Snow going fast. A
day more like May than November. Hear the regiment is on a vessel off shore
waiting for something, I don't know what.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 58
Snow going fast. A
day more like May than November. Hear the regiment is on a vessel off shore
waiting for something, I don't know what.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 58
Four men died last
night. A major from one of the regiments came to see some of his men here. He
doesn't enthuse much over the conditions on board ship.
Night. Hear the
vessel with the 128th has sailed. I am left behind, but I am getting along so
nicely I will surely be able to go soon. Am a little weak and have a
troublesome cough, but upon the whole am much better.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 58
Two more deaths last
night. As I have nothing better to do I will describe what I saw of a military
funeral. It was an artilleryman in a plain pine box over which the U. S. flag
was thrown. His comrades with guns reversed went first. Then came the
gun-carriage with the coffin strapped on and six horses hitched to it. After a
prayer by the chaplain the procession started in order as follows: First, the
fife and drum, playing the dead march. Then an escort of guards, after which
the body, followed by the horse the man had ridden, led by a soldier. He was
saddled and bridled and his dead master's boots were strapped in the stirrups
heels foremost, with his sword hanging from the pommel of the saddle. A
corporal was in charge of the whole. At the grave, three volleys were fired
across the open grave after the body was lowered, and then the procession
marched back in reverse order, the fife and drum playing a lively march. The
soldiers' graves are as close to each other as possible and a pine board giving
the man's name and that of the command to which he belonged is placed at the
head of each.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 59
John Van has been
over again and says his regiment is going into winter quarters in the city
outskirts. I hear the 128th has sailed for Fortress Monroe. The papers are all
headed, "Removal of McClellan," and everyone is giving his opinion of
the change. I say nothing because I know too little about it to venture an
opinion. I went out and treated myself to a good square meal to-day and begin
to think I was more hungry than sick, for I feel fit and ready for anything.
Chaplain Parker has been here to see his boys, as he calls them. Says he left
the regiment off Fortress Monroe on board the Arago. He reports them well and
in fine spirits.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 59
Yesterday and to-day
I have been fixing to get away from here and join the regiment. Captain
Wooden's mother from Pine Plains came in to-day and I am full of home news. I
kept her answering questions as long as she staid. Andrus says I must not think
of going yet, but if I get a chance I'll show him. Doctors don't know it all. I
have had such good care and such nice warm quarters I am really myself again,
only not quite as strong as I was once. My clothes don't fit very close yet,
and if the looking-glass in the wardroom is correct I have had something that
has made me look rather slim.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 60
Dr. Andrus is going
to-day. He says I ought not to think of leaving here yet. But he does not
forbid it, so if I get a chance I shall try it. I have burned my big pile of
letters and discarded every thing my knapsack was stuffed with except what belongs
to Uncle Sam.
3 p. m. Mail in and
a five-dollar bill came in a letter from home. I went right out and bought a
pair of boots with it, which beat the low shoes I have so far worn.
7 p.m. On board the
steamer Louisiana. I had a hard time getting here, making two miles in twenty
minutes with my gun and accoutrements all on. Dr. Andrus went and as soon as
the chance came I sneaked out and started. I was just in time, as the
gang-plank was being pulled aboard when I came to it. Dr. Andrus was on deck
and saw me and had them wait until I was on board. Then he scolded some and
made me get into a berth where he covered me up in blankets and made me drink a
cup of hot stuff which he prepared. I was nearly roasted by this treatment, but
I am away from the hospital and on the way to be with the boys again and so did
not complain.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 60
WE are nearly out of
sight of land. Wild ducks and geese cover the water. The sun is just coming up,
and seems to me I never saw such a lovely morning. Besides the ducks and geese
on the water, the air is full of them, some alighting on the water and others
rising from it. They are so tame they only get out of the way of the boat, and
if shooting was allowed, hundreds could be shot from where I stand. I am sore
and stiff from my run to catch the boat, but I am thankful to be here and take
in these new sights on this glorious morning. Chaplain Parker is on board and
is pointing out places and vessels, and helping us to enjoy it all.
