Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: January 9, 1863

The Northern papers say the Federals have taken Vicksburg; but we are incredulous. Yet we have no reliable intelligence from thence; and it may be so. It would be a terrible blow, involving, for a time, perhaps, the loss of the Mississippi River.

But we have cheering news from Galveston, Texas. Several of our improvised gun-boats attacked the enemy's war vessels in the harbor, and after a sanguinary contest, hand to hand, our men captured the Harriet Lane, a fine United States ship of war, iron clad. She was boarded and taken. Another of the enemy's ships, it is said, was blown up by its officers, rather than surrender, and many perished. If this be Magruder's work, it will make him famous.

Our public offices are crowded with applicants for clerkships, mostly wounded men, or otherwise unfit for field duty.

How can we live here? Boarding is $60 per month, and I have six to support! They ask $1800 rent for a dwelling — and I have no furniture to put in one. Gen. Rains and I looked at one today, thinking to take it jointly. But neither of us is able to furnish it. Perhaps we shall take it, nevertheless.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 235

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, January 12, 1863

Accounts from Vicksburg are unfavorable and vague. I fear there has been mismanagement, but we must wait official reports. It is said that Sherman has been superseded by McClernand. I know not how this is. At the commencement of this campaign, as early as last September, it was understood that McClernand was to have command of the army which was to go down the river and cooperate with our naval commander, Porter. The President had confidence in him, and designated the appointment, which was acceptable to Porter, who had a particular dislike of West-Pointers. For this I cared but little, because it was confessedly without knowledge of the officers individually and their merits, a close and a sweeping condemnation of all, — partly, I think, because he did not know them, and feared he should be compelled to play a subordinate part with them, while with a civilian general he would have superiority.

For three months, while Porter has been organizing the Squadron, nothing has been heard of McClernand until since the attack on Vicksburg, and now it is merely to tell us he has abandoned the place and withdrawn his forces.

The rumor of the capture of the Harriet Lane with the little garrison at Galveston is confirmed. I am grieved and depressed, not so much for the loss of the Harriet Lane as from a conviction that there has been want of good management. It is about three months since we took Galveston, and yet a garrison of only three hundred men was there when the Rebel army approached the place. Some one is blamable for this neglect.

The court martial on Fitz John Porter closed last Saturday, and the rumor is that he was at once unanimously acquitted. Of the facts I know nothing. I have read none of the evidence. Shall be glad if he is blameless and it shall so appear. My impressions were that while he and some others were not disloyal, as charged, they did not support and sustain the general in command, Pope, in a great crisis as they should have done; that they performed their duty to the letter of the law, perhaps, but not with alacrity and zeal; that while they did not wish the country to suffer a reverse, it would not grieve them if Pope did. In all this I may be doing certain officers injustice. They were, however, the impressions made upon me at the time when disaster was impending and our soldiers were giving their blood and their lives to the country. I am no admirer of Pope, who has the reputation among those who know him of being untruthful and wholly unreliable, a braggart and blusterer. Wrong may be to some extent done him, but there is some cause for what is said of him. He was instrumental in bringing Halleck here, and Halleck gave him the army in return. Both came from the West, and, aided by Stanton and Chase, Pope was placed in command over generals who were his superiors in age, experience, and qualifications. This was as much, to say the least, to humiliate McClellan as to serve the country. Pope preceded Halleck here, but it was the same influence that initiated the two. It is not difficult to see who is the cause of their being here to supplant McClellan, whose tardy inaction here and on the Peninsula disheartened the nation. Fitz John Porter was one of the generals who had great faith in McClellan, who sympathized with him in good and evil fortune, but who was destitute of faith in Pope, as were nearly all his associates, who each, like their commander, felt wronged, almost insulted, by the exaltation of an officer from the Western Department, for whom they had not high regard, placed over them. The change of commanders could not inspire him with confidence and zeal, but if he permitted it to impair his efficiency he is inexcusable.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 220-2

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Major-General Robert Patterson, April 24rd, 1861

HEADQUARTERS,

Annapolis, April 24, 1861.

Major-General PATTERSON:

DEAR SIR: After leaving you with Mr. Felton at Philadelphia, I proceeded with the remnant of my command, one regiment having been sent through Baltimore, of whose sad mishaps you have heard, and two others being at Fortress Monroe, leaving with me but an imperfectly armed regiment of 800 men to execute the suggestions so happily made by you to Governor Curtin – to occupy and hold Annapolis and open a communication from thence to Washington via the Junction.

Upon my arrival I found Captain Blake, the superintendent of the Naval School, considerably alarmed for the safety of the frigate Constitution, moored off the Academy as a practice ship, and having a crew of but thirty men. Appreciating at once the necessity of having the ship to cover our connections, as well as a strong desire to keep Old Ironsides out of the hands of those who would be but too happy to raise their Confederate flag upon the Constitution as the first ship of their hoped-for navy, I at once came alongside, and giving the assistance of my whole command as well to guard the ship as to hoist out her guns, I was happy to see her afloat outside the bar ready to do good service. I put on board of her to guard her from an attempt at surprise, 125 of my best men, and 25 more men to work her guns, upon which service they are still absent. Sunday afternoon, in towing out the frigate, one of her men fell overboard, and while drifting to pick him up the steamer Maryland, a steam ferry-boat upon which was my command, ran aground, where she lay till Monday night at 12 o'clock, in spite of the most persevering efforts to move her. Monday morning about 8 o'clock the Seventh Regiment (New York) came up and I joined them, and landed at the Navy School, against the protest of Governor Hicks, copy of which I inclose.¹ I had an interview with the Governor of Maryland and the city authorities of Annapolis, in which I learned that the company of the Annapolis and Elk Cliff [Ridge] Railroad had taken up the rails upon their roads for the purpose of preventing passage of the troops to Washington; and further, that no possible means of transport could be had here. I immediately determined to seize upon the rolling-stock of the railroad and to march on Washington, repairing the track as we marched. I found in my regiment a number of persons competent as well to build a railroad as to run it, and with the engines and cars, means of subsistence could be brought along without any danger of fatiguing the men who were marching.  I communicated this plan to Colonel Lefferts, of the Seventh Regiment (New York), and directed him to detail two companies to take and hold the depot and property in it, so that the engines might not be disabled by detaching parts of them indispensable for use, during the night. I detailed a sufficient force of engine men to put the train in order to start at an early hour on Tuesday morning, believing the whole matter arranged, and left with a steam-tug to get off my troops in the middle of the night at high tide and bring them up to the wharf This was successfully done, and on landing in the morning about 6 o'clock I found that my order to Colonel Lefferts had not been executed, and received from him a communication marked A, and forwarded herewith.²

