached the Rapidan after dark, well closed on the Third Corps, crossed, and went into bivouac with the exception of the trains, the artillery, and the rear guard, consisting of Upton's brigade. The artillery and trains were ordered to Germanna Ford. The batteries crossed at that point during the night and rejoined the corps the following morning.

On the morning of the 27th, Upton's brigade having crossed the river, the corps was placed under arms at daylight and drawn out in order of march, ready to follow and support Major-General French, as directed. The head of the column continued closed on the Third Corps, but made no progress until 3 p.m., at which time the firing in the front having increased I rode forward to General French's headquarters and found him deploying to resist a serious attack upon his advance. I immediately moved forward two divisions, the First and Second, and as the engagement progressed advanced Ellmaker's brigade upon the right and Neill's and Upton's brigades upon the left to support General French's line, and held Torbert's and Grant's brigades in rear as a reserve. The Third Division remained near the river, in obedience to the order of the commanding general, to cover the bridges and trains at Germanna Ford. The artillery could not be made available, owing to the wooded character of the country, and was massed in rear of the reserve. None of the troops of my command became engaged. They bivouacked on the field until midnight, at which time, in obedience to an order received at 11 p.m., I marched in the direction of the turnpike to form a junction with General Warren. At daylight I took position, with my entire command, on the right of the Second Corps.

At 7.40 a.m. I received the order of the commanding general to attack the enemy, in conjunction with the other corps. I advanced at once in the execution of this order, and discovered that the enemy had retired during the night. I then moved forward on the turnpike in rear of the Second Corps, and took position on its right in front of the line taken up by the enemy on Mine Run, and advanced a line of skirmishers to the stream. The movements of this day were much embarrassed by the rain and the troops suffered extremely.

On the following day the Third Division, Brigadier-General Terry, and Martin's battery were detached, by the order of the commanding general, to report to General Warren. With the other divisions I remained in position holding the right of the line. The enemy's position in my front was one of great natural strength and extensively intrenched.

At 2 a.m. on the morning of the 30th, having been placed in command of the Fifth and Sixth Corps, I moved about 2 miles to the right, leaving two brigades and the batteries to hold the lines which the two corps had occupied. It was the intention of the general commanding to make a sudden and determined attack upon the enemy's left, under a concentrated fire from our batteries. The movement of the troops had been carefully concealed from the enemy, and at the appointed time, 8 a.m., I opened fire from six batteries, and prepared to move promptly upon the enemy's position at 9 a.m., the hour fixed for the assault. The enemy replied promptly from several batteries. At 8.45 I received the order of the commanding general to suspend my attack until further orders. This was accordingly done. The batteries ceased firing upon both sides, and the enemy proceeded to make the alterations in his line and the character of his defenses which the threatened attack from the direction of his left rendered essential to his safety. During the day I was ordered back with my command to my former position, and executed the movement as soon as it was dark.

On the following day, December 1, I remained in position. The condition of the supplies of forage and subsistence, and the impossibility of replenishing in our then position rendering all further offensive movements impracticable, and a return to our base of supplies being, in my opinion, a matter of necessity, I made the necessary preparations for a night movement to the river. During the night, in obedience to orders, I recrossed the Rapidan with the rest of the army, and halted near Stevensburg on the morning of the 2d instant. On the 3d instant, I resumed the march to the vicinity of Wellord's Ford, and re-occupied my former camp.

I am, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

John Sedgwick,

Major-General.

[Inclosure.]

List of Casualties in the Sixth Army Corps during the movements of the Army of the Potomac to the south side of the Rapidan, November 26- December 2.

Enlisted men wounded:         

Third Division	14
Artillery Brigade	2
Total*	16

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*See revised statement, p. 685

SOURCE: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 162-6; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 1 (Serial No. 48), p. 796-7

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: December 2, 1863

Bragg begs to be relieved of his command. The army will be relieved to get rid of him. He has a winning way of earning everybody's detestation. Heavens, how they hate him! The rapid flight of his army terminated at Ringgold. Hardie declines even a temporary command of the Western army. Preston Johnston has been sent out post-haste at a moment's warning. He was not even allowed time to go home and tell his wife good-by or, as Browne, the Englishman, said, “to put a clean shirt into his traveling bag.” Lee and Meade are facing each other gallantly.¹

The first of December we went with a party of Mrs. Ould's getting up, to see a French frigate which lay at anchor down the river. The French officers came on board our boat. The Lees were aboard. The French officers were not in the least attractive either in manners or appearance, but our ladies were most attentive and some showered bad French upon them with a lavish hand, always accompanied by queer grimaces to eke out the scanty supply of French words, the sentences ending usually in a nervous shriek. “Are they deaf?” asked Mrs. Randolph.