11 a. m. We are
sailing over the spot where the Monitor and Merrimac fought. An eye-witness who
is on board has been giving a vivid description of it, to which I listened with
the deepest interest.
Noon. We have landed
at Newport News; so they call it, but there are only a few shanties in sight,
and beside each one is a huge pile of oyster shells. The boys are here, having
been brought off from the Arago, which lies off shore. Oysters are plenty and
cheap, and I am full of them, the best I ever tasted, fresh from the water, and
so large many of them make two good mouthfuls. The Monitor, which saved the day
when the Merrimac came out of the James River, lies near by, and the wrecks of
the Cumberland and Congress which were sunk, show above the water. The Arago
lies just outside and at 2 P. M. we go on board. The only white men I have seen
are soldiers. The negroes and their shanties are all I can see of Newport News.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 61-2
There was no
Cabinet-meeting yesterday, and labor in the Department was suspended on account
of the funeral of Lieutenant-General Scott.
Seward sends me a
note in pencil, signed by his initials, with a telegraph from Dart, District
Attorney of Western New York, stating that Captain Bryson wanted two tugs to
assist him in guarding the river. Seward says, in pencil, that the President
thinks I had better charter the steamers. He sent his clerk, Mr. Chew, with
this note. The whole thing was one of those low, intriguing, petty,
contemptible proceedings, shunning responsibility, to which Seward sometimes
resorts. I am sorry to write so of one in his position and an associate, but I
expressed the matter to Chew without hard words, showing Seward's weakness,
[and saying] that this is a war on the Irish in which he, Stanton, and Grant
fear to do their duty, but wish me to assume it.
I called on the President
and spoke of the management of this Fenian movement a little earnestly, and a
little freely. Reminded him that I had some weeks ago, when the subject was
brought forward in Cabinet, suggested that the Irish population was an element
in our politics, and, therefore, it seemed proper that there should be unity in
the Cabinet and among high officials. I consequently proposed that General
Grant, who was stationing the military forces on the frontiers West and South,
should make a formal communication in accord with the Secretary of War, which
all could approve and with which we should all be identified. Stanton was
alarmed, I saw; did not think it necessary to take such steps; and from that
time the subject has been dropped. I remarked to the President that the
proceedings had been singular; that this Fenian movement had appeared to me to
be a great bubble, nevertheless there was no denying the fact that large
numbers were engaged in it; that they had large supplies of arms; that along
our frontier from Eastport to Detroit there had been gatherings of armed men
threatening to cross into Canada; that we had sent a naval force by request to
Eastport; that our only gunboat on the Lakes had been detained by special
request at Buffalo; and now the Secretary of State was calling on me to charter
steamers and arm them; chartering vessels for military purposes belonged
properly to the Army or War Department. By treaty stipulation we are to have
but one naval vessel on the Lakes. Where, I asked him, were the revenue cutters
which performed police duty? In all this time the War Department has done
nothing. No proclamation has been issued. How and by what authority are we to
capture or interfere with prisoners?
The President said
it would be well to communicate with Commander Bryson, of the naval steamer
Michigan, and ascertain whether additional vessels were wanted. I said that we
had revenue cutters on the Lakes, but none were at Buffalo, where they were
most wanted; that the Michigan had been detained there now some weeks awaiting
a cutter. He thought I had better see the Secretaries of Treasury and State.
McCulloch was
confident there were cutters at Buffalo, but on sending for the clerk in charge
he found he was mistaken. He said he had turned the whole subject of Fenianism
over to Attorney-General Speed, who is devoted to Stanton and Seward.
Seward was in a fog.
Did not want to issue a proclamation. I asked what the naval vessels were to
do, what authority I had to charter steamers if there was not a state of war.