Of the reasons for and propriety of this action on the part of the council of officers of the Seventh Regiment I have no opinions to express. The result of it was that we lost a day in opening communication with Washington. Upon landing I immediately detailed two companies of Eighth Massachusetts Regiment and took possession of the depot, giving a certified inventory of the property taken. These companies, assisted by the road-men that I had detailed, proceeded up the track and repaired [it] for about four miles, when they encamped for the night. In the morning, after a consultation, Colonel Lefferts marched with his regiment, together with the remainder of Colonel Munroe's regiment, along the railroad toward Washington, making the track as they went, and I have the honor to report that full communication is open between Annapolis and the Junction, and I believe through to Washington, but of that fact I hope to assure you before closing this report. I should have gone forward myself with this to see it through, but the troops after [I] returned arrived, and it seemed more necessary that I should remain to move the troops forward, as I have done. Please find list of troops that have arrived and left Annapolis up to the present time. They are all unprovided with camp equipage and small stores, which will be necessary for their health. I was somewhat surprised to hear from Captain Stedman that you had appointed General Kline [Keim] to take my place here without any intimation to me of such appointment. It would be personally agreeable to me to be sent forward after I have so arranged the matters of detail that the post which Massachusetts men have won shall be retained. My attention was early called to the state of the defenses of this post, and I found them so defective against an interior enemy that a point which  entirely commands Fort Madison and the town can be held upon the opposite side of the river; and indeed the mobs were actually to bring a battery there to annoy the Constitution on the day on which we took her out.  Professor Lockwood has therefore made a survey of the place, and in accordance with his suggestions I have caused the hill to be occupied by 600 men from the Sixth New York Regiment, with two howitzers. I have also retained the battalion of rifles, Captain Devens, to aid holding the Academy, all the young gentlemen being withdrawn from this place. These, I believe, will be sufficient for the defense of the place until some guns for sea-coast defense shall be brought here. I have not thought best to hurry the troops forward on the instant, as they might not be able to stand the march, as the weather is very warm. They will, however, be sent forward without delay. We are without intelligence from Washington for three days, but I have an arrangement with the telegraph company which I hope will [restore] communication. Colonel Keyes, Captain Blake, and [Professor] Lockwood all agree in the propriety of this movement, considering the great importance of this post. I have the honor further to report the Harriet Lane lying below the bar, and the steamer Maryland, with two guns, also plying in the bay; I think a sufficient force to preserve our water passage. I have also the honor to inclose a memoranda* of some points betwixt Annapolis and Washington, being a duplicate of one which I propose to furnish to General Scott.

Trusting that my conduct may meet your approbation, I am, very respectfully, your servant,

 B. F. B[UTLER].

______________

¹ See Vol. II, p. 586.

² See p. 1272.

3 Not found.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 32-5; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 51, Part 1 (Serial No.107 ), p. 1273-5

Diary of Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle: Wednesday, May 6, 1863

We left all the passengers at Crockett except the Louisianian Judge, a Government agent, and the ex-boatswain of the Harriet Lane, which vessel had been manned by the Confederates after her capture; but she had since been dismantled, and her crew was being marched to Shrieveport to man the iron-clad Missouri, which was being built there.

The food we get on the road is sufficient, and good enough to support life; it consists of pork or bacon, bread made with Indian corn, and a peculiar mixture called Confederate coffee, made of rye, meal, Indian corn or sweet potatoes. The loss of coffee afflicts the Confederates even more than the loss of spirits; and they exercise their ingenuity in devising substitutes, which are not generally very successful.

The same sort of country as yesterday, viz. — large forests of pines and post-oaks, and occasional Indian corn-fields, the trees having been killed by cutting a circle near the roots.

At 3 P.M., we took in four more passengers. One of them was a Major ——, brother-in-law to ——, who hanged Mongomery at Brownsville. He spoke of the exploit of his relative with some pride. He told me that his three brothers had lost an arm apiece in the war.

We arrived at Eusk at 6.30 P.M., and spent a few hours there; but notwithstanding the boasted splendour of the beds at the Cherokee Hotel, and although by Major ——'s influence I got one to myself, yet I did not consider its aspect sufficiently inviting to induce me to remove my clothes.

SOURCE: Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle, Three months in the southern states: April-June, 1863, p. 76-7

Diary of Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle: Saturday, May 2, 1863

As the steamer had not arrived in the morning, I left by railroad for Galveston. General Scurry insisted upon sending his servant to wait upon me, in order that I might become acquainted with “an aristocratic negro.” “John” was a very smart fellow, and at first sight nearly as white as myself.

In the cars I was introduced to General Samuel Houston, the founder of Texan independence. He told me he was born in Virginia seventy years ago, that he was United States senator at thirty, and governor of Tennessee at thirty-six. He emigrated into Texas in 1832; headed the revolt of Texas, and defeated the Mexicans at San Jacinto in 1836. He then became President of the Republic of Texas, which he annexed to the United States in 1845. As Governor of the State in 1860, he had opposed the secession movement, and was deposed. Though evidently a remarkable and clever man, he is extremely egotistical and vain, and much disappointed at having to subside from his former grandeur. The town of Houston is named after him. In appearance he is a tall, handsome old man, much given to chewing tobacco, and blowing his nose with his fingers.¹

I was also introduced to another “character,” Captain Chubb, who told me he was a Yankee by birth, and served as coxswain to the United States ship Java in 1827. He was afterwards imprisoned at Boston on suspicion of being engaged in the slave trade; but he escaped. At the beginning of this war he was captured by the Yankees, when he was in command of the Confederate States steamer Royal Yacht, and taken to New York in chains, where he was condemned to be hung as a pirate; but he was eventually exchanged. I was afterwards told that the slave-trading escapade of which he was accused consisted in his having hired a coloured crew at Boston, and then coolly selling them at Galveston.

At 1 P.M., we arrived at Virginia Point, a tête-de-pont at the extremity of the main land. Here Bates's battalion was encamped — called also the “swamp angels,” on account of the marshy nature of their quarters, and of their predatory and irregular habits. The railroad then traverses a shallow lagoon (called Galveston Bay) on a trestle-bridge two miles long; this leads to another tête-de-pont on Galveston island, and in a few minutes the city is reached.

In the train I had received the following message by telegraph from Colonel Debray, who commands at Galveston: — “Will Col. Fremantle sleep to-night at the house of a blockaded rebel?” I answered:— “Delighted;” and was received at the terminus by Captain Foster of the Staff, who conducted me in an ambulance to headquarters, which were at the house of the Roman Catholic bishop. I was received there by Colonel Debray and two very gentlemanlike French priests.

We sat down to dinner at 2 P.M., but were soon interrupted by an indignant drayman, who came to complain of a military outrage. It appeared that immediately after I had left the cars a semi-drunken Texan of Pyron's regiment had desired this drayman to stop, and upon the latter declining to do so, the Texan fired five shots at him from his “six-shooter,” and the last shot killed the drayman's horse. Captain Foster (who is a Louisianian, and very sarcastic about Texas) said that the regiment would probably hang the soldier for being such a disgraceful bad shot.

After dinner Colonel Debray took me into the observatory, which commands a good view of the city, bay, and gulf.

Galveston is situated near the eastern end of an island thirty miles long by three and a half wide. Its houses are well built; its streets are long, straight, and shaded with trees; but the city was now desolate, blockaded, and under military law. Most of the houses were empty, and bore many marks of the illdirected fire of the Federal ships during the night of the 1st January last.

The whole of Galveston Bay is very shallow, except a narrow channel of about a hundred yards immediately in front of the now deserted wharves. The entrance to this channel is at the north-eastern extremity of the island, and is defended by the new works which are now in progress there. It is also blocked up with piles, torpedoes, and other obstacles.

The blockaders were plainly visible about four miles from land; they consisted of three gunboats and an ugly paddle steamer, also two supply vessels.

The wreck of the Confederate cotton steamer Neptune (destroyed in her attack on the Harriet Lane), was close off one of the wharves. That of the Westfield (blown up by the Yankee Commodore), was off Pelican Island.

In the night of the 1st January, General Magruder suddenly entered Galveston, placed his field-pieces along the line of wharves, and unexpectedly opened fire in the dark upon the Yankee war vessels at a range of about one hundred yards; but so heavy (though badly directed) was the reply from the ships, that the field-pieces had to be withdrawn. The attack by Colonel Cook upon a Massachusetts regiment fortified at the end of a wharf, also failed, and the Confederates thought themselves “badly whipped.” But after daylight the fortunate surrender of the Harriet Lane to the cotton boat Bayou City, and the extraordinary conduct of Commodore Renshaw, converted a Confederate disaster into the recapture of Galveston. General Magruder certainly deserves immense credit for his boldness in attacking a heavily armed naval squadron with a few field-pieces and two river steamers protected with cotton bales and manned with Texan cavalry soldiers.