The French frigate was a dirty little thing. Doctor Garnett was so buoyed up with hope that the French were coming to our rescue, that he would not let me say “an English man-of-war is the cleanest thing known in the world.” Captain said to Mary Lee, with a foreign contortion of countenance, that went for a smile, “I's bashlor.” Judge Ould said, as we went to dinner on our own steamer, “They will not drink our President's health. They do not acknowledge us to be a nation. Mind, none of you say ‘Emperor,’ not once.” Doctor Garnett interpreted the laws of politeness otherwise, and stepped forward, his mouth fairly distended with so much French, and said: “Vieff l'Emperor.” Young Gibson seconded him quietly, “À la santé de I'Empereur.” But silence prevailed. Preston Hampton was the handsomest man on board — “the figure of Hercules, the face of Apollo,” cried an enthusiastic girl. Preston was as lazy and as sleepy as ever. He said of the Frenchmen: “They can't help not being good-looking, but with all the world open to them, to wear such shabby clothes!”

The lieutenant's name was Rousseau. On the French frigate, lying on one of the tables was a volume of Jean Jacques Rousseau's works, side by side, strange to say, with a map of South Carolina. This lieutenant was courteously asked by Mary Lee to select some lady to whom she might introduce him. He answered: “I shuse you,” with a bow that was a benediction and a prayer.

And now I am in a fine condition for Hetty Cary's starvation party, where they will give thirty dollars for the music and not a cent for a morsel to eat. Preston said contentedly, “I hate dancing, and I hate cold water; so I will eschew the festivity to-night.”

Found John R. Thompson at our house when I got home so tired to-night. He brought me the last number of the Cornhill. He knew how much I was interested in Trollope's story, Framley Parsonage.

_______________

¹ Following the battle of Gettysburg on July 1st, 2d, and 3d, of this year, there had occurred in Virginia between Lee and Meade engagements at Bristoe's Station, Kelly's Ford, and Rappahannock Station, the latter engagement taking place on November 7th. The author doubtless refers here to the positions of Lee and Meade at Mine Run, December 1st. December 2d Meade abandoned his, because (as he is reported to have said) it would have cost him 30,000 men to carry Lee's breastworks, and he shrank from ordering such slaughter.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 259-60

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: November 30, 1863 – Second Entry

Anxiety pervades.  Lee is fighting Meade.  Misery is everywhere.  Bragg is falling back before Grant.¹  Longstreet, the soldiers call him Peter the Slow, is settling down before Knoxville.

General Lee requires us to answer every letter, said Mr. Venable, and to do our best to console the poor creatures whose husbands and sons are fighting the battles of the country.

_______________

¹ The siege of Chattanooga, which had been begun on September 21st, closed late in November, 1863, the final engagements beginning on November 23d, and ending on November 25th. Lookout Mountain and Missionary Ridge were the closing incidents of the siege. Grant, Sherman, and Hooker were conspicuous on the Federal side and Bragg and Longstreet on the Confederate.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 258-9

Brigadier-General John A. Rawlins to Mary Emeline Hurlburt Rawlins, May 2, 1864

Culpepper C. H., Va., May 2, 1864.

. . . Chilly with cold rain.

The news from Sherman is satisfactory in defeating the rebel army in Georgia. Should victory light upon his eagles, he will avail himself of every advantage of the situation, I assure you. There is a confidence in the Western army of their ability to win that is commendable in every army, and I wish in my heart all our others possessed it.

There is a habit contracted among officers of this army anything but praiseworthy, namely, of saying of Western successes: “Well, you never met Bobby Lee and his boys; it would be quite different if you had.” And in speaking of the probabilities of our success in the coming campaign: “Well, that may be, but, mind you, Bobby Lee is just over the Rapidan,” when if these very same officers would but look at simple facts they would find that Meade since assuming command of this army has not only outgeneraled General Lee, but has whipped him badly in every considerable engagement they have fought. To wit, at Gettysburg compelling him to flee in haste towards Richmond, and also at the crossing of the Rappahannock, where a division of Sedgwick's corps captured two brigades of Lee's army.

It may be answered by the admirers of Lee and the defamers of the Union Generals that Meade fell back towards Washington last fall, but this was the best thing General Meade could do, for it enabled him to have the full benefit of the 35,000 troops in that garrison, in case Lee gave battle. Finding, however, that Lee had apparently changed his mind, Meade followed him with a large and concentrated force and as rapidly as possible to the south side of the Rapidan. Subsequently Meade crossed the Rapidan in his face, and drove him beyond his works at Mine Run, and then returned, with but little loss to his present position. Here Lee's admirers will interpose the inquiry: “Why didn't Meade fight him at Mine Run?” which may be just as fairly answered as it is put by saying: “Why didn't Lee fight Meade when he followed him to Washington?” No, the facts are, since Meade took command of the Army of the Potomac, it has beaten the Army of North Virginia in every considerable conflict, and truthful history will so record it. The engagements have been few, but all of them have been decisive and the result not doubtful. I am full of hope and trust in God for victory.

