Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, September 28, 1863

The last arrivals indicate a better tone and temper in England, and I think in France also. From the articles in their papers, Cole's letter, etc., I think our monitors and heavy ordnance have had a peaceful tendency, a tranquillizing effect. The guns of the Weehawken have knocked the breath out of British statesmen as well as the crew of the Atlanta. The “swamp angel,” as they call Gillmore's gun which throws shot from Morris Island into Charleston, has made itself felt and heard in England.

The President sent for me this noon. I found Seward with him, reading his dispatches for the next steamer. One to Dayton somewhat interesting, to Motley and others commonplace.

A letter which he had prepared, to Stuart in the absence of Lord Lyons, in the case of the Emma, was the special occasion of calling me to the interview. This vessel had run the blockade, but the Arago, an army transport, falling in with her, the commander became alarmed and commenced throwing overboard his cargo of cotton and putting on more steam in order to escape. Her efforts excited suspicion, and the Arago ran down to the Emma, which surrendered. The captain acknowledged her guilt, and she was brought into New York. The District Attorney procured an order of sale from the court, the Navy Department took her at her appraised value, and she was sent to the Navy Yard for alterations, adapting her to naval purposes. It now transpires that Mr. Seward in May last, without consulting or communicating with others, made a strange promise to Mr. Stuart, that he would get an opinion from the Attorney-General as to the construction of an act passed by the last Congress in relation to the sale of captured neutral vessels. In the mean time he pledged himself to Her Majesty's representative that no sale should take place until there was a decision on the point which Mr. Stuart, or Mr. Seward, or both thought of doubtful validity. But the Attorney-General, was pressed with business, had been absent some weeks in Missouri, and his opinion did not come in until late. In the mean time the Emma had been sold to the Navy and transferred to the navy yard, where she had undergone a complete transformation.

Mr. Seward now finds himself embarrassed by the promise which he inconsiderately made and of which impropriety none of us were advised; says the faith of the State Department is pledged, and he wishes all proceedings stopped till the court shall have decided on the validity of the capture. The President had been appealed to, and, though evidently annoyed by the hasty and imprudent action of Mr. Seward, he desired the appeal of the Secretary of State should be considered, and his pledge redeemed. I informed him that the sale had been made, the transfer completed, the vessel had been for weeks at the navy yard undergoing repairs and alterations, that she was an entirely different craft from what she was when captured, that the best we could do under the circumstances was to detain her at the yard and not put her in commission.

These irregular and unauthorized proceedings are cause of constant difficulty and embarrassment, and are very injurious to the public service. We want and have prepared this vessel for special duty, which, had we known the pledges of the Secretary of State, we should have allotted differently. As it is, the government must sustain loss and the Navy Department be straitened by this irregularity.

The President read to Seward and myself a detailed confidential dispatch from Chattanooga very derogatory to Crittenden and McCook, who wilted when every energy and resource should have been put forth, disappeared from the battle-field, returned to Chattanooga, and — went to sleep. The officers who did their duty are dissatisfied. We had their statements last week, which this confidential dispatch confirms. It makes some, but not a very satisfactory, excuse for Rosecrans, in whom the President has clearly lost confidence. He said he was urged to change all the officers, but thought he should limit his acts to Crittenden and McCook; said it would not do to send one of our generals from the East. I expressed a doubt if he had any one suitable for that command or the equal of Thomas, if a change was to be made. There was no one in the army who, from what I had seen and known of him, was so fitted for that command as General Thomas. Rosecrans had stood well with the country until this time, but Thomas was a capable general, had undoubted merit, and was a favorite with the men. Seward thought the whole three — Rosecrans, Crittenden, and McCook — should be removed.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 445-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, September 21, 1863

A battle was fought on Saturday near Chattanooga and resumed yesterday. Am apprehensive our troops have suffered and perhaps are in danger. As yet the news is not sufficiently definite.

