John Pettit* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 10, 1856

LAFAYETTE, INDIANA, November 10, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR: The smoke of the battle has cleared away and we are victorious. I congratulate you and the country on this glorious result and I sincerely hope that Mr. Buchanan may call you to the head of his Cabinet for I know of no man more worthy or better qualified. I expressed to you similar views before the formation of Mr. Pierce's Cabinet and do not wish to flatter you, but this is my honest desire. If I can serve you, intimate in what way.

We have carried our Legislature and shall elect two senators, Mr. Bright will be one, and I want and ought to be the other and can be if Mr. Bright will co-operate with me. Am I asking too much in asking you to write Mr. B[right] at once, urging him to unite his friends with mine for our mutual election? If so, you will pardon me for this intrusion, but believe me your sincere friend.

_______________

* A Representative in Congress from Indiana, 1843-1849; a Senator, 1853-1855. He was not successful in his efforts for a reelection in 1856.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 200

Daniel M. Barringer* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 11, 1856

CHARLOTTE, MECKLENBURG CO., N. C.,

November 11th, 1856.

MY DEAR SIR: I congratulate you and all true national men on the glorious result of the Presidential Election and especially on the decisive vote of the great mother of States and Statesmen. The "Old North" has also performed her duty nobly in this crisis, greatly increasing the majority of August last. Old Mecklenburg where I live has again vindicated principles as important to us, as those of the Revolution.

I read with the greatest pleasure your brilliant speech during the Campaign, at Poughkeepsie and had parts of it circulated in our papers, with good effect.

But, my dear Sir, the great struggle for us in the South is not yet finally ended. We must stand to our arms, Favoritism and bigotry, are even now again raising their heads. We must be always ready.

_______________

* A Representative in Congress from North Carolina, 1843-1849; minister to Spain, 1849-1853.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 200

George Booker to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 16, 1856

NEAR HAMPTON, [VA.], 16th November, 1856.

MY DEAR HUNTER: I have been thinking about this Southern Convention which is to meet at Savannah on the 8th [of] next month and it occurs to me and I suggest to you the importance of your going there, which may influence the action of the next administration of great importance to the south.

If we can succeed in Kansas, keep down the Tariff, shake off our Commercial dependence upon the North and add a little more slave territory, we may yet live free men under the Stars and Strip[e]s. Mr. Buchanan, if not committed to the "balance idea" is to the acquisition of more southern territory.

The next few years must be eventful ones in our history, may, probably will, decide the fate of the Union, at all events the destines of our section. Mr. Buchanan and the Northern Democracy are dependent upon the South, an extraordinary course of things here placed them and us in this attitude towards each other. Shall we use our power? or suffer things of such magnitudes to be controlled by our enemies, by accident, or any other causes? I repeat I want you to go to Savannah. Please tell me what you know of Dudley Mann and his line of steamers from the Chesapeake bay to Millford, is he a practical man and is his enterprise likely to be successful?

Who is to be in the Cabinet from V[irgini]a? Kindest regards to Garnett. Tell him I want him to examine and consider our Naturalization laws, as soon as he can. It does seem to me time to check this flood of emigration, the chief element of Northern power and ascendency. Tell him I would not only have him use K[now] N[othing] thunder but the thunder bolts of Heaven to crush the enemies of the South.

Ask him to tell me hereafter at his leisure why it was he ran ahead of Mr. Buchanan in every county at every precinct. Was it his eloquence? Was it Mr. Saunder's position? Was it Buchanan's position? Fillmore's position? What cause? What combination produced that striking result?

Tell him his district is proud of him and wishes him to grow in influence, in importance, in power fast as possible, but when he begins to grow "National” we shall begin to grow cold.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 200-1

George W. Munford to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 22, 1856

(Confidential.)

RICHMOND, [VA.], November 22d, 1856.

DEAR SIR: Feeling anxious that Virginia should be properly represented in Mr. Buchanan's Cabinet and believing that her interests and those of the South would be guarded with filial affection by you, it would afford me great pleasure to see you in a position where your advice would command the attention and respect to which it would be entitled and your talents be appropriated usefully to the Country. I know they are so already, but of course I mean in a different position from the one you now occupy. I think I am in a situation from which I may be of service to you and therefore do not hesitate to ask you in confidence and to be used in the same way, whether you would accept a seat in the Cabinet and would be satisfied with the post of Secretary of the Treasury.

Amid the general rejoicing for the great Victory achieved by the Democratic party and which we had hoped would have given us repose for at least four years longer, I cannot but regret that Mr. Buchanan should have done any thing to render less buoyant the feelings of his true friends. His letter on the Pacific Railroad in my opinion runs counter to all the cherished opinions and principles of Virginia on internal improvements and opens a wide door to a system of wild expenditure and extravagance that knows no bounds. Please let me hear from you as speedily as convenient.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 201-2

Lewis E. Harvie to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 23, 1856

(Confidential.)

[AMELIA CO., VA.], November 23, 1856.

DEAR HUNTER: I was in Richmond yesterday and saw Pryor who has heard from Washington that there is some effort being made there to get him selected as one of the two coeditors of the organ of the new administration at Washington. His circumstances and possibly his ambition would prompt him to desire this place earnestly tho' he says he is making no effort to get it. Dr. Garnett has written to him that he should urge Wise to apply to Buchanan for it on behalf of Pryor. On the other hand Beverly Tucker is struggling for it and says that Wise is committed to him. Thus much for that. I also found that Pryor thought that Wise would urge the offer of Secretary of State to be made to you and thought if so you ought to accept it. Reed [?] had heard Beverly Tucker say that Wise would turn you out of the Senate when the election came on. Now Pryor is a true man and true to you and moreover is under some obligations to some of your friends that he feels and wont disregard, but if he were to be the Editor of such a paper, you being of the Cabinet, would be what of all things he would desire and I am writing to you to warn and guard you in case such an offer be again and any advice he may offer by letter or otherwise. If it be made it will of course be for one of two reasons either because they know you will not accept it and thus get for Wise and his President the credit of having made the offer, or to create a vacancy in the Senate for Wise.