I rode with Colonel Debray to examine Forts Scurry, Magruder, Bankhead, and Point. These works have been ingeniously designed by Colonel Sulokowski (formerly in the Austrian army), and they were being very well constructed by one hundred and fifty whites and six hundred blacks under that officer's superintendence, the blacks being lent by the neighbouring planters.

Although the blockaders can easily approach to within three miles of the works, and although one shell will always “stampede” the negroes, yet they have not thrown any for a long time.²

Colonel Debray is a broad-shouldered Frenchman, and is a very good fellow. He told me that he emigrated to America in 1848; he raised a company in 1861, in which he was only a private; he was next appointed aide-de-camp to the Governor of Texas, with the rank of brigadier-general; he then descended to a major of infantry, afterwards rose to a lieutenant-colonel of cavalry, and is now colonel.

Captain Foster is properly on Magruder's Staff, and is very good company. His property at New Orleans had been destroyed by the Yankees.

In the evening we went to a dance given by Colonel Manly, which was great fun. I danced an American cotillon with Mrs Manly; it was very violent exercise, and not the least like anything I had seen before. A gentleman stands by shouting out the different figures to be performed, and every one obeys his orders with much gravity and energy. Colonel Manly is a very gentlemanlike Carolinian; the ladies were pretty, and, considering the blockade, they were very well dressed.

Six deserters from Banks's army arrived here to-day. Banks seems to be advancing steadily, and overcoming the opposition offered by the handful of Confederates in the Teche country.

Banks himself is much despised as a soldier, and is always called by the Confederates Mr Commissary Banks, on account of the efficient manner in which he performed the duties of that office for “Stonewall” Jackson in Virginia. The officer who is supposed really to command the advancing Federals, is Weitzel; and he is acknowledged by all here to be an able man, a good soldier, and well acquainted with the country in which he is manoeuvring.

_______________

¹ He is reported to have died in August 1863.

² Such a stampede did occur when the blockaders threw two or three shells. All the negroes ran, showing every sign of great dismay, and two of them, in their terror, ran into the sea, and were unfortunately drowned. It is now, however, too late for the ships to try this experiment, as some heavy guns are in position. A description of the different works is of course omitted here.

SOURCE: Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle, Three months in the southern states: April-June, 1863, p. 65-71

Diary of Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle: Sunday, April 12, 1863

I took an affectionate leave of Don Pablo, Behnsen, Oetling, & Co., all of whom were in rather weak health on account of last night's supper.

The excellent Maloney insisted on providing me with preserved meats and brandy for my arduous journey through Texas. I feel extremely grateful for the kindness of all these gentlemen, who rendered my stay in Matamoros very agreeable. The hotel would have been intolerable.

I crossed to Brownsville at 3 P.M., where I was hospitably received by my friend Ituria, who confesses to having made a deal of money lately by cotton speculations. I attended evening parade, and saw General Bee, Colonels Luckett, Buchel, Duff, and . The latter (who hanged Mongomery) improves on acquaintance. General Bee took me for a drive in his ambulance, and introduced me to Major Leon Smith, who captured the Harriet Lane. The latter pressed me most vehemently to wait until General Magruder's arrival, and he promised, if I did so, that I should be sent to San Antonio in a first-rate ambulance. Major Leon Smith is a seafaring man by profession, and was put by General Magruder in command of one of the small steamers which captured the Harriet Lane at Galveston, the crews of the steamers being composed of Texan cavalry soldiers. He told me that the resistance offered after boarding was feeble; and he declared that, had not the remainder of the Yankee vessels escaped unfairly under flag of truce, they would likewise have been taken.

After the Harriet Lane had been captured, she was fired into by the other ships; and Major Smith told me that, his blood being up, he sent the ex-master of the Harriet Lane to Commodore Renshaw, with a message that, unless the firing was stopped, he would massacEEE the captured crew. After hearing this, Commodore Renshaw blew up his ship, with himself in her, after having given an order to the remainder, sauve qui peut.

SOURCE: Sir Arthur James Lyon Fremantle, Three months in the southern states: April-June, 1863, p. 22-4

Charlotte Cross Wigfall to Louise Wigfall, April 12, 1861

April 12.

I was awakened about half past four, this morning, by the booming of a cannon, and it has been going on steadily ever since — the firing is constant and rapid — with what results we don't yet know. Your father has gone to Morris's Island to obtain a report from the command there, and in order to avoid the guns of Sumter he has taken Major Whiting's row boat, so as to run in by the Inlets. I don't know how long he will be gone.

11 o'clock. The news we hear so far is good. No one killed on Morris's Island so far — and a breach reported in Fort Sumter. The iron battery is working well and the balls from Sumter have no effect on it. All is excitement of the most painful kind. Another story is that the Harriet Lane which was off the bar last night has been fired into and injured.

SOURCE: Louise Wigfall Wright, A Southern Girl in ’61, p. 38-9

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 5, 1861

There are rumors of a fight down at Pig's Point to-day; and it is said our battery has torn the farthingale of the Harriet Lane pretty extensively. The cannon was heard by persons not many miles east of the city. These are the mutterings of the storm. It will burst some of these days.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 48

Diary of Josiah M. Favill: Tuesday, April 23, 1861

I LEFT home at 7 A. M., satchel in hand, crossed the ferry, and soon arrived at the armory. It was already filled with men of the regiment receiving their arms and equipments. We were furnished with a Springfield musket, bayonet, cartridge-box, cap-pouch, haversack, and blanket. Our new uniform were not ready, and so the greater part of the regiment appeared in every-day clothes and hats. Every company had a few regularly equipped men, however, so that we had some little military appearance. The greatest difficulty was an absence of knapsacks, which necessitated carrying valises, a very awkward arrangement, giving us more the appearance of a lot of emigrants than a regiment of soldiers.

About two hours after I joined every man had been furnished with all there was for him, and we were standing for the first time shoulder to shoulder in the ranks. The roll was called, and all present mustered into the state's service. Immediately afterwards we marched downstairs into Bond Street, wheeled into column by platoons, and marched into and then down Broadway to Cortlandt Street, thence to pier 4, North River, where we embarked on board the steamship R. R. Cuyler.

On reaching the street from our armory we found ourselves almost unable to move on account of the enormous crowd, a magnificent crowd too, overflowing with enthusiastic loyalty and good nature, filling the air with endless cheers and patriotic songs; there were many, too, who shed tears, — mothers, wives, sweethearts, sisters, who were seemingly alone fearful of results. I felt very sorry for many of them. It is easy for us, amidst constant excitement and ever-varying circumstances, to keep our spirits up, but to these poor women at home, who can only wait, it must be very trying.

