Captain Charles Russell Lowell to John M. Forbes, October 30, 1862

Berlin, Maryland, Oct. 30, 1862.

My Dear Mr. Forbes, — I hardly know what to say to your plan: if the question were simply, Will you take the Colonelcy of the Second Massachusetts Cavalry, a regiment to be raised on same terms and in same way as the First Massachusetts? — I should have no hesitation in saying yes: but Mr. Lawrence's offer I hardly see my way clear to accept.

1st. The Battalion, as an independent organization, is not recognized by the War Department: if I get permission to take command of such an organization, it can be only through improper influence and in defiance of General Orders, and I do not care to attempt it: — leave of absence to take command of a regiment is authorized, and I should not hesitate to apply for it. 2d. I have always thought I was more useful on General McClellan's staff than I should be serving with my own regiment¹ — but with my own regiment as captain, I should now almost always have command of a battalion: were I then to accept Mr. Lawrence's offer, I should merely be exchanging active service for at least a temporary inaction, for the sake of getting rank and pay of Major. I want to keep my military record clearer than that. 3d. [A Boston gentleman] speaks of Mr. L.'s battalion as “a battalion for home use — i. e. in the militia.” Does he really mean for home use when we are so short of cavalry in this Army — or does he merely mean that it is composed of nine months' men? My honest opinion is, that it is an injustice to the Government to raise any cavalry for so short a period; still, if it is decided to do so, that would not make me decline a command. Two months' drill and two months in the field under a good commanding officer will make a regiment of some account — but I would not take any command which was meant for home use. 4th. Mr. L. has the principal voice in naming officers — would any influence afterwards be used to keep in position officers proved incompetent, and for whose removal all proper military steps had been taken ? ²

You will see from the above that while I should like very much to take command of a Second Massachusetts Cavalry, — I am unwilling to say “yes” to the present offer, unless (or until) the affair assumes such shape that the Governor can ask for me, from the War Department, leave of absence to take command of a regiment.

I have been very much obliged to you for several letters, but I have never answered your questions. Only, if General McClellan silently shoulders all the errors of his subordinate generals, is it not fair to give him credit for their successes? I have never been more annoyed than, when in Washington a month ago, to see the avidity with which people gathered up and believed Hooker's criticisms on the General. I did not care to open my lips against them: personally I like Hooker very much, but I fear he will do us a mischief if he ever gets a large command. He has got his head in the clouds.

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¹ This was but eight days before General McClellan was removed from the command of the Army of the Potomac.

² Mr. Amos A. Lawrence, whose name has been given to a city where he promoted successful manufacturing interests, was not only a leading citizen of Boston, but brave, generous, and active in measures tending to resist the encroachments of the slave power before the war, and, when the strife began, in efforts to carry it on to a righteous and successful end. He was associated with Mr. Forbes in founding the Union Club in Boston, the Loyal Publication Society, and especially in the business of recruiting soldiers for the Volunteer Regiments of Massachusetts, as wisely and economically as possible, at a time when it was exceedingly hard to secure men. This difficulty it was which probably gave rise to the proposition to raise a battalion instead of a regiment. Colonel Lowell's other Boston correspondent must have misunderstood the proposition, for it certainly was not proposed to raise “home-guard” cavalry.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 229-31, 412

Diary of Josephine Shaw Lowell: June 6, 1862

Letter from Rob giving a description of a cavalry charge on two of their companies, before he reached Winchester, and then of their march through Winchester. Short but graphic, and Father thinks of having it printed as being interesting. All the account of brave deeds, bayonet charges, calmly receiving the fire of the enemy and withholding their own, and all the stirring accounts of courageous men, make one so long to be with them. I should of all things enjoy a forlorn hope (I think). Well put in, I suppose, but still I really do think so, for I'm not an atom afraid of death and the enthusiasm of the moment would be sublime. An immense body of brave men is grand and I would give anything to be one of them. I cannot express what a sense of admiration and delight fills my soul when I think of the noble fellows advancing, retreating, charging and dying, just how, when and where they are ordered. God bless them! Mother says she hates to hear me talk so, but I think one loses sight of the wounds and suffering, both of the enemy and one's own force, in thinking of the sublime whole, the grand forward movement of thousands of men marching “into the jaws of death,” calmly and coolly. God bless them! I say again. I saw today the report of a Lieutenant in the First Massachusetts expelled for cowardice in the face of the enemy. Such a thing I cannot understand. I should think a man would be afraid to be a coward in front of his men, all looking to him for example. I should think he'd go and shoot himself. I remember hearing it said that . . . would never have been taken prisoner if he had behaved well. And then, think of a man, with consciousness of such conduct, daring to come home and show his face in Boston! Bah! Perhaps he did behave well after all, though.