This evening I received a note from a lieutenant in our army saying there was a Miss Rawlins at Stephensburg, five miles distant from here, who was desirous of knowing if I was in anywise related to Major Owen, or Thomas, or John Rawlins of Missouri, and that they were all her uncles. They are also uncles of mine, but the two last mentioned are dead, if I remember correctly. I do not know how a cousin of mine, a lady, could get down here. I know my grandfather was from Virginia, but from what part I cannot state. I had supposed none of my uncles resided in this State. Unless she is the daughter of my Uncle Benjamin, who lived in Kentucky, I cannot guess her parentage. To-morrow if it is clear and I feel able to stand a ride, I shall call on her, for I know it will interest father very much to hear all the particulars and to learn that she is not suffering. I am much better to-day and am taking precious good care of myself. Enclosed find photograph of General Augur, who commanded the defences at Washington. . . .

SOURCE: James H. Wilson, The Life of John A. Rawlins, p. 426-8

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, May 17, 1864

Headquarters Army Of Potomac

Tuesday, May 17, 1864

. . . Just at dark there occurred a most disgraceful stampede in the 6th Corps — a thing that has been much exaggerated in the papers, by scared correspondents. You will remember I told you that we had two dubious divisions in the army: one, the Pennsylvania Reserves, has done finely and proved excellent; but the other, General Ricketts's division of the 6th Corps, composed of troops from Winchester, known as “Milroy's weary boys,” never has done well. They ran on the Mine Run campaign, and they have run ever since. Now, just at dark, the Rebels made a sort of sortie, with a rush and a yell, and as ill-luck would have it, they just hit these bad troops, who ran for it, helter-skelter. General Seymour rode in among them, had his horse shot, and was taken. General Shaler's brigade had its flank turned and Shaler also was taken. Well, suddenly up dashed two Staff officers, one after the other, all excited, and said the whole 6th Corps was routed; it was they that were routed, for Wright's division stood firm, and never budged; but for a time there were all sorts of rumors, including one that Generals Sedgwick and Wright were captured. In a great hurry the Pennsylvania Reserves were sent to the rescue, and just found all the enemy again retired. A good force of them did get round, by a circuit, to the Germanna plank, where they captured several correspondents who were retreating to Washington! Gradually the truth came out, and then we shortened the right by drawing back the 5th and 6th Corps, so as to run along the interior dotted line, one end of which ends on the Germanna plank.

General Meade was in favor of swinging back both wings still more, which should have been done, for then our next move would have been more rapid and easy.

The result of this great Battle of the Wilderness was a drawn fight, but strategically it was a success, because Lee marched out to stop our advance on Richmond, which, at this point, he did not succeed in doing. We lost a couple of guns and took some colors. On the right we made no impression; but, on the left, Hancock punished the enemy so fearfully that they, that night, fell back entirely from his front and shortened their own line, as we shortened ours, leaving their dead unburied and many of their wounded on the ground. The Rebels had a very superior knowledge of the country and had marched shorter distances. Also I consider them more daring and sudden in their movements; and I fancy their discipline on essential points is more severe than our own — that is, I fancy they shoot a man when he ought to be shot, and we do not. As to fighting, when two people fight without cessation for the best part of two days, and then come out about even, it is hard to determine.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 97-9

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, November 29, 1863

I rode to and along our front to see the enemy's position, which is a fearfully strong one. Within about a mile of our position, there runs a high, gradually sloping ridge, which trends in a northerly and southerly direction, and crosses the turnpike at right angles, where it is naked, though to the right and left it is wooded in some parts. Between this and a parallel high ground, occupied by us, is a shallow ravine, in which was a small stream, Mine Run. Along their ridge the Rebels have thrown up a heavy and continuous breastwork, supported by entrenched batteries; and, in some places at least, they probably have a second line. Any troops, advancing to the assault, would be exposed to a heavy artillery fire from the very outset, over the space of a mile, besides having to encounter the still worse musketry at the end. At daylight this morning, General Warren, with his own corps and a division of the 6th, marched towards our extreme left, where, it was understood, the right of the enemy could be turned. His attack was to be a signal for attacking in other places on the line. However, despite that the rain had ceased, the bad roads delayed a good deal, and a false report of entrenchments delayed more; so that, when he got there, after driving in an outlying force, the day was too far advanced for an attack. Major Ludlow, however, came back with a fine account from General Warren of the prospects, and all things were made ready for an assault, next day. . . .