Now it is so clear to me that you ought not to go into the Cabinet and that you ought to remain in the Senate that I can scarcely think there is any occasion for writing. This Administration can't stand, at the end of four years; at all events there must be another and a fiercer struggle than has just taken place and you ought to be in the Senate preparing yourself and the country for it, sustaining the administration in all measures calculated to secure our rights, leading the Southern men and forming and wielding them in a solid and compact mass. You can and will have more power in the Senate than if President. It is expected, it is conceded that you must take the lead and it is not in the power of any party or partizans to arrest your career. So confident do I feel of this, so clear does it seem to me that I should think you mad if not criminal if you were to doubt or hesitate. I write strongly because I feel so. There is no necessity for the sacrifice there is no propriety in it. Your acceptance of this offer if made would be laid to the account of timidity or mere love of place and in either case your power and usefulness would be lost. Don't then entertain any such idea for a moment. If the offer that I just spoke of be made to Pryor, his poverty will make him accept it and the power that he is exerting thro' the Enquirer will be lost to him and that will be a great loss to us, but nevertheless you are invincible in the State and those who assail you will find it to be so. I think he will write to you and it is as well that you have some knowledge of his views beforehand. Of course all of this letter in regard to him is strictly confidential.

Present my warmest congratulations to Garnett and say to him that I am not only rejoiced at his success but proud of it. I don't doubt but that his Excellency [Wise] will write to him to the same effect and possibly that he secured his nomination and election. I wish you would sometimes write to me without my forcing you to do so in answer to my letters and tell me what is in the wind. I should like to see you before you go to Washington but if not I will see you then.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), pp. 202-3

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, October 1, 1862

Left Louisville camp and marched to South Fork, and encamped for the night, making a march of 20 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 22

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, October 2, 1862

Left South Fork camp, marched to Taylorsville, and went three miles out on picket the same night, making a march of 23 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 22

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, October 4, 1862

Left Taylorsville camp, remaining the 3d on picket and marched the 4th to Bloomington, and encamped for the night, making a march of 10 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 22

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, October 6, 1862

Left Bloomington and marched over Chaplin creek on the hill the same day, having remained in the above mentioned camp two days, and encamped for the night, making a march of 11 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 22

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, October 7, 1862

Left Chaplin creek camp and marched to McMinnville, Ky., the same day, and encamped for the night, making a march of 15 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 22

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, October 8, 1862

Left McMinnville camp in the morning, the colonel telling us, ''Boys, you have longed to meet the enemy on the battle-field, and you will have a chance to-day, or do without water, as the enemy holds the spring that we will have to encamp at." The shout went up from every son of Uncle Sam's family, ,, [sic]     A fight and water we will have." The cannons were already booming, and had been all night, so at fifteen minutes past two o'clock we became engaged, and in one hour and three-quarters we lost two hundred and eleven men out of our regiment (the 79th Pa. Vol. Infantry). We went into the fight with forty-three men in our company (D) and came out with eighteen, having had twenty-five wounded and killed; two killed dead and two dying the next day. I myself was unfortunate enough to be shot through the left leg, about two inches below the knee, the ball glancing off the bone and passing through and out at the fleshy part or calf of the leg, injuring the muscle so that I was unfit for fight, and was sent to the rear after the fifteenth fire. This is my first and last wound received in the battle of Chaplin Hill or Chaplin Heights, so called, and fought on the 8th day of October. 1862. in Boyle county, Ky. Making a march of 8 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, pp. 22-3

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, October 9, 1862

Was hauled from off the battle-ground in an ambulance wagon at half past two in the morning. for fear of the enemy opening fire on our hospital or old house in which we remained all night from the day of the fight; having our batteries planted close by, if another engagement would ensue, they would draw the enemy's fire on our building. So we, four in number, were hauled five miles this morning to Antioch church, Boyle county, and thrown out in a pile like wood, for they had been removing wounded off the battle-ground all night until the church was perfectly filled, and under every shade tree nigh at hand. I rolled over and over, as I was so disabled that I could not walk, until I got to a fence, and with loss of blood and pain and fatigue, became sleepy in a short time after being left in this condition, I went to sleep and slept until after the sun was up, and on awaking I found myself completely tight against the above mentioned fence, on account of another wounded soldier dying while I was asleep, with his feet tight down the hill against me and his head up the hill, the ground being somewhat rolling, I called to a citizen close by, that had come to see the wounded soldiers, to come to me and remove the dead man, that I might help myself up by the fence. He removed the person, and throwed a blanket over the body to protect it until better attended to. I lay for six days out under a white oak tree, with my wound dressed once. Making a march of 5 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, pp. 23-4

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, October 15, 1862

Left or was taken from Antioch church to Perryville to a hospital fitted up for our reception. The first time away from my regiment and company from the time I left for the seat of war, or the first roll call missed, or stacking of arms, or march missed for over a year; and was well cared for in this hospital by the surgeon in charge of us wounded Union soldiers. We were well supplied with food calculated to suit our weak and delicate appetites, from the Union citizens, women and men, of Boyle county, and got along as well as could be expected for the time of our stay in this hospital, remaining eight days in it. Making a march of 6 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 24

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, October 23, 1862

Left Pcrryville. Orders came for us to be removed to Lebanon hospital; so the same day we were shipped aboard our army wagon train and arrived in Lebanon about 4 o'clock in the evening, and were happily received and met by our General Starkweather, who came to see us for the first time from the front, and sympathized with us for our wounds, and thanked us kindly for our good behavior in the battle. This will show that we remained in the hospital above mentioned eight days, and in this one four days. Making a march of 20 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, pp. 24-5

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, October 27, 1862

Left Lebanon hospital, or was ordered to be sent to Louisville No. 12 hospital, and arrived there the same evening, and was conveyed to the hospital and well cared for. Making a march of 84 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 25

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, November 6, 1862

Left Louisville, and was sent by orders to New Albany, Indiana, hospital No. 6, and a nice place too and well cared for, remaining nine days in this hospital, and making a march of 4 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 25

Daniel Webster to Richard M. Blatchford, May 1851

[May.] Albany, Tuesday evening, six o'clock.

MY DEAR SIR,—I arrived here at four o'clock, received your letter, and have dispatched the Boston papers.

I have also written to Washington to provide for the matter there, until I see you. In tantis laboribus magnis, in quibus sesemens mea penitus agitat, rerum non sum oblitus parvorum.¹

I hope this is pretty good Latin; if not, it is at least good English, to say that I am always, with most sincere regard, your obliged friend and obedient servant,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

_______________

¹ Translation: Amid such great labors, in which my mind is deeply troubled, I have not forgotten the small things.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 438

Daniel Webster to Edward Curtis, Tuesday, two o’clock, 1851

Tuesday, two o’clock, 1851

My Dear Sir,—

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

I am glad you think me right in keeping away from New York for the present. I am resolved not to commit either the Government or myself, in any degree, to the extravagant expесtations entertained in regard to what may be done.

When may we look for you? Fletcher left us this morning. Mr. Ashmun has been here for a day, and leaves to-morrow morning. We long to see you and Mrs. Curtis.

You perceive the Kossuth movement was checked a little, in the House of Representatives, yesterday. Probably it will go on to-day.