As the head of the column turned down Broadway it was confronted by a dense mass of humanity, filling the street from side to side. The doors, windows, and roofs of every building on Broadway and those adjoining, commanding a view of the line of march, were jammed with crowds of people waving handkerchiefs and flags, and cheering with all their might and main. At the corners of some of the streets were steam fire-engines tooting their whistles, and everywhere myriads of starry banners fluttering in the breeze. The police, gradually and with much difficulty, forced a passage through this immense crowd, and we followed marching to the music of our splendid band, amid the yells and cheers of the ever-increasing multitudes. They not only cheered and sang and shook hands and hugged us, but filled us up with every imaginable thing; as we were obliged to halt every few minutes, they closed in amongst us and delayed our progress sadly. We were nearly three hours in marching from Astor Place to Cortlandt Street, and on account of our baggage, very much fatigued. Individually, I got along very well, wearing a uniform frock coat, and carrying all that I had wrapped in a rubber blanket strapped to my back. Most of the men, however, carried valises in their hands. At last we reached the dock and marched directly on board the ship. She had capacity for about three hundred souls; we mustered eleven hundred in all ,and hardly managed to find standing room. However, we got on board, and very shortly afterwards the vessel's lines were cast off, the whistle blew, and the good ship left her dock and headed down the stream amid the most tremendous cheering, yelling, and screeching one can possibly imagine.

The docks and vessels in the vicinity were crowded with people, many of whom amused themselves bombarding the ship with oranges; myriads of handkerchiefs and small flags and lusty arms waved us an affectionate good-bye, and amidst this glorious and magnificent send-off, we steamed away and were soon well down the lower bay, our destination unknown, except that we were to meet the enemies of our country. We go forward in a great cause, confident of victory, delighted with the surroundings, and happy in the knowledge that the whole city we leave behind us look upon us as their representatives, and will diligently look after our necessities while we look after the enemy.

On Tuesday morning we came to an anchor, and were told the ship was off the Naval Academy at Annapolis, on the Chesapeake Bay. Our experience the past two days has been most unpleasant. The ship is outrageously crowded from deck to keelson; towards evening of the first day out the wind began to blow, increasing until midnight, when it blew a gale and rain fell in torrents. Those of us who were quartered on deck got promptly soaked through, and as a rule were horribly seasick, with no conveniences, and packed literally like sardines in a box; the state of affairs may readily be imagined by one who has been to sea, but it is difficult to describe. Seasickness is a dreadful leveler of rank and destroyer of the ordinary amenities of life; every one is indifferent to the wants of others and utterly without sympathy. There were a few facetious fellows, too gross to feel the effects of the rolling of the ship themselves, who took a fiendish delight in dangling pieces of fat pork from the end of a string in the faces of those less gross, and this little pleasantry usually succeeded in producing the desired effect. There were many of us who wished more than once that we had never been born.

At 5 P. M. the first day out we fell in for dinner, struggled up to the galley, and there received a chunk of salt pork and large slice of bread, which we ate standing, bread in one hand, meat in the other. My piece of meat had a large bone in it, and smelt so badly that I threw it overboard to the fishes, and ate the bread alone. As the wind was freshening every minute, and the ship beginning to roll suspiciously, my appetite was not of the best, and later on entirely disappeared. Monday the wind went down and it stopped raining, but we did not get dried out, and as we had no shelter, were much the worse for want of sleep. There is not much romance about this, certainly, but we are beginning to get experience.

This morning, Tuesday, we found ourselves in company with five other vessels, all packed with troops similar to our own, convoyed by a small cutter called the Harriet Lane, a handsome craft carrying a couple of guns, and regular man-of-war crew. She is ready for action and looks quite warlike. About nine o'clock we anchored, rations were issued, including hot coffee, the band shook themselves together and played some stirring airs, and as the sun came out just about this time, we soon forgot our little troubles and became thoroughly interested in the magnificent view around us. The bay was smooth as glass, all the ships were gay with bunting, and crowds of armed men were mustering on every deck, while their bands were playing, sending their martial strains far over the silvery surface of the placid waters. Surely this is a small but beautiful picture of glorious war that we have dreamed of so much. Some time afterwards a tug boat came puffing along, and reported to the officer commanding the Lane that the rebels were reported in force ashore, intending to dispute our landing. In consequence the Lane steamed in towards shore, guns shotted and run out; when she got pretty close she lowered boats, armed with howitzers and marines, and sent them in to land and reconnoiter the town. We knew Maryland was a questionable state, being about evenly divided in its sympathies, and, consequently, were greatly interested in the outcome of the present affair. If they proved friendly, our chances would be greatly improved; on the contrary, if they opposed our landing, the capital might be in serious danger. After a good deal of delay and manoeuvering, the boat's crews landed, finding nobody to oppose them. This was signaled to the Lane, when our ship was immediately ordered to weigh anchor, go in and disembark the regiment. We got aground, and were transferred to the steamer Boston, and then landed at the Naval Academy docks. The Academy we found deserted, the students scattered, and only a few men in charge. We stacked arms, broke ranks, and received rations, coffee, meat (the same old salt pork), and bread, but we did not confine ourselves to this diet; the grounds swarmed with negroes, men and women, who had for sale, in abundance, eggs, pies, butter, and milk; we soon bought them out, and for the first time since leaving home fared sumptuously. We appreciated it immensely, not yet being used to hard living and roughing it, and miss our regular meals prodigiously.

There were no white persons in the camp, nor any white men in town; all had disappeared, the negroes say, to join the rebel army. We remained overnight for want of transportation for the quartermaster's department, and were quartered in some of the many class-rooms. We heard various rumors about the doings of the rebels in this neighborhood, and since dark have seen many blue lights and rockets in the air, no doubt signals to warn their friends of our arrival; we conclude rail traffic between here and Washington is destroyed, from the reports of the negroes, and that we shall have to march, instead of going by train, as was expected; and possibly have to fight, if, as is reported, some organized rebel troops are in the neighborhood. Marching in the condition we are in, loaded down with satchels, bundles, etc., is going to be very tiresome. It is nearly thirty miles to the junction, the place we must reach before we can go by rail.

SOURCE: Josiah Marshall Favill, The Diary of a Young Officer, p. 15-9

Brigadier-General Thomas Kilby Smith to Elizabeth Budd Smith, March 17, 1864

Headquarters Div. Seventeenth Army Corps,

Red River Expedition, Fort De Russey,

Avoyelles County, Louosiana, March 17, 1864.

My Dear Wife:

My last hurried letter to you was dated from on board ship at Vicksburg. The fleet of transports under my command sailed from that point at seven o'clock, Thursday, 10th inst., arrived at mouth of Red River and reported to Admiral Porter on Friday at noon. At 10 A.m., Saturday, sailed up Red River and Atchafalaya under orders and signals from flagship Black Hawk, to Simmesport. Morning of Sunday debarked my troops for inspection, review and drill by regiments. At seven o'clock P.M., received marching orders, and at 8 P.M. marched, bringing up the rear of the column, repaired bridges through the night, roads for greater part of the way bad and swampy; bivouacked at 4 A.M., Monday, eight miles from Simmesport. Meanwhile, Gen. A. J. Smith, with General Mower's command, had reconnoitred the front, driven four regiments of the enemy from a fortification, situate some five miles from Simmesport, and was making across country for Moreauville on Bayou L'Eglise. Gave my troops rest two hours; at six o'clock took up the line of march, moving forward rapidly till eleven o'clock, when I halted, ordered coffee for the men and fed the animals. Meanwhile pioneers were reconstructing bridge destroyed by the enemy. At noon resumed march which till this time had led us for the most part through a rich and highly-cultivated country past extensive canefields and sugar-houses, now crossing a bayou and penetrating a swamp spreading some few miles before us. Ascending a slight elevation, we suddenly emerged in one of the most beautiful prairies imaginable. High table land, gently undulating, watered by exquisite lakes occasional groves, the landscape dotted with tasteful houses, gardens and shrubberies. This prairie, called Avoyelles, is settled exclusively by French emigrés, many of whom, as our army passed, sought shelter under the tricolor of France. Pushing forward rapidly, we gained Marksville at 4.30 P.M. Deserters had warned us that the enemy were on our left flank and rear as early as three o'clock. My troops were well closed up. Two and a half miles beyond Marksville, I formed line of battle at 5.30, my right resting immediately on the left of the advanced forces. My transportation and ambulances parked far to the rear. As my command came to front, brisk musketry firing commenced at the fort. Some shells fell to the rear and right of my line. I was ordered by the general commanding to look well to my rear and left wing, that I might anticipate attack from General Walker with six thousand Texans. I stood to arms. At 6.30 news was brought me that the fort had surrendered. I threw out heavy pickets, stacked arms and went into bivouac, a piercing cold “Norther” sweeping over the plain. In summary, I remark that the command on the 14th inst, marched twenty-eight and a half miles, built a substantial bridge of sixty feet in length, repaired minor ones, and took a fort between sunrise and sunset. But one brigade, Colonel Ward, commanding, was actively engaged; their casualties nine killed, thirty-seven wounded. The substantial results I enclose in memorandum of ordnance and ordnance stores, to which may be added a large amount of commissary stores, flour, beef, sugar and molasses, and three hundred and thirty-four prisoners, thirty-four of whom were officers from lieutenant-colonel to third lieutenant.