If it was police duty, he or the Treasury should attend to it. I inquired about
the military. He said Stanton wanted to keep clear of this question. I well
knew this, and he wants me to do duties which belong to him and thus enlist the
Irish element against the Administration.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 518-20
Bryson telegraphed
yesterday that he had captured seven hundred Fenians crossing the river at
Black Rock. I sent the telegram to the President and to Seward, and soon after
called on the President. He seemed a little perplexed. Said we had an elephant
on our hands. I asked whether they were prisoners of war and what was to be
done with them. He thought we must wait and we should soon have inquiries.
Shortly after my
return Seward sent his carriage for me. I went to his house. He and Speed were
sitting on the back porch. Speed had a telegram from Dart, District Attorney,
stating the capture and making inquiries. Seward asked about the prisoners and
what accommodations the Navy had. I told him none whatever and that these men
could hardly be considered prisoners of war, even if we had accommodations;
that they ought, if prisoners of war, at once to be turned over to the custody
of the military. He said that would not do. Stanton wanted nothing to do with
them, — there was no military force there. I told him there were officers and
they could call on the militia or call out volunteer companies in Buffalo. This
would be necessary, for such a number could not be retained by the civil
authorities without a guard. He said, "Let them run away." Speed said
that would not do. There might be and probably would be extradition claims for
the leaders. I asked them if they thought that these men were prisoners of war,
for I did not. Nor did I know how far their capture would be justified.
Seward said the
capture was all right; they should, perhaps, be considered prisoners of state;
that he and Speed had talked over the matter before I came, and he had prepared
a couple of telegrams. Fred Seward read one, which was signed by Speed. Seward
proposed that I should telegraph Bryson that he, Seward, would take charge of
them as prisoners of state. Said Dart must attend to them. I thought the
marshal the proper person. He said that was the same thing. Asked how much it
would cost to feed them, whether it could be done for a dollar each day. I told
him it would cost more than that, for he could not confine them in Buffalo
jail, or any inclosure, but must have a guard. I did not see how he could get
along without military help, which would necessarily be attended with expense.
He said he would send word to Meade.
I again adverted to
the matter of a proclamation when such movements were being made upon the
border, but Seward interrupted me, said no, that was not necessary. The thing
was just right. He felt, he said, very happy over it. Wanted neither Speed nor
myself should say anything about the matter until the regular Cabinet-meeting
on Tuesday.
Governor Morgan at
my house last evening introduced the subject of Reconstruction and the position
of things in the Senate, remarking, as though casually, there really was now
very little difference between the President and Congress. I promptly, and
perhaps unwisely in my promptness, differed with him, and told him it was not
wise to attempt to deceive ourselves in the matter, that the difference was
broad, deep, and such as could not be reconciled.
He asked if I did
not think the proposed amendment of the Constitution, of the Senate, an
improvement on that which had passed the House; and whether that was not a step
towards getting together. I told him that for myself, without speaking for
others, I was opposed to the scheme for changing the Constitution now before
Congress and opposed to any amendment while one third of the States were
excluded from participating or giving their views, deprived, in fact, of their
rightful representation; that I, therefore, did not feel as though there could
be harmonious action, and it appeared to me a mistake to suppose that the
President, a Constitutionalist, and the exclusionists, who were not, were
likely to act together.
I have no doubt that
Morgan came expressly to sound me and ascertain whether we would be united on
the exclusion plan. Not unlikely Seward sent him. Morgan has evidently been
trapped in the caucus into a pledge, direct or implied.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 520-2
At the
Cabinet-meeting an hour or more was wasted in discussing a claim of Madame
Bertinatti, a piece of favoritism in which the President has been imposed upon
by Seward and Stanton. It seemed to me that it was brought forward and talked
over for the express purpose of excluding more important subjects. There is in
the Cabinet not that candor and free interchange of opinions on the great
questions before the country that there should be. Minor matters are talked
over, often at great length.