For two hours I have been reading the Report of the United States officers, who have returned from Utah. I never read so disgusting and terrific accounts of human depravity, and enormities. Governor Young has more than thirty wives! All the money sent to him for territorial purposes, he has given to the Mormon Church! But these things are not the beginning of the story of abominations.

Yours ever,

D. W.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 439

Daniel Webster to Richard M. Blatchford, May 2, 1851

Washington, May 2, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I was rejoiced to receive your letter yesterday, signifying that your health was better. We shall look out for Ellen till she comes.

It is very cold weather. The mercury this morning was as low as 35°, at five o'clock. I fear for the fruit-trees. At present, I am busy with Mexico, Nicaragua, and Costa Rica.

My wagon is a treasure. Morning or evening I get a drive in it, every day. If it had not been so cold, I was to have driven down to the Seines to-day, to witness for an hour or two, the drafts of rock fish, shad, sturgeon, &c., &c. As it is, I shall keep over the fire.

Yours truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, pp. 439-40

Daniel Webster to Richard M. Blatchford, May 4, 1851—8 a.m.

Washington, May 4, 1851, eight A. M.

MY DEAR SIR,—We have a great change in the weather, the mercury being now twenty-five degrees higher than yesterday morning at the same hour. The wind is south, and not unlikely to bring rain. There were frosts in various places in this neighborhood on the nights of the 2d and the 3d; but I think we shall now have summer upon us.

I am steadily engaged in my official duties, and make progress in some things which require despatch. There are but few people here, and it is a good time for work.

I have given up my professional engagements, both in New York and Boston. This has been done at a great sacrifice, three thousand dollars at least, but I felt it to be my duty. For the next two or three months I may calculate on good health, after which my annual visitation of "hay fever," or "catarrh," may render me incapable of doing much of any thing for the residue of the summer. I feel, therefore, that I owe it to my place, and to my duties, to let nothing interfere for the present with close attention to public affairs.

There never was a time, I think, in which our foreign relations were more quiet. There seems no disturbing breath on the surface. All the diplomatic gentlemen here are amicably disposed, and our intercourse is quite agreeable. I think Mr. Hülsemann is the most satisfied and happy of them all.

An hour hence I receive my mail, and then go to church, always expecting a good sermon from Dr. Butler.

By the way, if you would see something in the prophetic books of Scripture, remarkably applicable to our days, turn to the second chapter of Nahum, and the fourth verse.

Yours, always truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

P. S. For something to remind you of telegraphic wires, see Job, xxxviii. 35.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 441

Daniel Webster to Richard M. Blatchford, Monday, May 5, 1851—7 a.m.

Monday morning, seven o'clock, May 5, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I was happy to find a short letter from you in my mail yesterday. As to the "especially special" letter to me from New York, I shall receive it with great gratitude and sincere respect, but I hope it will not be of a character to call me away immediately from my engagements here.

I shall look for you with hope and confidence, on Saturday morning, and trust you will bring some friend with you. There are two or three things I want to say to you, by word of mouth.

It is again wet and rainy, and the glass down to 40°, as disagreeable a morning as you would wish to see.

Yours, truly always,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 442

Daniel Webster to Edward Everett, Monday, May 6, 1851

Washington, May 6, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I think of dedicating each volume to some friend. Would that look like affectation? Public men and scholars will be remembered by their works. Private friendships are forgotten. It has occurred to me, that I would dedicate the second volume to Isaac P. Davis, as a memorial of an uninterrupted friendship of forty years. What should you think of it? I have mentioned it to no one.

D. W.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 442

Daniel Webster to Peter Harvey, Friday, May 9, 1851—7 a.m.

Washington, Friday morning, seven o'clock, May 9, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I hope to meet some Boston friends in New York on Tuesday. Mr. Edward Curtis will be there, as well as others, and it may be a good time to confer. My own stay will be short, as we leave early the next morning. But I hope you, and whoever comes with you, may be able to stay a day or two. My letter to you expresses pretty much what I have to say on the subject. What remains must be left to friends.

Yours, truly,

DAN’L WEBSTER.

P. S. Of course, if any thing be attempted, Mr. Choate must be our standard-bearer.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 443

Daniel Webster to Richard M. Blatchford, Sunday, May 11, 1851—1 p.m.

[May 11, 1851,] Sunday, one o'clock.

MY DEAR SIR,—I thank you for your letter from Philadelphia. I am well, and leave to-morrow morning, at six o'clock. I dread the journey awfully.

I see four elements of distress in it: 1. Heat. 2. Crowds. 3. Limestone water. 4. The necessity of speech-making.

This last is not the least, for I have exhausted my opinions and my thoughts, my illustrations and my imaginations; all that remains in my mind is as "dry as a remainder biscuit, after a voyage."

Your notion that no evil can come from this jaunt, cheers me; but still I feel a caving in at the prospect before me. But never mind. If I should not be remarkably foolish, nor remarkably unlucky, I shall not spoil all the past.

Yours,

D. W.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 443

Daniel Webster to Caroline White Webster, May 20, 1851—9 p.m.

Buffalo, May 20, 1851, nine o'clock, P. M.

MY DEAR CAROLINE,—I am detained here, unavoidably, for two or three days beyond my expectation.

Fletcher has had his trunk packed, two or three times, for his departure for home, but when the time came, I did not feel that I could part with him. I have nobody else with me, and though well at present, I should be alarmed if I should get sick.

To-night he has got all things in readiness for going early in the morning; but I do not believe I should sleep an hour, under the consciousness that he was to leave in the morning. I must, my dear child, detain him a day or two longer, and you must try to forgive me for it. I have no travelling friend; no servant, or attendant, that I am acquainted with; and if Fletcher should go, I should feel absolutely desolate.

I have telegraphed to New York for somebody to meet me, and the moment I see a reliable and familiar face, I will give your husband my blessing, and let him depart.

Your affectionate father,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 444

Daniel Webster to Millard Fillmore, May 29, 1851

New York, May 29, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I arrived from Albany this morning, having stayed two or three days at Canandaigua to recruit. Coming after you, I had infinite pleasure in hearing of the warmth of your reception everywhere, and of the highly favorable impression made by your visit. Your friends all think it has done great good. The enemy seems silenced, at least for the present. Every body, my dear Sir, speaks in just terms of the propriety of your speeches to the people, and of your excellent, acceptable, and honorable demeanor, in all respects; none more so, than some here with whom these strains are new. I hope to move South to-morrow.