Meanwhile, convoy and fleet had made slow and devious way through the tortuous windings of Red River, where navigation at present stage of water is difficult. Rapid current, frequent eddies, sharp bends and snags, are the natural obstacles; to these the enemy added rafts and spiles; nevertheless, as the fort surrendered, the Black Hawk rounded to land shortly afterwards the general commanding received the congratulations of the Admiral, whom he will compliment by present of the nine-inch Dahlgren, of the Indianola, and the two heavy guns of the Harriet Lane, recaptured. My command is in occupation of the fort, and will be engaged to-day and to-morrow in the demolition of the casemates, bridges, etc., etc., and finally the blowing-up of the magazines, in which we shall permit to be destroyed vast quantities of powder. The main body under command of General Mower, convoyed by Admiral Porter, sailed last night for Alexandria, where I expect to join them in three days. Gen. A. J. Smith remains with me, and gunboats Essex and Benton, Captains Grier and Townsend.

A glance at the map will give you my present locality without the aid of sketch; but I will enclose herewith draft and dimensions of fortifications that you may intelligently answer questions; to which end, indeed, I have written you a sort of condensed report. If you have not “Colton's” maps, you had better buy first volume, North and South America; meanwhile you can borrow and trace me down the Mississippi, up the Atchafalaya, pronounced “Chafalia,” to Simmesport, across country to Marksville, from thence to Fort De Russy, on the Red, thence up the river to Alexandria.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 356-9

The Iron Battery Naugatuck

The government is soon to be place in possession of a small but staunch iron gunboat, the gift of Mr. Stevens, contractor for the famous floating battery at Hoboken.  This craft was originally a canal boat, and has been fitted up at Bordentown, N. J., with a screw propellers, water-tight partitions, and at the contrivances for sinking her to a fighting depth which have been introduced in the great battery.  She is, in fact, designed to illustrate on a small scale, the principal novelties and merits of that mammoth concern; and at a preliminary test to which she was subjected some months ago, in the presence of a large number of army and navy officers and scientific gentlemen, she was found to work admirably.  She could be entirely submerged, with the exception of her gunwale, in a few minutes, and could be quickly turned about, like a [teetotum], in her own length.  Since those satisfactory experiments, Mr. Stevens has still further strengthened her and improved her sailing and fighting qualities, and is now prepared to turn her over to the Government free of expense, for active service.  Her name is Naugatuck.  Her dimensions are those of an ordinary canal boat, and she will be sent by canal from New York, where is now is to Washington.  Her speed above water, is ten knots and hour, when submerged to the depth of 7½ feet, about seven.  She can carry coal for twelve days, and a crew large enough to work the vessel and handle her armament.  The latter consists of a single 100 pounder of the Parrott pattern, which experiments have proved to be perhaps the most formidable rifled gun in the world. – Whenever the Naugatuck is sunk to her fighting depth by the admission of water to the chambers in her bow and stern, her entire machinery, steering apparatus and vulnerable parts will be below the water line; and nothing will be exposed to the enemy’s shots but a narrow strip of white pine, (which does not splinter,) constituting the gunwale, and the gun itself.  Her small size and the scantiness of her exposed lines, would enable her to approach close to a hostile vessel in a dark night, and deliver her 100-pounder with terrible effect.  The Naugatuck will start for Washington at an early day.  Captain Faunce, late of the revenue cutter Harriet Lane, has, by directions of the Government, inspected this novel craft during her preparations for service.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 4

Operations at New Orleans

OFFICIAL REPORT OF GEN. BUTLER.

HEAD QUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE GULF,

FORTS JACKSON AND ST. PHILLIP,

April 29, 1862.

To Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War

SIR – I have the honor to report that, in obedience to my instructions, I remained on the Mississippi river, with the troops named in my former dispatch awaiting the action of the fleet in the bombardment of the forts Jackson and St. Phillip.

Failing to reduce them after six days of incessant fire, Flag Officer Farragut determined to attempt their passage with his whole fleet, except that portion thereof under the immediate command of Captain Porter, known as the mortar fleet.

On the morning of the 24th instant the fleet got under weigh [sic], and twelve vessels, including the four sloops of war, ran the gauntlet of the fire of the forts and were safely above the action, unprecedented in naval warfare, considering the character of the works and the river, too much cannot be said.  Of its casualties and the details of its performance the Flag Officer will give an account to the proper department.  I witnessed this daring exploit from a point about eight hundred yards from Fort Jackson, and unwittingly under its fire, and the sublimity of the scene can never be exceeded.

The fleet pressed on up the river to New Orleans, leaving two gunboats to protect the quarantine station, five miles above.

In case the forts were not reduced and a portion of the fleet got by them, it had been arranged between the Flagg Officer and myself, that I should make a landing from the gulf side in the rear of the forts at the quarantine, and from thence attempt Fort St. Phillip by storm and assault while the bombardment was continued by the fleet.

I immediately went to Sable Island with my transports, twelve miles in the rear of Ft. St. Philip, the nearest point at which a sufficient depth of water could be found for them.  Capt. Porter put at my disposal the Miami, drawing seven and one half feet, being the lightest draught vessel in the fleet, to take the troops from the fleet as far in as the water would allow.  We were delayed twenty four hours by her running ashore at Pass al’Outre.  The 26th Regiment Massachusetts volunteers, Col. Jones, were then put on board her and carried within six miles of the fort, where she again grounded.

Capt. Everett, of the 6th Massachusetts battery, having very fully reconnoitered the waters and bayous in that vicinity, and foreseeing the necessity, I had collected and brought with me some thirty boats, into which the troops were again transshipped and conveyed by a most fatiguing and laborious row some four and a half miles further, there being within one mile of the steamer only two and a half feet of water.

A large portion of this passage was against a heavy current through a bayou.  At the entrance of Mameel’s Canal, a mile and a half from the point of landing rowing became impossible as well from the narrowness of the canal and the strength of the current, which ran like a mill race.  Through this the boats could only be impelled by dragging them singly, with the men up to their waists in water.  It is due to this fine regiment, and to a portion of the 4th Wisconsin volunteers and 21st Indiana, who landed under this hardship without a murmur, that their labors should be made known to the department, as well as to account for the slowness of our operations.

The enemy evidently considered this mode of attack impossible, as they had taken no measures to oppose it, which might very easily have been successfully done.