As McCulloch and
myself came away, we spoke of this unpleasant state of things, and we came to
the conclusion that we would, as a matter of duty, communicate with the
President on this subject of want of frankness and freedom in the Cabinet, also
in regard to his general policy and the condition of public affairs. The great
mistake, I think, is in attempting to keep up the Republican organization at
the expense of the President. It is that organization which the conspirators
are using to destroy the Executive.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 522
Montgomery Blair
still persists that Seward is false to the President and that he and Stanton
have an understanding. There are many strange things in Seward's course, and he
is a strange man. I am inclined to think he is less false to the President than
adhesive to the Secretary of State. He does not like Johnson less, but Seward
more. Seward is afraid of the Democrats and does not love the Republicans. But
he feels that he is identified with the Republicans, thinks he has rendered
them service, and considers himself, under the tutoring of Thurlow Weed, as
more than any one else the father of the party. The managers of the party
dislike him and distrust him, fear that he will by some subtlety injure them,
and do not give him their confidence. The Democrats look upon him as a puzzle,
a Mephistopheles, a budget of uncertainties, and never have and never will
trust him.
The President
believes Seward a true supporter of his Administration. I think he means to
support it. The President finds him a convenience, but does not always rely
upon his judgment. His trust in Seward begets general distrust of the
Administration. It is remarkable that none of Seward's devoted friends—men who
under Weed breathe through his nostrils—sustain the President on his great
measures. Raymond has been a whiffler on public measures, but no others have
ever doubted, or dared express a doubt of, the Radical policy. This puzzles me.
Stanton is very anxious
to retain his place, and yet he has a more intimate relation with the Radical
leaders than with the President or any member of the Cabinet. His opinion and
judgment, I think, the President values more than he does Seward's, yet he
distrusts him more,—feels that he is insincere. But Stanton studies to conform
to the President's decisions and determinations when he cannot change them,
apparently unaware that he occupies an equivocal position, both with the
President and the public.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 523
The President has
finally issued a proclamation in regard to the Fenians. It should have appeared
earlier, but Seward has counseled delay. Speed put out a preliminary order,
which appeared to me to be designedly mischievous. I so said to the President,
who remarked that it had struck him as offensive, and he so told Speed before
it was published, yet it was not altered. The effect will be likely to throw
the Irish against the Administration, or make them, at all events, indifferent
towards it, whereas this all might have been different.
It is one of many
little things which impresses me there is intended mischief towards the
President. Speed acts with Seward and Stanton thoroughly, and his peculiarly
worded order, if not suggested by them, is just what they wished.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 523-4
But little of
importance at the Cabinet. I had some conversation with the President after
adjournment, and in the evening McCulloch and myself called upon him by
appointment. Our conversation was frank, extending more than an hour. We all
concurred that it was not possible to go on much longer with a view of
preserving the integrity of the Republican Party, for the Radicals are using
the organization to injure the President. There is direct antagonism between
the leaders who control Congress and the Administration. The Democrats in
Congress are more in harmony with the Administration than are the Radicals;—
then why repel the Democrats and favor the Radicals?
We McCulloch and
myself spoke of the want of cordial and free intercourse among the members of
the Cabinet, that important questions touching differences in the Republican
Party were never discussed at our meetings, that it was obvious we did not
concur in opinion, and, therefore, the really important topics were avoided.