Yours always truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 444

George F. Wright

GEORGE F. WRIGHT was born in Warren, Vermont, December 5, 1833. He was reared on a farm, and when eighteen years of age at tended West Randolph Academy. He came to Iowa in 1855, locating at Keosauqua where he began the study of law in the office of Judge George G. Wright, and was admitted to the bar in 1857. At the beginning of the Civil War he helped to raise a military company of which he was chosen first lieutenant. Later at the request of Governor Kirkwood Lieutenant Wright organized a company of State militia of which he was commissioned captain. In 1868 Mr. Wright removed to Council Bluffs where he became a law partner with Judge Caleb Baldwin; the firm ranked high and became attorneys for several railroads. In 1875 Mr. Wright was elected to the State Senate from the district consisting of the counties of Mills and Pottawattamie, serving in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth General Assemblies. In 1879 Mr. Wright was appointed by Judge Dillon United States Commissioner, and later held the same position under Judge Woolson for the Southern District of Iowa. In 1896 he was chosen vice-president for Iowa of the Trans-Mississippi Exposition at Omaha. Mr. Wright was one of the organizers of the company which built the bridge across the Missouri River between Council Bluffs and Omaha.

SOURCE: Benjamin F. Gue, History of Iowa from the Earliest of Times to the Beginning of the Twentieth Century, Volume 4: Iowa Biography, p. 296

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, Sunday, November 16, 1862

We took dinner with my old friend Andrew Meredith called and seen Brothers M M Myres and CE Yeager had a pleasant time evening went to Prayer meeting at the ME church it was rather a dry time for so much mud I called with Brother Yeager a short time after meeting.

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 95

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, November 17, 1862

I went over to my place south of Keosauqua to see to having some corn got home Spent the afternoon and evening pleasantly with our old neighbours

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 95

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, November 18, 1862

Forenoon I rode over to my place south of Keosauqua & out to John Bennets came home in the rain

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 95

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, November 19, 1862

I rode over to my river farm forenoon and afternoon over to Pittsburg & up Chequest to Valentines mill & home

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 95

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, November 20, 1862

I spent the day seeing about my crop on my river farm evening Emma & I was at prayer meeting and after meeting we called & spent an hour with Judge Geo Wright¹ I received a letter with the information of the happy death of Sister Sophia Phillips in Cecil Co Md on the 11th

_______________

¹ George G. Wright of Keosauqua, judge of the Supreme Court of Iowa for fifteen years, and United States senator from Iowa for six years.

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, pp. 95-6

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, November 21, 1862

I got my Brotherinlaw Leeroy Meredith & we put in the day steadily halling corn from my river farm & Mr Legg was also delivering my share of my place south of town. I am verry tired to night but am well bless the Lord but my son Augustus has the mumps

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 96

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, November 22, 1862

I have been verry busy fixing up matters to leave I have just returned from the Lodge of I.0.0.F. we had a pleasant time and conferred the 5th degree on Bro W Walker

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 96

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, Sunday, November 23, 1862

8 Oc the children & I went to the graveyard and had a season of prayer at the graves of my sainted Wife & children 11 Oc we attended preaching by Brother Brodrick at the ME church Keosauqua text John 15th 5th v we took dinner with L Meredith 2 Oc we attended Sabbath School 110 Schollars 3½ Oc we attended class & had a precious time evening Brodrick preached text Luke 1st 78th & 79th Emma handed in her letter

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 96

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, November 24, 1862

I attended to some business with Judge Knapp, packed up my things & at 4 Oc bid good by to my Dear children Amandus took me in my buggy & at 5 Oc I took the cars at Summit & at 8½ arrived at Keokuk 9 Oc I arrived at Camp Lincoln glad to see the boys

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 96

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, November 25, 1862

11½ Oc we marched from Camp Lincoln & took passage in the packet Bill Henderson for St Louis at 1½ Oc we left Keokuk with four of our companies six having gone yesterday we have two barges in tow for 2 of the com

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 96

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, November 26, 1862

We took 2 more barges in tow at the reck of the packet Denmark which snaged & sunk, I believe yesterday 2 weeks. both barges ware loaded with the machinery & things from the Denmark. while we lay at the wreck a man from Co E walked off one of the barges & fortunately came up and swam & got hold of the wheel of the Packet at stearn & got on board. 8½ Oc at night arrived at St Louis

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 96

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, November 27, 1862

8½ Oc we left the packet and formed in line on the levvy St Louis 10 Oc we started for Benton Barracks had a verry Dirty time 12 Oc we arrived had stoves put up & found every convenience we could ask in camp life & all agreed that Genl Fremont is worthy of great praise for the excellent arrangements of the Barracks. evening I spent with Friend LeeRoy Mayne at the head quarters & we had a fine oyster supper

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 96

Diary of 2nd Lieut. Benjamin F. Pearson, November 28, 1862

Evening it snowed to cover the ground near 1½ inch deep. Our Capt TM Fee & First Lieut Wm M McCreary spent the day in the citty of St Louis & got us a mess chest & some other articles. I drilled the company fore & afternoon. 4¼ Oc we were on Dress perade

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 96

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, November 29, 1862

By 10 Oc the snow is all gone. I started from Benton Barracks & went in the street car to the citty spent the day in the citty & was over the two gun boats building at the upper end of the levvy they are formidable looking things 4 Oc crossed into Illinois & at 5 Oc took the cars for Belleville at 6 Oc arrived at Brotherinlaw JK Mullen's & found him and his Bride well took tea & went & spent part of the evening with H A Mullen found his family well. returned & staid the night with JK & left with Amandus

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 96

Diary of 2nd Lieutenant Benjamin F. Pearson, November 30, 1862

11 Oc Am Mullen & I attended church at MEC text Simon lovest thou me 3 Oc attended the funeral of Wesly Harison text Eclezeastes 12th 5th, at MEC also evening at same ch. text Prov 3rd 17th all by Rev TP Davis I spent an hour at BI Wests. staid the night with A H Mullen

SOURCE: Edgar R. Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October 1925, p. 96

Senator Henry Clay to Henry White, September 10, 1848

ASHLAND, September 10, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR, I received your friendly letter, and beg you to be perfectly assured of my undiminished regard and esteem. Although I believe that the Philadelphia Convention has placed the Whig party in a humiliating condition—one which, I fear, will impair its usefulness, if not destroy its existence—I acquiesced in its decision in not nominating me, and have submitted quietly to it. I have done nothing to oppose its nomination. I have given no countenance to any movements having for their object any further use of my name, in connection with the office of President. Beyond this I can not go. Self-respect and consistency with deliberate opinions long since formed and repeatedly avowed, against the elevation to that office of a mere military man, must restrain me from taking any active part in the canvass. I wish to leave every body freely to act for themselves, without influence from me, if I could exert any. If I were to recommend the support of General Taylor, and if he should be elected on it afterward, and in his Administration disappoint the Whigs, I should feel myself liable to reproaches.