We occupied at once both sides of the river, thus effectually cutting them off from all supplies, information or succor, while we made our dispositions for the assault.

Meantime Captain Porter had sent into the bayou, in the rear of Fort Jackson, two schooners of his mortar fleet, to prevent the escape of the enemy from the fort in that direction.

In the hurry and darkness of the passage of the forts the flag officer had overlooked three of the enemy’s gunboats and the iron clad battery Louisiana, which were at anchor under the walls of the fort.  Supposing that all the rebel boats had been destroyed (and a dozen or more had been) he passed on the city leaving these in his rear.  The iron steam battery being very formidable.  Captain Porter deemed it prudent to withdraw his mortar fleet some miles below, where he could have room to maneuver if it was attacked by the iron monster and the bombardment ceased.

I had got Brigadier-General Phelps in the river below, with two regiments, to make demonstrations in that direction, if it became possible.

In the night of the 27th learning that the fleet had got the city under its guns, I left Brigadier General Williams in charge of the landing of the troops, and went up the river to the flagship to procure light draught transportation – that night the larger portion (about two hundred and fifty) of the garrison of Fort Jackson mentioned, spiked the guns bearing up the river, came up and surrendered themselves to my pickets declaring that as we had got into their rear, resistance was useless, and they would not be sacrificed.  No bomb had been thrown at them for three days, nor had they fired a shot at us from either fort.  The averred that they had been impressed and would fight no longer.

On the 28th the officers of forts Jackson and St. Phillip surrendered to Captain Porter, he having means of water transportation to them.  While he was negotiating, however, with the officers of the forts under a white flag, the rebel naval officers put all their munitions of war on the Louisiana, set her on fire and adrift upon the Harriet Lane, but when opposite of fort St. Phillip, she blew up, killing one of their own men by the fragments which fell into the forts.

I have taken possession of the forts and find them substantially as defensible as before the bombardment – St. Philip precisely so, it being quite uninjured.  They are fully provisioned, well supplied with ammunition, and the ravages of the shells have been defensibly repaired by the labors of the rebels.  I will cause Lieut. Wietzel, of the Engineers, to make a detailed report of their condition to the department.

I have left the 26th regiment Massachusetts volunteers in garrison, and am now going up the river to occupy the city with my troops and make further demonstrations in the rear of the enemy now at Corinth.

The rebels have abandoned all their defensive works in and around New Orleans, including forts Pike and Wood on Lake Pontchartrain, and Fort Livingston from Parrataria Bay.  They have retired in the direction of Corinth, beyond Manchack Pass, and abandoned everything up the river as far as Donaldsonville, some seventy miles beyond New Orleans.

A propose to so far depart from the letter of my instructions as to endeavor to persuade the flag officer to pass up the river as far as the mouth of Red river, if possible, so as to cut off their supplies, and make there a landing and a demonstration in their rear as a diversion in favor of General Buell, if a decisive battle is not fought before the movement is possible.

Mobile is ours whenever we choose, and we can better wait.

I find the city under the dominion of the mob.  They have insulted our flag – torn it down with indignity.  This outrage will be punished in such manner, as in my judgment, will caution both the perpetrators and abettors of the act, so that they shall fear the stripes if they do not reverence the stars of our banner.

I send a marked copy of a New Orleans paper containing an applauding account of the outrage.

Trusting my action may meet the approbation of the Department.

I am most respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

BENJAMIN F. BUTLER,

Major General Commanding

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 24, 1862, p. 4

Incidents of the Naval Fight on the Mississippi

The following incidents of the fight, from the correspondence of the Boston Journal, are very interesting:

CUTTING THE CHAIN ACROSS THE RIVER.

On Sunday night the gunboats Pinola and Itasca went up, under command of Flagg Captain Bell, to cut the chain.  The Pinola ran in the west bank, and after striking a sunken ship she succeeded in reaching one of the hulks, to which Mr. Kroehl, the experimenter, attached a heavy petard.  The wire connecting it to the battery on board the steamer was coiled up on de[ck] but the current ran so strong and the Pinola drifted so rapidly, that the wire was broken and the attempt failed.  In the meantime, the Itasca ran up to one of the hulks on the east side of the river, when Acting Masters Edward Jones and Amos Johnson, with eight men, boarded the schooner, and in half an hour succeeded in unshackling the chain from its moorings and dropping it down.

The following letter from Capt. Caldwell, of the gunboat Itasca, gives an account of the affair:

* * * The operator on board the Pinola did not succeed in blowing up the chain, as the connecting wire broke and the vessel could not be blown up as the current pressed the Pinola upon her with such force that it took half an hour to clear her.  The Itasca took the next schooner, and in half an hour stripped the chain, but unfortunately before she could get well clear, the current cast her over on to the east shore, grounding the schooner lashed to her and running the Itasca’s fore foot into the mud, where she remained nearly two hours exposed to the fire of both forts.  The Pinola parted two 5-inch hawsers in trying to pull her off, but at last started her with an 11-inch hawser.  After running this schooner on shore, the others swung most favorable, leaving a wide passage for the fleet.

On Wednesday night Capt. Caldwell, with Acting Master Jones, and eleven of the Itasca’s men, pulled up to the schooners after dark, to make a final reconnaissance of the schooners.  They pulled up and sounded round the schooners on the west bank, and then crossed over and did the same with the schooners on the east bank.  They found the channel more than sufficiently wide and entirely unobstructed.  The rebels had lighted a fire on the east bank exposing everything attempting to pass up, but the boat, with muffled oars, passed safely up, and made all their observations unobserved, although they could hear the orders given at the fort, and hear the men calling and talking very loudly about some business they were carrying on outside the fort.  The boat then returned and made the joyful signal, “all right” – the Itasca’s night number, two white and one red lanterns.  Soon after the flag ship hoisted another preconcerted signal, two red lanterns.  This was to get under weigh, prepare for battle and pass up the river.  Within two hours the fleet performed one of the most wonderful and brilliant feats that ever honored any navy, and made the glorious passage of the river.

CHAIN-CLAD SLOOPS OF WAR.

The most conspicuous feature in the outward appearance of the fleet was the iron-linked mail of the sloops of war Richmond, Brooklyn, and Pensacola, each of which had their engines and boilers protected by chain cables, hung in bites on the outside and triced to eyebolts and rods running fore and aft.  The chains were dropped from the height of the gun-deck to below the water-line, and connected together by strong cordage.  This was equivalent to four inch plates, provided it withstood the effects of glancing or oblique shots.  The only danger apprehended from the chains on the steamers was from raking shots tearing them off, in which case it was feared they would become entangled with the propellers.  To guard against this, some of the ships unshackled the chain in short lengths, so that it might reach astern.  The machinery of the Iroquois was protected in the same way, the credit of originating which plan is due to Assistant Engineer Hoyt of the Richmond, upon which ship it was first adopted, the other vessels following her example.