SOURCE: William Rhinelander Stewart, The Philanthropic Work of Josephine Shaw Lowell, p. 28-9

Major Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, September 11, 1861

Gauley River, 8 Miles South Of Summersville,

September 11, 1861.

Dear Lucy: — Well, darling, we have had our first battle, and the enemy have fled precipitately. I say “we,” although it is fair to say that our brigade, consisting of the Twenty-third, the Thirtieth (Colonel Ewing), and Mack's Battery had little or nothing to do, except to stand as a reserve. The only exception to this was four companies of the Twenty-third, Captains Sperry, Howard, Zimmerman, and Woodward, under my command, who were detailed to make an independent movement. I had one man wounded and four others hit in their clothing and accoutrements. You will have full accounts of the general fight in the papers. My little detachment did as much real work — hard work — as anybody. We crept down and up a steep rocky mountain, on our hands and knees part of the time, through laurel thickets almost impenetrable, until dark. At one time I got so far ahead in the struggle that I had but three men. I finally gathered them by a halt, although a part were out all night. We were near half an hour listening to the cannon and musketry, waiting for our turn to come.

You have often heard of the feelings of men in the interval between the order of battle and the attack. Matthews, myself, and others were rather jocose in our talk, and my actual feeling was very similar to what 1 have when going into an important trial — not different nor more intense. I thought of you and the boys and the other loved ones, but there was no such painful feeling as is sometimes described. I doubted the success of the attack and with good reason and in good company. The truth is, our enemy is very industrious and ingenious in contriving ambuscades and surprises and entrenchments but they lack pluck. They expect to win, and too often do win, by superior strategy and cunning. Their entrenchments and works were of amazing extent. During the whole fight we rarely saw a man. Most of the firing was done at bushes and log and earth barricades.

We withdrew at dark, the attacking brigades having suffered a good deal from the enemy and pretty severely from one of those deplorable mistakes which have so frequently happened in this war — viz., friends attacking friends. The Tenth and Twenty-eighth (Irish and Second German of Cincinnati) fired on each other and charged doing much mischief. My detachment was in danger from the same cause. I ran upon the Twenty-eighth, neither seeing the other until within a rod. We mutually recognized, however, although it was a mutual surprise. It so happened, curiously enough, that I was the extreme right man of my body and Markbreit the left man of his. We had a jolly laugh and introductions to surrounding officers as partners, etc.

The enemy were thoroughly panic-stricken by the solid volleys of McCook's Ninth and the rifled cannon of Smith's Thirteenth. The Tenth suffered most. The enemy probably began their flight by a secret road soon after dark, leaving flag, ammunition, trunks, arms, stores, etc., etc., but no dead or wounded. Bowie knives, awful to look at, but no account in war; I have one. One wagon-load of family stuff — a good Virginia plain family — was left. They were spinning, leaving rolls of wool, knitting, and making bed quilts. I enclose a piece; also a pass — all queer.

They [the enemy] crossed the Gauley River and are said to be fortifying on the other side. We shall probably pursue. Indeed, Colonel Matthews and [with] four of our companies is now dogging them. We shall probably fight again but not certainly.

I have no time to write to other friends. The men are now talking to me. Besides, I want to sleep. Dearest, I think of you and the dear ones first, last, and all the time. I feel much encouraged about the war; things are every way looking better. We are in the midst of the serious part of a campaign. Goodbye, dearest. Pass this letter around — bad as it is. I have no time to write to all. I must sleep. On Sunday last, I rode nineteen hours, fifty to sixty miles, crossed a stream with more water than the Sandusky at this season at Mr. Valette's from thirty to forty times — wet above my knees all the time and no sleep for thirty-six hours; so “excuse haste and a bad pen”, as Uncle says.