I regret, therefore, that I can not comply with your request to make a public declaration of my intention to support General Taylor. Without compromising any one, I shall go to the polls when the day arrives, and give such a vote as I think may be most likely to be least injurious to the country.

With my warm regards to Mrs. White and your family, I am your friend.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 573-4

Senator Henry Clay to Daniel Ullman, September 16, 1848

ASHLAND, September 16, 1848.

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your favor of the 9th instant, informing me of the movement of some of my friends in New York to bring out my name as a candidate for the Presidency.

I feel under the greatest obligations and the warmest gratitude to them, for the sentiments of attachment, confidence, and friendship which they do me the honor to entertain. And to you, in particular, I owe an expression of my cordial thanks for your long, ardent, and ever faithful attachment to me.

But, my dear sir, after the decision of the Philadelphia Convention against my nomination, I have felt bound quietly to submit. I could not, therefore, accept a nomination, if it were tendered to me, nor do I wish any further use of my name in connection with the office of President.

I never would have consented to the submission of my name to that Convention, but under a conviction that I should have been elected if nominated. I firmly believe now that such would have been the result.

The Convention chose to nominate another, and I have ever since avoided giving the slightest countenance or encouragement to any further efforts on my behalf.

To bring me into the canvass now, would, I think, only have the effect of adding to existing embarrassments, and perhaps of throwing the election into the House of Representatives, at a time when parties are most exasperated against each other. Such an issue of the contest is to be deprecated.

I am glad to hear that you have finally established yourself in your profession in New York. I request you to accept my cordial wishes for your success, happiness, and prosperity.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 574-5

Senator Henry Clay to James Lynch and Others, September 20, 1848

ASHLAND, September 20, 1848.

GENTLEMEN, I have received your official letter as members of the (Whig) Democratic General Committee of the city and county of New York, and I take pleasure in answering it.

Never from the period of decision of the Philadelphia Convention against my nomination as a candidate for the Presidency, have I been willing, nor am I now, to have my name associated with that office. I would not accept a nomination if it were tendered to me, and it is my unaffected desire that no further use be made of my name in connection with that office. I have seen, therefore, with regret, movements in various quarters having for their object to present me as their candidate to the American people; these movements have been made without any approbation from me. In the present complicated state of the Presidential election they can not, in my opinion, be attended with any public good, and may lead to the increase of embarrassments, and to the exasperation of parties.

While I say this much without reserve, I must nevertheless add that I feel profound gratitude to such of my warm-hearted and faithful friends as continue to indulge the vain hope of placing me in the office of Chief Magistrate of the United States. And that I neither think it just or politic to stigmatize them as factionists or by any other opprobrious epithets. Among them I recognize names which have been long distinguished for ability, for devotion to the Whig cause, and for ardent patriotism.

You advert with entire truth to the zeal and fidelity with which the delegation from New York sought in the Philadelphia Convention to promote my nomination as a candidate for the Presidency. I am most thankful to them and shall ever recollect their exertions with profound gratitude.

And here, gentlemen, I would stop but for your request that I would communicate my views; this I shall do briefly and frankly, but with reluctance and regret.

Concurring entirely with you, that the peace, prosperity and happiness of the United States depend materially on the preservation of Whig principles, I should be most happy if I saw more clearly than I do that they are likely to prevail.

But I can not help thinking that the Philadelphia Convention humiliated itself, and as far as it could, placed the Whig party in a degraded condition. General Taylor refused to be its candidate. He professed indeed to be a Whig, but he so enveloped himself in the drapery of qualifications and conditions that it is extremely difficult to discover his real politics. He was and yet is willing to receive any and every nomination no matter from what quarter it might proceed. In his letter to the "Richmond Republican" of the 20th April last, he declared his purpose to remain a candidate, no matter what nomination might be made by the Whig Convention. I know what was said and done by the Louisiana delegation in the Convention, but there is a vail about that matter which I have not penetrated. The letter from him which it was stated one of that delegation possessed, has never been published, and a letter on the same subject addressed to the independent party of Maryland, has at his instance been withheld from the public. It was quite natural that after receiving the nomination he should approve the means by which he obtained it. What I should be glad to see is some revocation of the declaration in the "Richmond Republican" letter before the nomination was made.

On the great leading national measures which have so long divided parties, if he has any fixed opinions, they are not publicly known. Exclusively a military man, without the least experience in civil affairs, bred up and always living in the camp with his sword by his side, and his epaulets on his shoulders, it is proposed to transfer him from his actual position of second in command of the army, to the Chief Magistrate of this great model Republic.

If I can not come out in active support of such a candidate, I hope those who know any thing of my opinions, deliberately formed and repeatedly avowed, will excuse me; to those opinions I shall adhere with increased instead of diminished confidence. I shall think that my friends ought to be reconciled to the silence I have imposed on myself from deference to them as well as from strong objections which I entertain to the competitor of General Taylor. I wish to lead or mislead no one, but to leave all to the unbiased dictates of their own judgment.

I know and feel all that can be urged in the actual position of the present contest.

I entertain with you the strongest apprehension from the election of General Cass, but I do not see enough of hope and confidence in that of General Taylor to stimulate my exertions and animate my zeal. I deeply fear that his success may lead to the formation of a mere personal party. There is a chance indeed that he may give the country a better administration of the Executive Government than his competitor would, but it is not such a chance as can arouse my enthusiasm or induce me to assume the responsibility of recommending any course or offering any advice to others.

I have great pleasure in bearing my humble testimony in favor of Mr. Fillmore. I believe him to be able, indefatigable, industrious and patriotic. He served in the extra session of 1841 as Chairman of the committees of the two houses of Congress, and I had many opportunities of witnessing his rare merits.

I do not desire the publication of this letter, but if you deem it necessary, you may publish the four first and the last paragraphs.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, pp. 575-80

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Friday, July 1, 1864

MOVE TO PRISON ANNEX—HOW WE CELEBRATE.

The addition to the stockade is finished. An aperture, ten feet wide, is left in the old wall at the north of the old ground. Thirteen thousand are ordered to move through (my detachment is one designated) in three hours. The weather is very hot and that mass of men moving without order over ground already crowded with those who are to remain, is horribly fatiguing. This time is given us to get on the ground or no rations will be given these detachments; so we strove at the walls like a crowded flock of sheep escaping through a hole in a fence, being obliged to jump a trench five feet deep, three wide with a bank of dirt on the opposite side. Never did men work more earnestly for a prize than we for a little course Indian meal to appease our terrible hunger. But it smelt so good, the green stuff that had been growing, that we felt rejoiced and thrilled at the sight of Nature's face yet undefiled, but soon to be desecrated by the foulness of disease and decay. A score of men fell into the trench in clambering through the stockade, and had to be helped. Fragments of trees lay about over which men strove to obtain fuel and shelter. The average number of deaths per day is estimated at 70.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, pp. 82-3

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Sunday, July 3, 1864

New prisoners report favorable progress by our armies. Yesterday there was a powerful rain lasting ten hours. In this part the soil is red and hard, surface flat, and water stood from two to four inches deep. We stood up all night to keep out of it. Those too feeble to do this, were drenched and drowned. It was with great physical and mental effort that I was able to endure the strain as I have been feeble several days.