Among the most efficient of the internal arrangements for the protection of the boilers, the destruction of which by a shot or shell was the most to be dreaded, although this was not the only dangerous part of the ships, was that adopted on board the sloop of war Mississippi, the machinery of which, being more above the water line, was consequently more exposed to the fire of the enemy.  The preparations of the ship for the action involved an immense amount of labor, which engaged her officers and crew for weeks before the attack.  Under the direction of Chief Engineer Lawton, Mr. Bartleman, the First Assistant, worked night and day with a strong force, and constructed a temporary roof in the coal bunkers just below the water line, about which the heavy chain cables of the ship were packed in layers, running fore and aft. – The ends of the shaft of the Mississippi were protected by four bales of bagging on the outside of each wheel.  The bows of several of the ships, including the Richmond and Harford, were protected by sand bags piled up beneath the forecastle, and intended to be removed aft to break the force of raking shot after the ships should have passed the forts.  I alluded in a former letter to the log packing of the boilers of the gunboat Owasco.  The bulkheads of other gunboats were strengthened in like manner, and also by sand bags, and the coal bunkers of all being kept full, supplied the wants of extra barriers to shot and shell.  From the moment the sloop of war Portsmouth arrived in the river, her officers and crew engaged in putting the ship into fighting trim.  She wore a mail constructed of her sheet chains, for the protection of her bow against a raking fire, and spread a complete spar netting of strong ropes to prevent her lofty spars – cut away by cannon balls – from falling on deck.

SKILLFUL PREPARATIONS.

The sloop of war Richmond, taken altogether, was by far the best fitted ship in the squadron.  Her hull, standing rigging, and in fact every part of the vessel which could afford the least mark for the rebel artillerists, received a coating of mud paint; she wore splinter nettings running fore and after over her decks.  In addition to the iron mail, which she wore externally, her machinery was protected by sand bags, packed against her bulkheads.

The gunboats Katahdin, Lieutenant Commanding Preble, and the Harriet Lane wore their boarding nettings, and other gunboats and ships were provided wiht the same barriers against the enemy.  Many of the ships carried kedge anchors on their yard arms, and grappling hooks on their jib booms, with which to fasten the gunboats and fire rafts of the enemy.

CAPT. BOGGS’ ACCOUNT OF THE VERONA’S [sic] ACTION.

The following is an extract from a letter of Captain Boggs, of the Verona, addressed to his family in New Jersey.  It was of course, not intended for the public eye.  Sailor-like, the gallant captain identifies himself with his ship, and with as much directness and force as he fights:

MISSISSIPI RIVER,

U. S. Steamer Harriet Lane, April 23, 1862

As Captain Porter is about to dispatch a vessel for Havanna with communications for our government, I have only a few moments to say that, thanks to good Providence, I am safe, and without even a scratch.

Yesterday our great battle was fought.  The squadron passed the forts under as severe a fire as any fleet probably ever endured.  The ships were much cut up, and there were many killed and wounded.

I can only give a hasty narrative of what occurred on board the Verona, as in that you will take a special interest.

“We started at 2 o’clock, A. M., and received the first fire at 3.30, just as the moon was rising.  My vessel was terribly bruised, but we returned the fire with interest.  On passing the forts I found myself the leading ship, and surrounded by a squadron or rebel steamers, who annoyed me much by their fire; so that I steered as close to them as possible, giving to each a broadside in succession as I passed; driving one on shore, and leaving four others in flames.

“During this time the firing of guns, whistling of shot and bursting of shells was terrible; the smoke dense.  As this cleared off, finding more steamers ahead, I stopped to look for the rest of the squadron.  The ship was leaking badly; but thus far none were hurt.  Astern, I saw the Oneida engaged with a rebel steamer.  The latter shortly after came up the river, when I engaged him, but found my shot of no avail, as he was iron-clad about the bow.  He tried to run me down; and I to avoid him and reach his vulnerable parts.  During these movements he raked [me], killing three and wounding seven, and attempted to board; but we repulsed him.  Driving against me he battered me severely, but in these efforts exposed his vulnerable side, and I succeeded in planting a couple of broadsides into him, that crippled his engine and set him on fire.  He then dropped off, and as he moved slowly up the river and passed me I gave him another and parting broadside.

“I now found my ship on fire from his shells, and it was great difficulty that it was put out.  Just then another iron-clad steamer bore down and struck heavily on my port quarter, and backed off for a second blow.  This second blow crushed in my side; but at the same instant I gave him a full complement of shot and shell that drove him on shore and in flames.

“Finding myself in a sinking condition I ran my bow into the bank and landed my wounded, still keeping up a fire on my first opponent, who at last hauled down his flag.  My last gun was fired as the decks went under water.

“No time to save anything, the officers and crew escaping with the clothes they had on their backs.  We were taken off by boats from the squadron, who had now come up, the crews cheering as the Veruna went down with her flag flying; victorious in defeat, and covered with glory.

“I think we have done well.  Eleven steamers destroyed by the squadron.*  The old ram Manassas sunk by the Mississippi.

“This has been a gallant fight, no less than 170 guns playing on us.  The forts are cut off from succor, and must soon surrender.  The way to New Orleans is open, and the city is probably ours at this moment; for the fleet immediately passed up the river.

“The commodore, as a post of honor, dispatched me in my only remaining boat, with a picked crew from Veruna’s men, to carry dispatches to Gen. Butler.

Having been in the boat for twenty six hours after such a day’s previous work, you may imagine I am somewhat exhausted.  What my next position may be I do not know – perhaps to go home for another ship, or possibly to become naval aid to – Major General Butler.”

(Capt. Boggs is too modest to say that he destroyed six out of the eleven. – ED.)

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 17, 1862, p. 2



The Capture Of New Orleans

U. S. FLAG SHIP HARTFORD

OFF THE CITY OF NEW ORLEANS,

April 25, 1862

DEAR SIR – In the excitement of the last few days you must not be surprised if I leave undone many things which I ought to do, and one of which was to write to you on the occasion of my taking this city.  But thank God it has been done, and in what I conceive a handsome style.  I had two Union men on board who had been forced into the Confederate service at Fort Jackson as laborers.

They informed me that there were two forts near the city, and as we approached the locality I tried to concentrate the vessels, but we soon saw that we must take a raking fire for two miles.  So we did not mince the matter, but dashed directly ahead.  They permitted us to approach within a mile and a quarter before they opened on us.  Capt. Bailey on the Cayuga, Lieut. Commanding Harrison, was in advance, and received most of the first fire, but although the shooting was good, they did not damage his little vessel

The Cayuga then fell back and the Hartford, took her place.  We had only two guns which I had placed on the top gallant forecastle, that could bear on them, until we got within half a mile.  We then steered off, and gave them such a fire “as they never dreamed of in their philosophy.”

The Pensacola ran up after a while, and took the starboard battery off our hands, and in a few minutes the Brooklyn ranged up and took a chance at my friends on the left bank but they were silenced in, I should say, twenty minutes or half an hour, but I cannot keep a note of time on such occasions.

I only know that half of the vessels did not get a chance at them.  The river was too narrow for more than two or three vessels to act with advantage, but all were so anxious, that my greatest fear was that we would fire into each other, and Capt. Wainwright and myself were hallooing ourselves hoarse at the men not to fire into our ships.

This last affair was what I call one of the elegancies of the profession – a dash and a victory.  But the passing of the Forts Jackson and St. Philip was one of the most awful sights I ever saw.  The smoke was so dense that it was only now and then you could see anything but the flash of the cannon and the fire ship or rafts, one of which was pushed down upon us (the Hartford) by the ram Manassas, and in my effort to avoid it, ran the ship on shore, and then the fire raft was pushed alongside, and in a moment the ship was one blaze all along the port side, half way up the main and mizzen tops, but thanks to the good organization of the fire department by Lieut. Thornton, the flames were extinguished and at the same time we backed off and got clear of the raft, but all this time were pouring the shells into the forts, and they into us, and every now and then a rebel steamer would get under our fire and receive our salutation of a broadside.

At length the fire slackened, the smoke cleared off, and we saw, to our surprise, we were above the forts, and here and there a Rebel gunboat on fire, as we came up with them, trying to escape.  They were fired into and riddled, so that they ran them on shore, and all who could, made their escape to the shore.