Affectionately,

R. B. Hayes.

P. S. — Joe and his capital assistants are trumps.

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 90-1

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, May 18, 1864

Headquarters Army Of Potomac

Wednesday, May 18, 1864

I have no right to complain: I have less hardship, more ease, and less exposure than most officers, and, if I must be with the army in the field, I have as good a place as one can well expect. I did hope (though there was no proper ground for it) that we might have the great blessing of an overwhelming victory. Such things you read of in books, but they do not happen often, particularly with such armies to oppose as those of the Rebels. . . .

The great feature of this campaign is the extraordinary use made of earthworks. When we arrive on the ground, it takes of course a considerable time to put troops in position for attack, in a wooded country; then skirmishers must be thrown forward and an examination made for the point of attack, and to see if there be any impassable obstacles, such as streams or swamps. Meantime what does the enemy? Hastily forming a line of battle, they then collect rails from fences, stones, logs and all other materials, and pile them along the line; bayonets with a few picks and shovels, in the hands of men who work for their lives, soon suffice to cover this frame with earth and sods; and within one hour, there is a shelter against bullets, high enough to cover a man kneeling, and extending often for a mile or two. When our line advances, there is the line of the enemy, nothing showing but the bayonets, and the battle-flags stuck on the top of the work. It is a rule that, when the Rebels halt, the first day gives them a good rifle-pit; the second, a regular infantry parapet with artillery in position; and the third a parapet with an abattis in front and entrenched batteries behind. Sometimes they put this three days' work into the first twenty-four hours. Our men can, and do, do the same; but remember, our object is offense — to advance. You would be amazed to see how this country is intersected with field-works, extending for miles and miles in different directions and marking the different strategic lines taken up by the two armies, as they warily move about each other.

The newspapers would be comic in their comments, were not the whole thing so tragic. More absurd statements could not be. Lee is not retreating: he is a brave and skilful soldier and he will fight while he has a division or a day's rations left. These Rebels are not half-starved and ready to give up — a more sinewy, tawny, formidable-looking set of men could not be. In education they are certainly inferior to our native-born people; but they are usually very quick-witted within their own sphere of comprehension; and they know enough to handle weapons with terrible effect. Their great characteristic is their stoical manliness; they never beg, or whimper, or complain; but look you straight in the face, with as little animosity as if they had never heard a gun.

Now I will continue the history a little. But first I will remark that I had taken part in two great battles, and heard the bullets whistle both days, and yet I had scarcely seen a Rebel save killed, wounded, or prisoners! I remember how even line officers, who were at the battle of Chancellorsville, said: “Why, we never saw any Rebels where we were; only smoke and bushes, and lots of our men tumbling about”; and now I appreciate this most fully. The great art is to conceal men; for the moment they show, bang, bang, go a dozen cannon, the artillerists only too pleased to get a fair mark. Your typical “great white plain,” with long lines advancing and manoeuvring, led on by generals in cocked hats and by bands of music, exist not for us. Here it is, as I said: “Left face — prime — forward!” — and then wrang, wr-r-rang, for three or four hours, or for all day, and the poor, bleeding wounded streaming to the rear. That is a great battle in America.

Well! to our next day — Saturday, May 7th. At daylight it would be hard to say what opinion was most held in regard to the enemy, whether they would attack, or stand still; whether they were on our flanks, or trying to get in our rear, or simply in our front. However, it was not long before they were reported as fallen back — a good deal back from the left and right and somewhat from our centre on the pike. Reconnaissances were at once thrown out; and the General sent me to the front, on the pike, to learn how matters stood; where I found, on the most undoubted evidence, that we were throwing solid shot and shell at the rebels, and they were throwing solid shot and shells at us. . . .