The President admitted and lamented this, as he has done to me repeatedly. He
expressed his surprise that Harlan and Speed should, with these understood
views, desire to remain. I asked if there were not others among us as
objectionable and more harmful. McCulloch said he could not believe Seward was
faithless, that he fully agreed with him whenever they had conversed. I
admitted the same as regarded Seward and myself, still there were some things I
could not reconcile. He is not treacherous to the President, but is under the
influence of Stanton and acts with him. His intimates, as well as Stanton's, in
Congress, voted steadily with the Radicals; his speech at Auburn was a whistle
for the Republicans to keep united and repelled Democrats. The President was
reluctant to give up Seward, whose equivocal course is characteristic, but
evidently had some doubts as to his sincerity and ulterior purpose. He
suggested that Seward should be called in to a conference and come to an
explicit understanding. This we all concurred in, though I remarked we should
have fair words and no decisive action. But it was left to the President to
invite a meeting.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 524-5
Went to-day to
Annapolis and examined the school and premises. Midshipmen had just completed
the annual examination and were feeling merry and well. Jenkins and Commodore
Radford accompanied me.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 525
Not much of
importance before the Cabinet. Some little attempt to converse on general
subjects. Seward, McCulloch, and myself were first there, and allusion was made
to our getting together and coming to an understanding on the true condition of
affairs. Seward looked a little sharp, I thought, at me, and said he had no
objection, but he knew not that any good would come of it. He said he was
preparing a paper which would bring all things right, but was not yet quite
ready. To what he alludes I know not and cannot yet conjecture, but I have
little faith in it as assuring any useful purpose for the Administration or the
country.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 525
Dined this evening
at Tassara's, the Spanish Minister. The banquet was given in honor of Dulce,
late Governor-General of Cuba. Seward and Stanton were the only Cabinet-members
besides myself who were present. Sir Frederick Bruce, Montholon, Baron Gerolt,
etc., etc., were present. General Dulce does not speak nor understand English,
and therefore all conversation was through an interpreter. As I sat at his
right, and could not talk Spanish, we were not very sociable. He is a quiet,
gentlemanly man with little of the look of a Spanish grandee.
I was sorry to hear
Seward and Stanton chuckling over an allowance which they had succeeded in
getting for Mrs. Bertinatti, the wife of the Italian Minister. They evidently
thought it an adroit piece of management, and I judge the President has been
misled in regard to it. Mrs. B. was a Rebel Mrs. Bass, of Mississippi, and her
claim unjust. I apprehended it should not have been allowed.
The President has
made the annual Executive appointments of midshipmen. In this he exhibited more
painstaking than Mr. Lincoln, and gave less authority to me, which I did not
regret. Usually Mr. Lincoln specified two or three special cases and then
turned over the residue to me. Mr. Johnson desired me to go over the applicants
twice with him in detail, got, as far as he could, particulars, and retained
the whole schedule of names for more than a week, occasionally speaking of some
one or more to me. His aim seemed to be to confer the appointment on the poor
and deserving, regardless of locality, names, and influence. His selections
were probably good ones, but some of them would have been different had the
choice devolved on me.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 526
The House yesterday
passed the Senate proposition to change the Constitution. It was before that
body about two hours and was passed under the previous question. Such a
reckless body, ready to break up the foundations of the government, has never
been assembled, and such legislation, regardless of the organic law, would not
only destroy public confidence but ruin the country. All is for party,
regardless of right or of honest principle.
Representations are
sent out that Congress has made great concessions in adopting the Senate's
proposition, that they have yielded about everything, and that the President is
pretty well satisfied with the question as now presented. There is design in
all this, and some professed friends of the President are among the most active
in it. The New York Times, and papers strongly under the influence of Seward
and Weed, as well as their partisans, maintain these views. Thurlow Weed has
been here within a few days and is always on errands of mischief. All looks to
me like a systematic plan to absorb the President, or to destroy him. He still
leans on Seward and seems under his influence, though with doubts and occasional
misgivings. Seward himself defers to Stanton, - is becoming afraid of him. That
Seward is cheated I cannot believe, and if he is not cheated I am constrained
to believe the President is. And who is to undeceive him? I have on more than
one occasion suggested my doubts, but while he has received my suggestions
attentively he has pondered in obvious distress, and the subject is of so
delicate a nature that I cannot do more.