I am told, I do not know how truly, that Gen. Lovell had gone down that evening to make an attack with thirteen gunboats, a large ram of 18 guns, and the Manassas.  The Manassas and the Mississippi made a set at each other at full speed, and when they were within 30 or 40 yards the ram dodged the Mississippi and run on shore, when the latter poured her broadside into her knocking away her smoke stack, and then sent on board of her, but she was deserted and riddled, and after a while she drifted down the stream full of water.  She was the last of the seven we destroyed, but the large ram was till at Fort Jackson, but they say here she was sent down before she was ready, and that she will have to surrender with the forts, which I hope will be to-day or to-morrow.  I will give them my attention as soon as I can settle the affairs of the city.

I demanded the surrender of the city yesterday of the Mayor, through Capt. Bailey, as the second in command.  His reply was that the city was under martial law, and he would consult Gen. Lovell.  His lordship said he would surrender nothing, but at the same time he would retire and leave the mayor unembarrassed.

This morning the Mayor sent his secretary and Chief of Police to see me, and say that they would call the City Council together at 10 o’clock, and give me an answer.  That the General had retired, and that he had resumed the duties of his office as Mayor, and would endeavor to keep order in the city, and prevent the destruction of the property.

I sent him by his Secretary the letter No. 1 (copy inclosed).  I also sent him a letter demanding the surrender of the city, in conformity with the demand made by me yesterday through Captain Bailey, copy No. 2.  This morning, at 6 o’clock, I sent to Captain Morris, whose ship commanded the Mint, to take possession of it and hoist the American flag there on, which was done, and the people cheered it.

At 10 o’clock I sent on shore again, and ordered Lieutenant Kortz of the Navy, and Brown, of the Marines, with a marine guard, to hoist the flag on the Custom, but the excitement of the crowd was so great that the Mayor and Councilmen thought it would produce a conflict and great loss of life.  At 11 a signal was made to the fleet for divine service, under a general order, copy No. 3.

April 26, in the afternoon having been informed that there were two forts eight miles above the city at a place called Carrolton, I determined to take a look at them and demolish them.  We accordingly ran up, but to our surprise we found the gun carriages all on fire and upon examination found the guns all spiked.  It was a most formidable work for Foote to encounter on his way down – a long line of defenses extending back from the river to Lake Pontchartrain, both above and below the city, on which were 29 and 30 guns each.

Immediately on my getting above the forts I sent Captain Boggs, who is now deprived of a command by the sinking of his ship which he had so nobly defended, down to Captain Porter, through the bayou at Quarantine, directing him to demand the surrender of the forts.  His demand was at first refused, but the soldiers told their officer that we were in their rear, and that they would not be sacrificed.  So, this morning, 29^th, the gallant Bailey brought us the intelligence, in the Cayuga, Captain Harrison, that the forts had surrendered, the ram blown up, and that the American flag floats over both forts.

I have sent down for Gen. Butler’s troops to come and occupy this city, and will soon be off for Mobile.  Depend upon it we will keep the stampede up.

I send Captain Bailey home as bearer of dispatches.  He has done his work nobly, and that while suffering under an infirmity which required attention and repose.

I am, very truly and respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

D G FARRAGUT

Flag Officer West Gulf Block’ng Squad’n

To G V Fox, Esq., Ass’t Sec’y of Navy

U S SHIP HARRIET LANE,

April 29, 1862

SIR – The morning after the ships passed the forts I sent a demand to Col. Higgins for a surrender of the forts, which was declined.  On the 27^th I sent Lieut. Col. Higgins a communication, herewith inclosed [sic].  On the 28^th I received a communication from him stating that he would surrender the forts, and I came up and took possession, drew up articles of capitulation and hoisted the American flag over the forts.

These men have defended these forts with a bravery worthy of a better cause.  I treated them with all the consideration that circumstances would admit.

The three steamers remaining were under the command of Commander J. K. Mitchell.  The officer of the fort acknowledged no connection with them, and wished in no way to be considered responsible for their acts.

While I had a flag of truce up they were employed in towing the iron floating battery of 16 guns, a most formidable affair, to place above the forts and while drawing up the articles of capitulation in the cabin of the Harriet Lane, it was reported to me that they had set fire to the battery and turned it adrift upon us.  I asked the General if it had powder on board or guns loaded.  He replied that he would not undertake to say what they Navy officers would do.

He seemed to have great contempt for them.  I told him, “we could stand the fire and blow up if he could,” and went on with the conference, after directing the officers to look out for their ships.  While drifting down on us, the guns, getting heated exploded, throwing the shot above the river.  A few minutes after, the floating battery exploded with a terrific noise, throwing the fragments all over the river, and wounding one of their own men in Fort. St. Philip, and immediately disappeared under water.  Had she blown up near the vessels she would have destroyed the whole of them.

When I had finished taking possession of the fort, I got under way in the Harriet Lane, and started for the steamers, one of which was still flying the Confederate flag.  I fired a shot over her, and they surrendered.  There was on board of them a number of naval officers and two companies of marine artillery.

I made them surrender unconditionally and for their infamous conduct in trying to blow us up while under a flag of truce, I conveyed them to close confinement as prisoners of war, and think they should be sent to the North and kept in close confinement there until the war is over, or they should be tried for their infamous conduct.  I have a great deal to do here, and will send you all the papers when I am able to arrange them.

I turned over the force to Gen. Phelps.  Fort Jackson is a perfect ruin.  I am told that over 1,800 shells fell and burst over the center of the fort.  The practice was beautiful.  The next fort we go at we will settle sooner, as this has been hard to get at.  The naval officer sunk one gunboat while the capitulation was going on, but I have one of the others, a steamer, at work, and hope soon to have the other.

I find that we are to be the “hewers of wood and drawers of water,” but as the soldiers have nothing here in the shape of motive power, we will do all we can.  I should have demanded unconditional surrender, but with such a force in your rear, it was desirable to get possession of these forts as soon as possible.  The officers turned over everything in good order except the walls and building[s], which are terribly shattered by the mortars.

Very respectfully,

D D PORTER,

Commanding flotilla.

To Flag Officer D G FARRAGUT

U S STEAMER HARRIET LANE,

Mississippi River, April 30, 1862

I inclose herewith the capitulation of forts Jackson and St. Phillip, which surrendered to the mortar flotilla on the 28^th day of April, 1862.  I also inclose in a box, forwarded on this occasion, all the flags taken in the two forts, with the original flag hoisted on Fort St. Phillip when the State of Louisiana seceded – Fort Jackson is a perfect wreck.

Everything in the shape of a building in and about it was burned up by the mortar shells, and over 1,800 shells fell in the work proper, to say nothing of those which burst over and around it.  I devoted but little attention to Ft. St. Phillip, knowing that when Jackson fell St. Phillip would follow.  The mortar flotilla is still fresh.  Truly the backbone of the rebellion is broken.

On the 26^th of the month I sent six of the mortar schooners to the back of Fort Jackson to block up the bayous and prevent supplies from getting in.  Three of them drifted over to Fort Livingston, and when they anchored the fort hung out a white flag and surrendered. – the Kittatinny, which had been blockading there for some time, sent a boat in advance of the mortar vessels, and reaching the shore first, deprived them of the pleasure of hoisting our flag over what had surrendered to the mortar flotilla.  Still the fort is ours, and we are satisfied.  I am happy to state that officers and crew are all well and full of spirits.

I have the honor to remain,

Your obedient servant,

David G [sic] PORTER

To Hon. G. WELLES

Burlington, Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 17, 1862, p. 1