There was heavy skirmishing, with some artillery, all that morning, until we determined that the enemy had swung back both wings; and shortened and straightened his line. There lay both armies, each behind its breastworks, panting and exhausted, and scowling at each other. At five this morning a novel sight was presented to the Potomac Army. A division of black troops, under General Ferrero, and belonging to the 9th Corps, marched up and massed in a hollow near by. As I looked at them, my soul was troubled and I would gladly have seen them marched back to Washington. Can we not fight our own battles, without calling on these humble hewers of wood and drawers of water, to be bayonetted by the unsparing Southerners? We do not dare trust them in the line of battle. Ah, you may make speeches at home, but here, where it is life or death, we dare not risk it. They have been put to guard the trains and have repulsed one or two little cavalry attacks in a creditable manner; but God help them if the grey-backed infantry attack them! . . .

As General Grant sat under a pine tree, stoically smoking his briarwood pipe, I heard him say: “To-night Lee will be retreating south.”¹ Ah! General, Robert Lee is not Pemberton; he will retreat south, but only far enough to get across your path, and then he will retreat no more, if he can help it. In fact, orders were out for the whole army to move at dark on Spotsylvania Court House. But Lee knew it all: he could see the waggons moving, and had scouts besides. As night fell, his troops left their works and were crowding down the Parker's Store road, towards Spotsylvania — each moment worth untold gold to them! Grant had no longer a Pemberton! “His best friend,” as he calls him. And we marched also. . . .

We [Headquarters] did not start till nearly nine o'clock.  . . . It was a sultry night — no rain for many days; the horses' hoofs raised intolerable clouds of dust, which, in this sandy region, is fine almost like flour. I never saw — nobody could well see — a more striking spectacle than that road as we passed slowly along. All the way was a continuous low breastwork behind which lay crowded the sleeping infantry. They were so close as almost to be on top of each other; every man with his loaded musket in his hand, or lying at his side. A few yards outside stood a line of sentries, their muskets cocked, and others sat on top of the breastwork. Few of the officers allowed themselves any rest, but paced up and down, in their great coats and slouched hats, looking sharply after the sentries. That looked like war, I do assure you. By the roadside was Gibbon, and a tower of strength he is, cool as a steel knife, always, and unmoved by anything and everything. There we lay down, literally in the dust, after a drink of iced water (for all the farms have ice-houses in this region, which our men are not slow to hunt out), and then we waited for General Meade, who had waited behind to speak with Hancock. By and by he came, with more clouds of dust, and then on again, past more sleeping men, and batteries in position, losing the road, finding it again, tearing our clothes among trees and bushes, then coming to cavalry pickets and finally to Todd's Tavern, where General Gregg had his Headquarters, with his division of cavalry camped about there. . . . There was a porch in front with a dirt floor, and there I lay down, with my head on a timber, and got some sleep. On Sunday morning, May 8th, — it was not much like a Sabbath, — we were all staring sleepily about us, forlorn with dust and dirt. The road was full of the infantry, passing at a rapid rate; in light order they were, many without knapsacks, or coats: most had thrown away all baggage but a blanket and haversack. Then came batteries, then more infantry, all of the 5th Corps; the Second had not yet begun to pass.  An old nigger made us some coffee and hoe-cake — very acceptable. . . .

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¹ The day before, “Grant told Meade that Joe Johnston would have retreated after two such days' punishment. He recognized the difference of the Western Rebel fighting.” — Lyman's Journal, May 6.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 99-104

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, August 24, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, August 24, 1864.