Four crazy men have been wandering through camp several days. I noticed one today without any clothing, having been naked for two weeks. He lay within four rods of the south gate, arms extended, exposed to the sun, in full view of everybody. His whole body was blistered, his countenance frightfully distorted, giving utterance to unintelligible sounds, frothy matter oozing from his mouth and nostrils, his eyes appearing blind. Another prisoner shot through the hips last night by a guard. One lay near the brook delirious, burning with fever; another near him was unable to speak; one-half buried in the swamp, covered by a mass of maggots and flies. Those who brought him out said his eyes, ears, nose and mouth were filled. Near the sink, in almost every passage, lay half-rotting skeletons, evincing all the signs of deprivation and symptoms of pestilence, and yet alive. All of this and I have not been out of my usual course. Neither do I mention those who have a slight covering to turn the sun. There are hundreds who would require the best treatment to be saved, and perhaps could not be saved. In this absence of medical treatment we resort to simple means to cure ourselves. A very limited supply of red root and white gum bark can be found, on our new lot, and pine bark, which are used to check the almost universal complaints, diarrhoea, dysentery and urinary troubles. I observed several men today had buried their limbs to the knees, as a remedy for scurvy. But the truth is there is no remedy for this condition under the circumstances. Never could we imagine anything so horrible! We might write volumes, and fail to describe the horrible reality. Our people would disbelieve it, and "pooh" as if it were a fabulous tale. Tonight some have a season of prayer near us. One or two most excellent prayers were offered, prayers that would grace pulpits, bearing an earnestness of the soul's devotion. It seemed so much like home, like steadfast faith and adoration, a reflex of the all-reaching Providence, that we felt it good to be there; that hearts are still alive, the finer sympathies not entirely stifled. How much better to see men in such communion, seeking consolation from heaven, than to see them worse than brutes, or fighting demons! No rations today.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 83

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Monday, July 4, 1864

Eighty-eight years this day since our fathers gave to the world that important document setting forth the immortal truth that all men are born free with equal rights to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness, and declaring the independence of these states from foreign domination—the Declaration of American Independence. On these great truths they founded a Republic. Today their posterity are in mourning for the loss of sons. In painful expectations, in earnest hope and fear, their eyes are turned toward two mighty armies contending on the same soil, one for those principles and that Republic, the other battling to maintain a dying rebellion inaugurated to overthrow the work of their hands, and to found a government on principles the reverse. Nothing was ever more plainly asserted in both words and deeds than this. Here within the scope of my vision, are 26,000 men suffering for the great sin that has cursed our people, offered a living sacrifice that it may not be destroyed but saved free from the contaminating influence that has stained our fair emblem—the boasted emblem of liberty; that the Union of the States shall not be broken by the hands of Treason; the foul assassin of Liberty! O, that the day of glorious triumph may soon come and with it the right, and stop the horrid evil of war! Let the demon that actuated it be destroyed! Apropos to the day are these beautiful lines from Longfellow, which Thompson recited:

* * * Sail on, O Ship of State!

Sail on, O Union, strong and great!

Humanity with all its fears,

With all the hopes of future years,

Is hanging breathless on thy fate!

We know what Master laid thy keel,

What Workmen wrought thy ribs of steel,

Who made each mast, and sail, and rope,

What anvils rang, what hammers beat,

In what a forge and what a heat

Were shaped the anchors of thy hope!

Fear not each sudden sound and shock,

'Tis of the wave and not the rock;

'Tis but the flapping of the sail,

And not a rent made by the gale!

In spite of rock and tempest's roar,

In spite of false lights on the shore,

Sail on, nor fear to breast the sea!

Our hearts, our hopes, are all with thee.

Our hearts, our hopes, our prayers, our tears,

Our faith triumphant o'er our fears,

Are all with thee,—are all with thee!

Have had but little rest for two nights, owing to the storm and severity of my complaints. No rations since the 2nd. Two hours of terrible thunder storm. At the Sutler's "Shebang" I purchased a small wheat biscuit for 35 cents. This is my feast (after two days' fast) for July 4th, 1864.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, pp. 84-5

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Tuesday, July 5, 1864

We moved back to the old side, five of us, unbeknown to Rebs, it being improved by the removal of so many to the new part, and to get near the well we dug, for we were fifty rods from water. About 3 p. m. the mule teams came to the north gate; the boys cry "rations," the first issued for over sixty hours. I know no other reason for this than that the first night after the new part of the prison was occupied men carried off timbers of the old north wall for wood or for huts. On July 2nd Capt. Wirz directed that no rations be issued until every stick was replaced. He was heard to say on the 3rd, at the gate, that he would "learn the G-d d--n Yankees that he was in command and if the sons of b-----s died like hell, there would be enough left." I paid ten cents for a small rotting apple; it was good. The 6th, Sherman's men report Johnston whipped at all points; the 8th, behind the Chattahoochee, Sherman crossing on his flank; Grant's, Richmond in danger; Lee's cornbread line troubled. The Southern slave empire must come down. Billy Decker, prisoner since October, a Belle Islander, "Pinch's" old playmate, is stopping with us. He belongs to the 1st U. S. dragoons; is from Steuben county, New York.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 85

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Thursday, July 7, 1864

Cool nights, hot days. My complaint not so bad. I have a painful cough. From three to six shots fired nightly by sentries, so common as not to be of note.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 85

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Friday, July 8, 1864

Prisoners arrive, 300, taken at James Island, S. C., the 3rd, belonging to the 52nd Pennsylvania, also a squad from Virginia. Fierce lightning and thunder in the middle of the day, the sun shining brightly, and scarce a cloud in the sky. A Rebel paper admits the country open to Grant, and Lee in a strait. "All we want is to be left alone," said Jeff Davis at his inaugural. His wants will grow, like "bull pen" lice.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 85

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Saturday, July 9, 1864

SCENES AMONG SICK.—RAIDERS CONVICTED.

Strong these men had been;

In vast army camps had duty done;

Had useful service in field and fort performed,

Some also on the sea and river fleets.