The President came to me this afternoon with the latest news. He was feeling badly. Tells me a dispatch was sent to him at the Soldiers' Home shortly after he got asleep, and so disturbed him that he had no more rest, but arose and came to the city and passed the remainder of the night awake and watchful. He has a telegram this P.M. which he brings me that is more encouraging. Our men stood well their ground and fought like Union heroes for their country and cause. We conclude the Rebels have concentrated a large force to overpower Rosecrans and recapture Chattanooga. While this has been doing, Halleek has frittered away time and dispersed our forces. Most of Grant's effective force appears to have been sent across the Mississippi, where a large force is not needed. Burnside is in northeastern Tennessee, two hundred miles away from Chattanooga. While our men are thus scattered, a large division from Lee's army in our front has been sent under Longstreet to Bragg; and Hill's and Ewell's corps, it is reported, are there also. I trust this account is exaggerated, though the President gives it credence. I do not learn, nor can I ascertain, that General Halleck was apprised of, or even suspected, what was being done; certainly he has made no preparation. The President is, I perceive, not satisfied, but yet he does not censure or complain. Better, perhaps, if he did.

I expressed surprise to the President at the management and his forbearance, and it touched him. I asked what Meadewas doing with his immense army and Lee's skeleton and depleted show in front. He said he could not learn that Meade was doing anything, or wanted to do anything. “It is,” said he, “the same old story of this Army of the Potomac. Imbecility, inefficiency — don't want to do — is defending the Capital. I inquired of Meade,” said he, “what force was in front. Meade replied he thought there were 40,000 infantry. I replied he might have said 50,000, and if Lee with 50,000 could defend their capital against our 90,000, — and if defense is all our armies are to do, — we might, I thought, detach 50,000 from his command, and thus leave him with 40,000 to defend us. Oh,” groaned the President, “it is terrible, terrible, this weakness, this indifference of our Potomac generals, with such armies of good and brave men.”

“Why,” said I, “not rid yourself of Meade, who may be a good man and a good officer but is not a great general, has not breadth or strength, certainly is not the man for the position he occupies? The escape of Lee with his army across the Potomac has distressed me almost beyond any occurrence of the War. And the impression made upon me in the personal interview shortly after was not what I wished, had inspired no confidence, though he is faithful and will obey orders; but he can't originate.”

The President assented to all I said, but “What can I do,” he asked, “with such generals as we have? Who among them is any better than Meade? To sweep away the whole of them from the chief command and substitute a new man would cause a shock, and be likely to lead to combinations and troubles greater than we now have. I see all the difficulties as you do. They oppress me.”

Alluding to the failures of the generals, particularly those who commanded the armies of the Potomac, he thought the selections, if unfortunate, were not imputable entirely to him. The Generals-in-Chief and the Secretary of War should, he said, know the men better than he. The Navy Department had given him no trouble in this respect; perhaps naval training was more uniform and equal than the military. I thought not; said we had our troubles, but they were less conspicuous. In the selection of Farragut and Porter, I thought we had been particularly fortunate; and Du Pont had merit also. He thought there had not been, take it all in all, so good an appointment in either branch of the service as Farragut, whom he did not know or recollect when I gave him command. Du Pont he classed, and has often, with McClellan, but Porter he considers a busy schemer, bold but not of high qualities as a chief. For some reason he has not so high an appreciation of Porter as I think he deserves, but no man surpasses Farragut in his estimation.

In returning to Secretary Seward a dispatch of Minister Dayton at Paris, in relation to the predatory Rebel Florida, asking one or more fast steamers to intercept that vessel, which is now at Brest, I took a different view from the two gentlemen. To blockade Brest would require not less than five vessels. If we could spare five such vessels, whence would they get supply of fuel, etc.? England and France allow only sufficient to take the vessel home; and for three months thereafter our vessels receiving supplies are excluded from their ports. As England and France have recognized the Rebels, who have no commerce, no navy, no nationality, as the equals of the United States, with whom they have treaties, and, professedly, amicable relations, I deem it best under the circumstances to abstain from proceedings which would be likely to complicate and embroil us, and would leave those countries to develop the policy which shall govern themselves and nations in the future. They must abide the consequences.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 438-41