I see you have heard of the promotion of Sherman, Hancock and Sheridan, and noted the absence of my name. I cannot tell you how I felt when I first heard this, but I determined to keep quiet till I could obtain some explanation from General Grant. To-day was the first time I have seen him since I learned the intelligence. On my asking him the reason of my name being omitted when those recommended at the same time had been appointed, he answered it was his act; that he had asked for the immediate appointment of the others, but had not asked for mine; and the reason he had not asked for mine was, that if Sherman and myself had been appointed on the same day, I would rank him, and he wished Sherman to rank me. That neither his opinion nor that of the President and Secretary had changed with regard to me; that it was still a settled thing that I was to have the vacancy; and that he proposed to have me appointed, when I should be assigned to the command of the Middle Division, which he said he would have done before now, but for the peculiar position Sheridan was placed in, having to fall back, and if superseded now, it would be construed into a disapproval of his course, which was not the case. Of course to all this I had nothing to say. My object was to ascertain whether any fault was found with me, or whether any change of opinion had taken place since the last time he had assured me I was to be appointed when the others were. As he had disclaimed any such reasons, I did not care to know why I had been left out. I never expected, nor did I much care about, the appointment except to prove to the ignorant public that they had been imposed upon by a lying press. Nothing more was said upon the subject. The whole substance of the explanation was that he desired to advance his favorites, Sherman and Sheridan. I was left out because it would interfere with Sherman's rank to have me in, and Hancock was brought in because he could not appoint Sheridan before Hancock, not having recommended him when he did Hancock. Of course I could say nothing to this explanation. It would not do for me to claim promotion or express dissatisfaction at not receiving it. I had the right to ask why, after telling me I had been recommended, and would be appointed, I found I was not, but when the above explanation was made, however unjust I may have deemed such reasoning to be, I could take no notice of it, and could not with propriety complain. It is the same old story, an inability to appreciate the sensitiveness of a man of character and honor. Grant really thinks he is one of my best friends, and can't conceive why I should complain of a little delay in giving me what he tells me I am certainly to have. It is rather hard to have denied me the vindication which the Government might give to my course, by conferring a promotion that I have the most positive evidence it, the Government, has acknowledged I merited and should have. However, I suppose this, like all else, must be borne with patience.

We have had some pretty hard fighting to secure our lodgment on the Weldon Railroad. Grant and Warren are the heroes of the affair. I must confess I do not envy either of them their laurels, although in the Weldon Railroad affair Grant was sixteen miles away, and knew nothing but what was reported to him by myself. We lost a good many men in killed and wounded, but principally in prisoners. Our army is becoming much weakened by these repeated losses, and our only hope is that the enemy suffers proportionately. Their papers acknowledge in their last affairs a loss of five general officers.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 223-4

Diary of Private Alexander G. Downing: Thursday, January 28, 1864

Some of the troops that are going out on an expedition to Meridian, started on their way this morning. It is rumored that the Seventeenth and Sixteenth Army Corps are to make a raid across the State of Mississippi for the purpose of destroying the railroad running from Vicksburg to Meridian, and that General Sherman is to be in command of the expedition.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 165

Diary of Private Charles H. Lynch: May 26, 1864

Broke camp very early this hot morning. Once more on the march. Again waded Cedar Creek, passing through Strasburg, on up Fishers Hill, hot and very dusty. Again camp near Woodstock. Some of the boys come from the town of Woodstock, Connecticut. There are many incidents that remind us of home. As soon as we halted for the night, began to hunt for wood for our fires, to boil coffee, fry our bacon and hard tack. We seem to be always hungry and ready to eat. The health of the regiment at this time is good.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 63

Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: January 26, 1862

Arrived at Hudson, Mo., midnight. Next morning, Sunday, reshipped men and horses and left in the freight cars at nine P. M.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 6

45th Indiana Infantry

See 3rd Regiment Cavalry.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the 3, p. Rebellion, Part 1136

46th Indiana Infantry

Organized at Logansport, Ind., and mustered in December 11, 1861. Ordered to Kentucky and duty at Camp Wickliffe till February, 1862. Attached to 19th Brigade, Army of the Ohio, January, 1862. 19th Brigade, 4th Division, Army of Ohio, to February, 1862. 1st Brigade, 2nd Division, Army of Mississippi, to April, 1862. 2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, Army of Mississippi, to July, 1862. Helena, Ark., District of Eastern Arkansas, Dept. of the Missouri, to December, 1862. 1st Brigade, 2nd Division, District of Eastern Arkansas, Dept. of the Tennessee, to January, 1863. 1st Brigade, 12th Division, 13th Army Corps, Army of the Tennessee, to February, 1863. 1st Brigade, 13th Division, 13th Army Corps, to March, 1863. 1st Brigade, 12th Division, 13th Army Corps, to July, 1863. 1st Brigade, 3rd Division, 13th Army Corps, Army of Tennessee, to August, 1863. and Dept. of the Gulf to July, 1864. 4th Brigade, 1st Division, District of Kentucky, Dept. of the Ohio, to December, 1864. Garrison, Lexington, Ky., District of Kentucky, Dept. of the Ohio, to February, 1865, and Dept. of Kentucky to September, 1865.