Strong on marches and in battles' strife;

Strong in perilous trenches behind belching guns

On skirmish lines at opening frays,

And bravely stood the shock of charging lines

That brought the battle's final test.

—From The Vision of North.

More than a week since a sick call. The Doctor came to the gate this morning; and many sick go forward. Crowds are carried who cannot walk and are laid over a large space. Still in a bad state and quite weak, I go, hoping to get a prescription, for "camphor pills," which sergeants of "nineties" draw, after the examination. Doctor comes in and looks them over hastily, going among them some, touching a few as though he felt squeamish. Two hours would be required, at least, to get along with the "nasty job," the doctors think, and only wink at them at that. I could not endure the hot sun, the awful stench, the sight of those sickening objects. I soon lost faith, if I had any, that I should be healed by a slight hem touch. I came to doubt, upon viewing the condition of so many others, whether I needed anything. More curious than charitable charity is a cripple here, begins and ends at home. I looked them over, and was not curious.

"Here pity doth most show herself alive

When she is dead." —Dante.

There were stronger forms and more robust constitutions than mine, weaker than infants; more loathsome than if they were dead; so they soon must be once a part of the bone and sinew of the Union army! What ten times worse than ghastly expressions! What pitiful complaints! What peevish, unmanly cries, calling for the doctor to "Come quick, for Christ's sake, quick!" constantly begging for water! Aghast, I stepped hurriedly, shamblingly, but carefully over those wasted, corrupted bodies, once beautiful caskets of immortal spirits, and hastened here and sit down with the boys under the shade of the blanket, my heart sinking, is it not hardening with gloom? I shudder while I write lest my fate shall be like theirs.

"What did you get, North?" they asked.

"Nothing; didn't try."

"You ought to."

"It wouldn't amount to shucks."

"Perhaps it would; at any rate, get all you can out of the Confederacy."

"That would do."

"Then go back and try."

"That makes me think of a man standing all night in the cold to freeze an ugly dog. The soundest man in the bull-pen would be sick to stand in that dying crowd an hour."

"That's what's the matter."

Tonight some of the sick are still at the gate; no attention paid, but ordered left till sent back. Many of the worst cases were admitted to hospital, a large number carried back by friends. Out of those who remain, six have died during the day; others on the verge of death. Doctors claim they have no means to care for the sick, therefore neglect them, let them rot rather than parole and send them to our lines. They are not admitted to the hospital, which is little better than this den, until in a condition of death; nor are we allowed to go out for brush and timber to build shelter here though thousands would volunteer for that service and the timber is all about us.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, pp. 86-7

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Sunday, July 10, 1864

Hot, showery day, renders the condition of the sick more appalling. It is believed that more than two-thirds of the 700 men at the gate in response to the sick call, are victims of starvation. Healthful action of the stomach and other organs of the body is destroyed; the food supplied imparts no nutriment though appetite craves it. Men eat whole rations ravenously, while unable to walk, which is not retained, sometime two minutes,—if it is, it is an internal fire and blood and decayed flesh come with temporary relief. Others loathe it, strain to vomit at sight, and so remain till death. Those not so afflicted are more or less infected with scurvy, dropsy, urinary disorders or these combined.

It is announced tonight that six raiders have been convicted and condemned to death and are to be hanged tomorrow in the prison shortly after noon. The names of these convicts are Cary Sullivan, of 76th N. Y. regiment; William Collins, alias Moseby, 88th Pennsylvania; Charles Curtis, 5th Rhode Island artillery; John Sarsfield, 144th N. Y.; Patrick Delaney, 83rd Pennsylvania; A. Muir, alias Jack the Sailor, U. S. navy. Sullivan's given name, announced by the regulators as Terrence, was carried on the company roll as Cary. It is understood that these men were professional bounty jumpers, going out for the money they could get, and were captured outside of the line of duty. We know Sullivan deserted our regiment while it was forming for expected battle, on the night of October 10th, 1863, and was captured by Rebel cavalry that was flanking our infantry a few hours prior to the beginning of Meade's great retreat to Centerville, Va. To carry out this grim project Sergeant Keys and immediate assistants have got the use of timbers and tools and secured a few carpenters to build a scaffold.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 87

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Monday, July 11, 1864

HANGING THE CHIEF RAIDERS. SCENES AT THE EXECUTION.

Building the scaffold for executing the principal raiders, began at 9 a. m. a few yards within the dead line near the south gate. By 1 p. m. it was finished and the crowd assembled everywhere a footing could be had in view of the scaffold. Looking from my position near the scaffold to the north on the sloping ground I beheld the most densely packed crowd I had ever seen. The south side if possible was more densely packed. They came from every extreme portion of the stockade until they could get no further. Evidently every man that could be was on his taps. A multitude of probably 30,000, all astir on so small an area is seldom if ever seen. The regulator squads, armed, with clubs, formed a square around the scaffold to keep back the crowd. It was feared by leaders that an attempt would be made, by associates of the doomed, to destroy the scaffold and release them. Sometime was employed in attaching halters to the beam and adjusting nooses, then all was ready. Shortly after, the gate opened and Capt. Wirz, dressed in a white duck suit, upon his gray horse, accompanied by a Catholic priest, followed by the guard with the doubly doomed war prisoners. They were six dressed only in undershirts and drawers and heads uncovered. Capt. Wirz addressed us in broken Swiss nearly as follows:

"Prisoners, I deliver these men to you in as good condition as I found them. I have had nothing to do in convicting them of crime of which they are accused, except to lend my assistance for their and your protection; nor do I charge them or believe them guilty, and shall have nothing to do with the execution of your sentence. You have tried them; I have permitted it. You have convicted and sentenced them; if they are hung, you, not I, will be responsible for it. I deliver them to you; do with them as you please, and may God be with them and you. Guards about face; forward march."

All but the priest moved out and the gate closed. This address was delivered from a paper in his hand said to have been' prepared by Lieut. Davis or some officer of the post.