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, February 10, 1863

Presented Colonel Hawley's name to the President for Brigadier-General with expressions of my regard. Was kindly received but no assurance given. Informed the President I should put Preble's case in his hands to be disposed of. The nomination of Mark Howard for Collector of the Hartford District has been suspended in the Senate. Howard is a very faithful, competent, and excellent man for the office, but he and Senator Dixon, neighbors and formerly intimate friends, have latterly had some differences. Dixon takes advantage of his position as Senator to stab Howard in secret session, where H. can have no opportunity for selfdefense. Senator Sumner, whom I met this evening, says Dixon came to him and asked, if a personal enemy, who abused, slandered, and defied him were before the Senate, would he vote for him. Sumner replied, No. Senator Doolittle admits he was in like manner approached; says it was embarrassing, for there is an implied understanding — a courtesy among Senators — that they will yield to the personal appeals of a Senator in appointments to office in his own town. I asked if it was possible that the Senate prostituted itself to gratify private animosities, — made itself a party to the personal quarrels of one of its members and gave him the means to wreak his vengeance on a worthy person without cause or justification? Doolittle attempted no defense; evidently did not like the attitude in which he was placed. Thurlow Weed is in town. He has been sent for, but my informant knows not for what purpose. It is, I learn, to consult in regard to a scheme of Seward to influence the New Hampshire and Connecticut elections. Some days since, Seward handed me a dispatch as I entered the President's office on Cabinet day, from Mr. Dayton at Paris, stating the French Government was pressing friendly mediation. I handed it back after reading, with the remark that it was wholly inadmissible. Seward made no reply, but handed the dispatch to others to read as they came in. There was, I think, a response similar to mine from each. When I heard that Seward's factotum, Weed, had been called here I thought at once of Dayton's dispatch and schemes of adjustment. Nous verrons. [In the lower House of Congress] after a violent attack by Calvert, Washburne, and a few others [on the subject of appointment of midshipmen], I was sustained by a vote of two to one, to the great chagrin of the clique, who, I am told, did not conceal their vexation.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 235-6

Eliza Bancroft Davis to James S. Pike, June 19, 1850

Washington, June 19, 1850.

. . . Thanks for your hint about the Boston letter; but Childs need not expect to catch old birds with chaff; just tell him so, and tell him not to be so indefinite. The Chicopee folks send it with a construction of their own. They say it means, “Vote for Taylor's plan!!” Will Childs indorse that? or will he expound it to mean, Give to the South all they ask? There is no medium, and it is melancholy to see that by votes from Free States they are getting all they want. The Omnibus will go through the Senate. Bridges are being built to enable men to cross the gulf, and the report to-day is that there can be no doubt. Mr. Davis almost wishes Jefferson Davis’s amendment may be adopted, that the Northern men may be effectually cornered. The tariff still slumbers, but probably that will be brought to bear in the House. Mr. Badger says there can be no Southern vote for a tariff if this bill is defeated. I hope we are not quite ready to sell soul and body too for cotton.

We often wish for your good company. Mrs. Grinnell desires her regard, and the gentlemen would too if they were hear; but I write without delay, after reading your letter, fearing I may fall into my old habit of waiting a more convenient season, till finally I am ashamed to do it at all.

With great regard,

Your friend,

E. Davis

I have opened my letter to say to you that Mr. Dayton has just come in from the Senate quite in spirits. He says he told Clay he wished to go home a day or two, and asked him what would be done to-morrow. “My God,” says Clay, “don't ask me. Who can tell for tomorrow. I wish I could be well out of this matter. Woe to the day I ever touched it.” Berrien offered an amendment which has offended him, and he said so. “I am not a school-boy to be lectured,” says Berrien. “I am too old for that, sir.” “Aha!” says Dayton, “I have thought so too, but you must take your turn.” The bridges are caving in, and the hope is our folks still keep a majority, notwithstanding absenteeism. Borland and Bradbury have decamped, but it is said the rest will not be coaxed even by Clay. So much for to-day. Wednesday, 4 o'clock.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 84

Leonard Swett to Abraham Lincoln, January 8, 1861

Washington Jan 8, 1861

Hon A Lincoln

Dear Sir

When Gen'l Cameron returned from Springfield he showed me your letter When the appointment was made known it created some talk may many taking the ground it was a good one & others unfit to be made Friday I think your telegraph came He showed it to me but did not suppose it changed your intention Saturday he was sent for & went to Harrisburg By Monday the two Senators were agreed upon – Cowan for the long term & some one I dont know who for the short term To day in pursuance of that agreement they probably elect Cowan This morning Cameron called on me & showed your letter. He complains he has been badly treated says he only consented to take the place to please his friends. He complains of the form of your letter He thinks it contains an intimation of imputation of upon his character and mortifies him I have had a long talk with him & he finally agreed he would say to every one that he would not go in to the cabinet & that I might telegraph to that effect

I assured him your motives were good & if you could have an interview you would satisfy him He said if you had written him a kind letter, setting forth that you had contemplated calling him into the Cabinet & had invited him to S. with that view but in the condition of the country you had for motives of no unkindness to him but for reasons of state had changed your mind & had asked him to relieve you, he would most cheerfully have done so.