At the very time
that the House was adopting this Constitutional change, Green Clay Smith was
nominated Governor of Montana. Smith professes to be with the President, but
went with the Radicals on the test oath, and is made Governor.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 526-7
Nothing special at
Cabinet. On Tuesday Seward submitted a correspondence between Schenck and
Romero, the Mexican Minister. It was a very improper proceeding, and R.
evidently thought it wrong in giving a copy to the Secretary of State. Seward
mentioned it as of little moment, — a sort of irregularity. Stanton said there
was nothing wrong so far as Schenck was concerned, but that it was a
questionable proceeding on the part of Romero. I declared my entire disapproval
of the whole transaction and that it was one of the many indications of
ignoring and crowding on the Executive.
The others were
silent, but, after a little earnest talk, Seward said he would give the subject
further consideration. To-day he brought forward the correspondence with an
indorsement disapproving it and said he should communicate it to Romero.
Senator Doolittle
took breakfast with me this morning. We went over the political questions and
discussed what had best be done. Both were satisfied that the time had arrived
when the Administration must take a stand. The game of the Radicals and of
certain conspicuously professed friends of the President, that the Republican
Party must be sustained and kept united at any sacrifice, even the surrender of
the Constitution in some of its important features, and to the jeopardy of the
Union itself, must be checked, and the opposition to any such policy made
clearly manifest. We called on the President and made known our opinions. He
concurred and thought a prompt call for a national convention of friends of the
Union should be issued. Doolittle agreed to undertake to draw up such a call,
but desired that I would also place on paper my views. He proposed that the
call should be signed by the members of the Cabinet, or such of them as
approved the measure. I told them that I, personally, had no objection, but I
questioned its propriety and effect.
McCulloch, with whom
I had a brief interview after Cabinet-meeting, told me that the elder Blair was
preparing the call. I saw Judge Blair this evening and found him much engaged,
yet not altogether satisfied. He expresses apprehension that Seward has control
of the President and has so interwoven himself into the mind and course of the
President as not to be shaken off, and if so that the Democrats must go forward
independent of both President and Congress. Says the Democratic leaders, many
of whom he has seen, such as Dean Richmond, Dawson, and others, say they will
go in under the President's lead provided he will rid himself of Seward, but
they have no confidence in him, would rather give up Johnson than retain
Seward. Governor Andrew of Massachusetts takes a similar view. B. says his
father has had a talk with the President; that he himself has written him
fully; that he advised the President not to dismiss Harlan unless Seward also
went; that the President expressed doubts whether the Senate would confirm two
Cabinet officers; that he was told there would be no difficulty; if there were,
he would let the assistants carry on the Departments, and assign General Grant
ad interim to the War; that Grant had been consulted and assented to the
arrangement.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 527-9
I went out piruting
again to-day. Wagons got in to-day. I was put on Camp Guard; roots for being
out. Soon after dark a detail was called for to go to Lewisburg; 'twas raining;
I was detailed. Doak in command. Got there about 11 o'clock, could find nobody,
went into Court House and slept in the Bar.
SOURCE: Ephraim
Shelby Dodd, Diary of Ephraim Shelby Dodd: Member of Company D Terry's
Texas Rangers, p. 8
Received twenty-four
boxes, saddles, bridles, halters, etc. Sent to Camp. Got a detail and put them
all in a house and locked them up. We took charge of the Clerk's Office to
sleep in, tied our horses in Court Yard and got our forage from the farmers
around. Secured boarding at Maj. Holden's, a clever gentleman and nice family;
has one grown daughter, Miss Emma, a nice young lady. Remained here Wednesday,
18th-Monday, 23rd. During this time had nothing to do but write letters, visit
MY GIRL THAT PAWS IVORY, and make acquaintances. Among them Miss Lou Hill I
prize highest. We had prayer meeting and church. I purchased four books and
left them with Miss Emma: Mormon's at Home, Pilgrim's Progress, Bayard Taylor's
Travels and Bible Union Dictionary.
SOURCE: Ephraim
Shelby Dodd, Diary of Ephraim Shelby Dodd: Member of Company D Terry's
Texas Rangers, p. 8