The prisoners had doubted the earnestness of the proceedings up to the moment of the egress of Wirz and the guard. However, their arms had been pinioned, and when they looked at the gallows the dreadful truth struck terror to their hearts. Their executioners were in position and without the least delay pressed each man to ascend the scaffold, Curtis, a strong man, shouted in a strong, rough voice, "By God, boys, we will never go up there!" At the same time fiercely wrenching away, loosing his arms and throwing them about his head, dashed madly through the regulators' lines rushed through the weak crowd to the stream, plunged into the swamp, sometimes to his hips, but was retaken by two pursuers before reaching solid ground. Meantime the crowd took panic, supposing the rescue of the condemned was attempted and in the confusion jostled and trampled one another down. Their fright was greatly increased on seeing the Rebels fly to their guns. The crowd surged back like a heavy sea, trampling hundreds of the weaker under feet and leveling flimsy tents in the rush, which had hardly ceased before the fugitive was brought back trembling and cowering with fear. The others had been left standing, but now all were pushed up the steps to the trap by the executioner, talking and wailing unintelligibly while the priest begged fervently for them to be spared. As the nooses were put over their necks, and the bags, used for caps, were ready to be drawn over their faces, with what awful woe they crouched and pleaded for life. The priest, at their request essayed to address, not only those in charge but the vast crowd as well, uttering an appeal and urging that the final disposition of the matter be left to the crowd. Alas, of no avail. The witnesses of their crimes by thousands, as well as their condemners stood before them and their clamor for the execution to proceed overwhelmed the frantic effort of the priest. They believed them guilty of direct murder, the means of suffering and death of many by depriving them of scanty clothing and fare; by theft and in having cruelly beaten them. The guilty clamored for mercy that they had denied to innocent, helpless men. Yet willingly would most of us spared them to be dealt with by law, but with their lives we knew no safety.

Who has seen the soul's anguish pouring out in tears? This was the agony of guilt. It fired in the wild eye, flashed on the cowering cheek, darkened on the crazed brow and poured in frenzied tones from quivering lips. If the executioners were moved by these appeals they knew their duty and performed it. The firm answer was, "No you must die." Then said Collins, to the priest:

"Then do pray for us, pray long and hard!"

He prays but Collins breaks in vehemently.

"I am guilty, but not of this; I have been an awful man! I have not had a fair trial," and many other sentences, and all shout together, "Yes, yes!" Sullivan broke in:

"Neither am I guilty, but”—and he groaned, "I did not expect ever to come to this." "Nor I," all shouted in concert.

Their exclamations were so loud, continuous and distressing, that I heard nothing of the prayer. Several times the sack was removed from their heads as they feelingly urged to be prayed for, until the executioners had decided not to repeat it, when Curtis asked for one moment. Speaking loudly, he asked:

"Have I a friend within hearing?"

A voice answers, "Yes, it is me, Curtis."

"Is it you, Tony Ryan? Come up here."

Executioner—"No, he can't come up."

Curtis—"Then I have one request, Tony, it is my dying request. I want you to keep my watch and send it back to my father-in-law in New York City."

Tony—"I will do it, Curtis."

Curtis—"I am ready. This is a hard sight, boys," and he groaned.

Sullivan and Muir both said: "May God bless our souls!"

The executioners stepped from the platform, the props were pulled, the traps fell. As I looked upon the scene I saw that Collins had snapped his rope, and fallen to the ground. He was restored to consciousness, and though he plead that as God had saved his life once, he should be spared. But he was forced upon the raised trap, the noose readjusted while the other five were in the throes of death before his eyes, and swung off, partially kneeling, an impulsive movement all made. It was indeed a hard sight; six strong men sent from life for crimes against fellow prisoners. I almost think I am hardened because I looked upon them with the composure that I did. This is the breaking up of a gang organized in the Richmond prisons.

But there were interested spectators outside the prison, the soldiers standing in their rifle pits with arms ready; the artillerymen standing at their pieces ready to pull the ledyard cord at command; and from 1,500 to 2,000 people, composed of old men and women of both sexes and all colors, from several miles about, who in their anxiety to see, had edged from positions assigned them, in front of the artillery and infantry lines, and were thrown into panic as they supposed they were to fire upon the prisoners.

It is told of Muir that he was acquitted of a crime in Dublin, Ireland, though he had confessed guilt to his priest. Since conviction here he told the story to an Irish friend, adding that after acquittal the priest told him that death by hanging would be his doom; that the priest's words had always haunted him; though he sought to avoid acts tending to their fulfillment, he often lost self-control and went wrong. To him he confessed complicity in crimes charged and proved against raiders.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, pp. 88-90

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Tuesday, July 12, 1864

DREADFUL DAYS DRAG ON—NIGGER IN THE EXCHANGE FENCE.

A man shot through the body and killed while dipping water from the stream several feet inside the dead line. Two sentries fired.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, pp. 90-1

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Wednesday, July 13, 1864

Corn bread, as served here, is to me what a single feather was to Paddy's head on a rock and what he thought more would be if supplied. Irrepressible conflict is brewing between hunger and filling up. Putting plenty of water in the mush is common with some who want something to fill up. We get nothing but rice tonight.

I find Harriman and tent mate Phillips bad off with scurvy, it having assumed malignant form and the flesh of their limbs has become lifeless. Harriman was looking at photographs of home friends and spoke of them with tenderness and a tone keyed to despair. He has ever before been cheerful and quickly responded to expressions of hope and cheer. We find a word of cheer comes not amiss. I trust that "each does well in his degree." But time comes when condolence takes its place and when that cannot remove the fact. How little of either have we now! The downcast soul is robbed of the blessings of consolation from kindred when wafted from this den of sin to the realm beyond. Are its celestial features tainted with this morbid air; is it enfeebled by this languor? God's unbounded provision is the universal remedy for every woe. This we must feel as never before, or be insensible to ourselves. Harriman then related his strange dream which, to him, was extraordinary, in which he beheld immediate conditions, and the blackness and terror of the supposed "river of death" which soon brightened into a bordering stream, before which all misery, terror and darkness vanished, and he beheld the mystic world. He regarded this as a prophecy of a change soon to come to him and said he had no terror of what might come; it had given him strength ineffable. He then briefly sketched his life, his aspirations and disappointments, which are of so much interest to me that I carefully noted them for future writing.

Saw a paper of July 1st; most notable item: Democrats postpone their convention to be held in Chicago, August 29th. Made the acquaintance of a namesake, John H. Northrop, a nephew of the celebrated lawyer, Henry Northrop, of New York; a prisoner nine months, clothes nearly gone, is lively though he has symptoms of scurvy. The evenings are beautiful; religious meetings are being held in various parts. There are some remarkable singers who attract the attention of outsiders.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 91

Diary of Corporal John Worrell Northrop: Thursday, July 14, 1864

Report that Lee is moving forces northward; Ewell at Harper's Ferry; and a cavalry raid into Maryland. Whether this is to attract attention for political effect, or is a military movement is a question. While writing, sergeants of detachments have been called by Capt. Wirz and notified that he has if attempted he will kill every man in camp. Reports of two cannon startled the prisoners this afternoon, and we turned out to see Rebel soldiers pouring into line double quick. It was soon evident that it was practice. They formed on the hill, deployed skirmishers who indulged in a vigorous fire, interspersed with several volleys of musketry from a brigade, showing how they would do if Kilpatrick came, or if prisoners break out.

SOURCE: John Worrell Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, pp. 91-2