He agreed I might copy the letter which I send. He also agreed he would not act badly but would sustain you & be friendly to you but thought you ought to explain fully the reason of your action at some full future time He said he would as leef have an enemy at home as in N Jersey & did not want Dayton to be appointed. I think from his talk if you should appoint no one in Penna. or N. Jersey the matter might be reconciled If you should I think it could not be but would lead to open hostility He seemed to wish the patronage of Penn. should not be given to his foes I think he cares more about this than about going into the Cabinet

Considering the whole affair he talk nobly & manly about the whole affair McClure came home & has been trying to bargain with Cameron to consent to his appointment upon condition that he might be returned to the Senate Things look fearfully here If Virginia goes Maryland is very doubtful Within a day or two, I have heard very little objection to Cameron & think in a day or two it would have been all undid. I think you will hear complaint about all appointments.

Yours Truly

Leonard Swett

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

John L. Motley to Baron von Bismarck, August 29, 1862

Legation of the United States of America, Vienna,

August 29, 1862.

My Dear Bismarck: I have been at this point now about eight months, and ever since I came here I have been most desirous of opening communications with you. But for a long time you seemed to be so much on the move between Berlin, Petersburg, and Paris that even if I should succeed in getting a letter to you, it appears doubtful whether I should be lucky enough to receive a reply.

Perhaps I shall be more successful now, for the newspapers inform me that you are in some watering-place in the south of France. So I shall write but a very brief note, merely to express my great desire to hear from you again, and my hope that in an idle moment, if you ever have such, you will send me a line to tell me of yourself, your prosperity, and of your wife and children.

Pray give my sincerest regards to Madame de Bismarck, and allow me to add those of my wife, although personally still unknown to you both, alas!

I don't know whether you have observed in any newspapers that I was appointed about a year ago minister plenipotentiary, etc., to this court. I arrived here from America about the beginning of November. I much fear that this is the very last place in Europe where I shall ever have the good luck of seeing you. Nevertheless, whether you remain in Paris or go — as seems most likely from all I can gather from private and public sources — to Berlin this autumn to form a ministry, in either case there is some chance of our meeting some time or other, while there would have been none so long as you remained in St. Petersburg. Pray let me have a private line from you; you can't imagine how much pleasure it will give me. My meeting with you in Frankfort, and thus renewing the friendship of our youth, will remain one of the most agreeable and brightest chapters in my life. And it is painful to think that already that renewed friendship is beginning to belong to the past, and that year after year is adding a fold to the curtain.

However, you must write to me, and tell me where we can all meet next summer, if no sooner. I wish you would let me know whether and how soon you are to make a cabinet in Berlin. Remember that when you write to me it is as if you wrote to some one in the planet Jupiter. Personally, I am always deeply interested in what concerns you. But, publicly, I am a mere spectator of European affairs, and wherever and whatever my sympathies in other times than these might be, I am too entirely engrossed with the portentous events now transacting in my own country to be likely to intermeddle or make mischief in the doings of this hemisphere, save in so far as they may have bearing on our own politics. You can say anything you like to me, then, as freely as when you were talking to me in your own house.

The cardinal principle of American diplomacy has always been to abstain from all intervention or participation in European affairs. This has always seemed to me the most enlightened view to take of our exceptional, and therefore fortunate, political and geographical position. I need not say how earnest we are in maintaining that principle at this moment, when we are all determined to resist to the death any interference on the part of Europe in our affairs.

I wish, by the way, you would let me know anything you can pick up in regard to the French emperor's intentions or intrigues in regard to our civil war.

Of course I don't suggest to you for an instant any violation of confidence, but many things might be said with great openness to you that would not, from reserve or politeness or a hundred other reasons, be said to an American diplomatist.

I suppose there is no doubt whatever that L. N. has been perpetually, during the last six months, provoking, soliciting, and teasing the English cabinet to unite with him in some kind of intervention, and that the English ministers have steadily refused to participate in the contemplated crime. Of course they know and we know that intervention means war with the United States government and people on behalf of the rebel slaveholders; but I have very good reason to know that the English government refuse, and that Lord Palmerston even ridicules the idea as preposterous. Not that the English love us. On the contrary, they hate us, but they can't understand how it will help the condition of their starving populations in the manufacturing districts to put up the price of cotton five hundred per cent., which a war with America would do, and to cause an advance in corn in the same proportion. There is no doubt whatever that the harvest in England is a very bad one, and that they must buy some thirty million sterling worth of foreign corn. On the other hand, the harvest in America is the most fruitful ever known since that continent was discovered.