SERVICE. – Ordered to Commerce, Mo., February 16, 1862. Siege of New Madrid, Mo., March 5-14. Siege and capture of Island No. 10, Mississippi River, March 15-April 8. Expedition to Fort Pillow, Tenn., April 13-17. Operations against Fort Pillow April 17-June 5. Capture of Fort Pillow June 5. Occupation of Memphis, Tenn., June 6. Expedition up White River, Ark., June 10-July 14. St. Charles June 17. Grand Prairie July 6-7. Duvall's Bluff July 7. Duty at Helena, Ark., till April, 1863. Expedition to Arkansas Post November 16-22, 1862. Expedition to Yazoo Pass by Moon Lake, Yazoo Pass and Coldwater and Tallahatchie Rivers February 24-April 5. Operations against Fort Pemberton and Greenwood March 11-April 5. Fort Pemberton March 11. Moved to Milliken's Bend, La., April 12. Movement on Bruinsburg and turning Grand Gulf April 25-30. Battle of Port Gibson, Miss., May 1-14. Mile Creek April 12-13. Battle of Champion's Hill May 16. Siege of Vicksburg May 18-July 4. Assaults on Vicksburg May 19 and 22. Advance on Jackson July 4-10. Near Jackson July 9. Siege of Jackson July 10-17. Ordered to New Orleans, La., August 10. Duty at Carrollton, Brashear City and Berwick till October. Western Louisiana "Teche" Campaign October 3-November 30. Grand Coteau November 3. Moved to New Orleans, La., December 17. Regiment reenlisted January 2, 1864. Red River Campaign March 10-May 22. Advance from Franklin to Alexandria March 14-26. Battle of Sabine Cross Roads April 8. Monett's Ferry, Cane River Crossing. April 23. Alexandria April 30-May 10. Graham's Plantation May 6. Retreat to Morganza May 13-20. Mansura May 16. Expedition to the Atchafalaya May 30-June 5. Moved to New Orleans, La., thence home on Veteran furlough June 12. Expedition down the Ohio River toward Shawneetown, Ill., to suppress insurrection, and from Mt. Vernon, Ind., into Kentucky against Confederate Recruiting parties August 16-22. White Oak Springs August 17. Gouger's Lake August 18. Smith's Mills August 19. Moved to Lexington, Ky., to resist Buckner's invasion of Kentucky. Burbridge's Expedition to Saltsville, Va., September 17-October 19. Garrison, Prestonburg and Catlettsburg, Ky., during the Expedition. Return to Lexington and garrison duty there till September, 1865. Moved to Louisville, Ky., and there mustered out September 4, 1865.

Regiment lost during service 4 Officers and 66 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 3 Officers and 191 Enlisted men by disease. Total 264.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the 3, p. Rebellion, Part 1136-7

1st Lieutenant Charles Fessenden Morse, July 15, 1861

Martinsburg, Va., July 15, 1861, Sunday.

I will try and take time to give you an account of the proceedings up to this time since we left Hagerstown.

We started from the latter place about four o'clock, Thursday afternoon, and marched to Williamsport, a distance of seven miles. The men stood the march very well. We reached the side of the Potomac about 6.30, where we camped for the night; nothing occurred of importance during the night except one of the guard being fired upon just before daylight. The camp was aroused at four o'clock, and the column started very soon after. The fording of the river was a very interesting sight. It was about a quarter of a mile wide and two to three feet deep in that place; the regiment marched through it bravely, keeping in close column. As soon as we got over, everything was put in fighting order, as we were told there was a body of cavalry on the look-out to cut us off. Our company was thrown out as rear guard to look out for the wagons, stragglers, etc. Our march was uninterrupted, however, and we arrived at Martinsburg towards night, after a hard march of fifteen miles with no halt except occasional rests; passing by, on our way, the late battleground, on which I picked up a small dirk which had evidently seen service. I have now got to hurry up, as the Quartermaster has just informed us that we march to-morrow morning at five o'clock, and it is now “tattoo.”