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 55-6

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, December 2, 1863

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, December 2, 1863.

I expect your wishes will now soon be gratified, and that I shall be relieved from the Army of the Potomac. The facts are briefly these: On the 26th ultimo I crossed the Rapidan, intending to turn the right flank of General Lee and attack him, or compel him to attack me out of his formidable river entrenchments. I had previously been advised, by deserters and others, that he had commenced a line of works running perpendicular to the river, but only extending a few miles, but which he designed covering his flank, and permitting him to leave the lower fords unguarded. I accordingly made my plans to cross in three columns, to unite at a common point below his entrenchments, and then to advance rapidly and attack him before he could prepare any defenses. The plan was a good one, but owing to the failure of others to whom its execution was necessarily intrusted, it failed. In the first place, one corps was three hours behind time in arriving at the river, and slow of movement afterwards; which caused a delay of one day, enabled the enemy to advance and check my columns before they united, and finally to concentrate his army in a very formidable position, behind entrenchments almost as strong as those I was making a long detour to avoid. Again, after I had come up with the enemy, one corps commander¹ reported he had examined a position where there was not the slightest doubt he could carry the enemy's works, and on his positive and unhesitating judgment, he was given twenty-eight thousand men, and directed to attack the next morning at eight o'clock. At the same time another attack was to be made by fifteen thousand men, at a point where the enemy evidently was not fully prepared. On the eventful morning, just as the attack was about being made, I received a despatch from the officer commanding the twenty-eight thousand men, saying he had changed his opinion, and that the attack on his front was so hopeless, that he had assumed the responsibility of suspending it till further orders were received. This astounding intelligence reached me just ten minutes before the hour of attacking, and barely in time to suspend the other attack, which was a secondary one, and which, even if successful, could not be supported with so large a portion of my force away for the main attack. This lost me another day, during which the enemy so strengthened the point threatened by the secondary attack as to render it nearly as strong as the rest of his line, and to have almost destroyed the before probable chances of success. Finding no possibility of attacking with hope of success, and power to follow up success, and that the only weak point visible had been strengthened during the delay caused by the change of opinion of a corps commander, I determined not to attempt an assault. I could not move any further around the enemy's flank, for want of roads, and from the danger at this season of the year of a storm, which would render locomotion, off the prepared roads, a matter of impossibility. After reviewing all the circumstances, notwithstanding my most earnest desire to give battle, and in the full consciousness of the fact that my failure to do so was certain personal ruin, I, having come to the conclusion that an attack could not be successful, determined to, and did, withdraw the army. I am fully aware it will be said I did wrong in deciding this question by reasoning, and that I ought to have tried, and then a failure would have been evidence of my good judgment; but I trust I have too much reputation as a general to be obliged to encounter certain defeat, in order to prove that victory was not possible. Political considerations will, however, enter largely into the decision, and the failure of the Army of the Potomac to do anything, at this moment, will be considered of vital consequence, and if I can be held responsible for this failure, I will be removed to prove that I am. I therefore consider my fate as settled; but as I have told you before, I would rather be ignominiously dismissed, and suffer anything, than knowingly and wilfully have thousands of brave men slaughtered for nothing. It was my deliberate judgment that I ought not to attack; I acted on that judgment, and I am willing to stand or fall by it at all hazards. I shall write to the President, giving him a clear statement of the case, and endeavoring to free his action as much as possible, by assuming myself all the responsibility. I feel of course greatly disappointed; a little more good fortune, and I should have met with brilliant success. As it is, my conscience is clear. I did the best I could. If I had thought there was any reasonable degree of probability of success, I would have attacked. I did not think so; on the contrary, believed it would result in a useless and criminal slaughter of brave men, and might result in serious disaster to the army. I determined not to attack, no other movements were practicable, and I withdrew. There will be a great howl all over the country. Letter writers and politicians will denounce me. It will be proved as clear as the light of day, that an attack was perfectly practicable, and that everyone, except myself, in the army, particularly the soldiers, was dying for it, and that I had some mysterious object in view, either in connection with politics, or stock-jobbing, or something else about as foreign to my thoughts, and finally the Administration will be obliged to yield to popular clamor and discard me. For all this I am prepared, fortified as I said before by a clear conscience, and the conviction that I have acted from a high sense of duty, to myself as a soldier, to my men as their general, and to my country and its cause, as the agent having its vital interests solemnly entrusted to me, which I have no right wantonly to play with and to jeopardize, either for my own personal benefit, or to satisfy the demands of popular clamor, or interested politicians.²

George³ was sent with one of the messages to suspend the attack; his horse fell with him, he was a little bruised and cut about the eye, but nothing serious.

_______________

¹ General G. K. Warren.

² Mine Run campaign.

³ Son of General Meade.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 156-9