Unless lunatics were at the head of affairs in England, they would not seize the opportunity of going to war with the granary of corn and cotton without a cause.

But it may be different with France. She is fond of la Gloire. And she is sending out an expedition to Mexico, although she seems likely to have her hands full in Italy just now. Moreover, L. N. is the heaven appointed arbiter of all sublunary affairs, and he doubtless considers it his mission to “save civilization” in our continent, as he has so often been good enough to do in the rest of the world.

What do you think is his real design? How far do you believe he has gone in holding out definite encouragement to the secessionist agents in France? Do you think he has any secret plot with them to assist them against us in the Gulf of Mexico? Will he attempt anything of this kind without the knowledge and connivance of England? I say no more except to repeat that you may give me, perhaps, a useful hint or two, from time to time, of what you hear and know. It is unnecessary for me to say that I shall keep sacredly confidential anything you may say to me as such.

I shall not go into the subject of our war at all, save to say that it is to me an inconceivable idea that any man of average intellect or love of right can possibly justify this insurrection of the slaveholders. The attempt to destroy a prosperous, powerful, and happy commonwealth like ours, merely that on its ruin might be constructed a slave-breeding, slave-holding confederacy, is one of the greatest crimes that history has recorded. In regard to the issue of the war I don't entertain the slightest doubt, if foreign interference is kept off. If the slaveholders obtain the alliance of France, the war will of course be indefinitely protracted. If we are left to ourselves, I think with the million of men that we shall have in the field in the course of the month of October, and with a fleet of twelve or fifteen first-class iron-clad frigates, which will be ready by that time, that the insurrection cannot hold out a great while longer. However, of that I am not sure. Time is nothing to God — nor to the devil either, as to that matter. We mortals, creatures of a day, are very impatient. The United States government is now fighting with the devil, for the spirit of this slave Confederacy is nothing less. How long it will take us to vanquish it I know not. But that it will be vanquished completely I entertain no doubt whatever. I don't expect you to accept my views, but I thought it as well to state them. I am more anxious about the next three months than about anything that can happen afterward. Let me, however, warn you — in case you take an interest in the progress of our affairs — not to believe in Reuter's telegrams as in the London “Times.” Their lies are stupendous, and by them public opinion all over Europe is poisoned. This is nothing to me. Their lies can't alter the facts — I have other sources of information. But when I see how the telegraph and the European press have been constantly worked for the interest of the secessionists, it does not surprise me to see the difficulty which honest people have in arriving at the truth, either in fact or in theory. Do you know your colleague, Mr. Dayton, United States Minister in Paris? Let me recommend him to you as a most excellent and honorable man. Renewing all our kindest regards to you and yours, believe me, my dear Bismarck, always most sincerely your old friend,

J. L. Motley.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 271-6

Frederick T. Frelinghuysen to Abraham Lincoln, January 12, 1861

Newark. N J. Jan 12. 1861

Hon. Abraham Lincoln.

My Dear Sir.

Having been a delegate from this State to Chicago, I take the liberty, (tho' I have not the pleasure of your acquaintance) to write this line – I feel a deep interest in the prosperity of your approaching trying administration but a far deeper interest in the well-being of our afflicted country. This feeling prompts me to suggest Wm L. Dayton of N J as a man in my opinion eminently qualified, by his firmness of character – his abilities, his integrity, his consistent conservative record – his high order of statesman-ship by the hold he has on Republicans & by the position of his state, for a place in your cabinet—

You have no time to read long letters. I have known Mr Dayton many years, been engaged in the practice of the law with him at our bar, & am also personally intimate with him, and the qualities I have attributed to him are not stated without knowledge & reflection—

Hoping that our country under your administration may have a safe deliverance from her many troubles

I remain with great respect

Your Obt Svt.

Fredk T. Frelinghuysen

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Tribune’s Correspondence

WASHINGTON, April 25.

A special order has been issued form the War Department conferring upon Doctors Brown and Alexander and such assistant surgeons as they may appoint, the right to embalm the dead of the U. S. army, any where within the lines, either in the camp or in the field, and to follow up the advance of the land forces.

Our Minister at London, Mr. Adams, recently visited Paris for an official conference with Mr. Dayton upon an important subject of diplomatic negotiation. The former by the last steamer reports that he has returned to his post.

The House to-day reversed its yesterday’s action on the motion to print 25,000 copies of the agricultural part of the Patent Office report in the German language. Mr. Walton, chairman of the military committee stated that the government printing office has neither German type nor German printers. He said the work would have to be translated.

The Sanitary Commission will to-morrow dispatch the steamer Daniel Webster to Fort Monroe as a floating hospital. She is to carry a large supply of hospital stores, medicines, clothing, ice, &c., and a corps of surgeons, nurses and hospital dressers.

The Navy Department has received dispatches from Com. Foote, enclosing a report from Lieut. Commanding Gwynn, dated 14th inst., in which he says: The Tyler and Lexington conveyed two transports, containing 2,000 troops, infantry and cavalry, under command of General Sherman, to Chickasaw, where they disembarked and proceeded rapidly to Bear Creek bridge, at the crossing of the Memphis and Charleston railroad, for the purpose of destroying it and as much of the trestle work as they could find. The bridge, consisting of two spans of 110 feet each, was completely destroyed, that is the superstructure, together with 500 feet of trestle work and half a mile of telegraph line. The rebels made a feeble resistance to our cavalry, 120 in number, but soon [retreated], losing four killed. Our loss none.

The navy department is desirous of learning the address of Mr. Birney, the inventor of the combustion shell.

A dispatch received at the War department from Ft. Monroe says that the Richmond Dispatch states that a Federal gunboat has successes in passing Ft. Jackson, below New Orleans, but the rebels say they regard it as of little importance, as they have other defences to be depended on.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, April 28, 1862, p. 1

General News

Washington Dec., 15. – The Supreme Court Chamber was filled this morning with ladies and gentleman, to witness the installation of Chief Justice Chase, which too place at a few minutes past 11 o’clock.

A company is being organized at Oskaloosa to bore for coal oil in the spring.

Gen. Davidson with a force of 5,000 cavalry has been making a raid eastward from Baton Rouge. He reached Hungeppapo on the 30th, burned a conscript camp captured a large number of horses and an immense number of negroes. Mobile papers of the 4th say he was marching on that city.

The St. Albians Raiders, who, our readers will remember, committed some depredations in northern Vermont under confederate authority recently, and who were captured and sent to Montreal for trial, were recently discharged by Mr. Justice Courant for the alleged want of jurisdiction, which has called forth a very spicy order from Gen. Dix in which all military companies on the border are directed to shoot down, if possible, all depredators while in the commission of their crimes, or if it be necessary, with a view of their capture, to cross the boundary , and to pursue them wherever they may take refuge, and send them to his headquarters. The President has however disapproved of the order, and gen. Dix has [modified] his order accordingly. There is reported to be a perfect panic among railroad men in Canada for fear of non-intercourse with the United States. It is reported that a portion of the raiders have since been re-arrested by the Canadian authorities, who seem to be repenting their late action in discharging them. They are offering a reward for three still at large.

A large fleet consisting of [62] vessels carrying 507 guns accompanied by land forces started on an expedition from Hampton Roads on the 12th, commanded by Rear Admiral Porter. [His] destination is supposed to be Wilmington harbor, its object, the capture of Wilmington, and the reductions of the fort in the vicinity.

Board and lodging are advertized in Richmond at $25 per day.

The recent incendiary fires in N. Y. and the St. Albians raid have made it expedient to keep a sharp lookout for southerners at N.Y. Accordingly Gen. Dix has ordered that all men arriving at N.Y. from insurgent districts shall register their names. The rebel papers express much satisfaction at this order and hope that we shall make the North too hot for southern refugees.

The Commercial says there is to be no winter quarters for any of the armies except that before Richmond and Petersburg.

An Augusta (Ga.) paper of the 7th says that Yankee persons report that Gen. Kilpatrick was mortally wounded in the fight on Sunday at Walker’s Bridge.

Our Minister to France, Mr. Dayton, died at Paris on the 2d Inst., of apoplexy. Fessenden, Blair and Stanton are mentioned as candidates for the vacancy.

Congress has created the rank of Vice Admiral of the Navy.

A General Bankrupt law has passed the House.

The State Register says there is considerable excitement in that section relative to the discovery of oil springs near Des Moines. It is believed petroleum exists in unlimited quantities beneath the soil of Polk county.

– Published in The Union Sentinel, Osceola, Iowa, Friday, December 23, 1864