Our army here is about twenty thousand strong, and is encamped seven miles from General Johnson's rebel force. I suppose our move to-morrow is towards the enemy, although I don't know it.

We had a rather narrow escape from getting into a trap to-day. Colonel Gordon detailed Captain Curtis and myself, with four picked men from each company, to go with the Quartermaster and four wagons to forage. We started off for a place the Quartermaster had been told of, where there were hay and other things we wanted. We had got within about a mile of the place when we met a white man, who happened to be a Unionist, who told us that instead of going to a place where we would get forage, we were within about fifteen minutes' march of about two hundred rebels. We deployed the men instantly, and then the Captain and Quartermaster started back on another track to see what could be found in another direction. In about five minutes, I had orders to carry the party to a house about a half a mile off, that belonged to an out-and-out secessionist. We surrounded it, made our bargain for hay, pigs, chickens, etc., very much against the owner's will, and started back for camp, where we arrived in due time.

You must not expect to hear from me again for some time, as we are going out of the region of mails. I am in the best of health, and we are having cool, comfortable weather.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 5-7

Captain Charles Russell Lowell to John M. Forbes, September 19, 1862

Headquarters, Army Of The Potomac,

Friday Evening, Sept. 19.

My Dear Mr. Forbes, — I have just received your letter of 13th. We had a severe fight here on Tuesday, and a battle on Wednesday in which the loss among our officers was very serious.

I have had my usual good luck, but shall have to buy a new sabre and shall have one horse the less to ride for a month or two. Young Bob was in the fight of Tuesday and the afternoon of Wednesday, but was untouched.¹ Our victory was a complete one, but only decisive in so far as it clears Maryland. Had Harper's Ferry not been yielded, this battle would not have been fought, — Jackson and A. P. Hill marched on Tuesday from Harper's Ferry, and reinforced Lee, Longstreet, and D. H. Hill. On Wednesday morning we had their whole army in front of us — about 80,000 on our side and not less than 100,000 on theirs;² we took the positions we attempted and in most cases held them; the enemy at no point occupied the field of battle at dark, though, in the neutral ground between the lines, the dead and wounded of both sides at some points lay mingled. During Thursday we received reinforcements of fifteen or twenty thousand men, and should have renewed the fight to-day, had not the enemy withdrawn. They commenced moving away about 9 P. M. and by daybreak none but stragglers and wounded were on this side the Potomac. Remember that McClellan started from Washington with a demoralized army, and I think you will admit that the campaign has been very creditable to him.

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1 “Young Bob," also mentioned in the letter from Harrison's Landing, was a vigorous young horse, raised by Mr. Forbes at Naushon, and given by him to Lowell.

This is the story of the day from the orderly's point of view: “At the battle of Antietam, the Captain was carrying orders from General McClellan to every Corps Commander. He went with some orders to General Hooker on the right: when we got there, the men were coming back in disorder, and the Captain went in and helped rally them, and a solid shot struck his scabbard and shivered it to pieces. He told me, before he got back to Headquarters, that Berold [a handsome, tall sorrel] was giving out, — he could only trot, — and he told me to take the saddle and put it on Bob. When I took the saddle off Berold, there was two great lumps on each side of him as big as a hen's egg. He had been shot. I kept the Captain's scabbard a long time, and, when we started for Boston, he took the sabre and would not let me keep the scabbard, but told me to throw it away. I wanted him to keep his overcoat that he got shot full of holes, but he said No, and gave it to a coloured man after the battle of Antietam.”

² Lowell evidently gives the figures as then estimated by his General, whose foible was, as Lowell later appreciated, the over-estimating of the enemy's strength. As a matter of fact, now conceded, Lee had the smaller army. General Palfrey, who endeavours judicially to sift the varying statements on both sides, calls attention to the fact that, of the 87,000 troops which General McClellan reports that he had at the battle, two corps and the cavalry hardly had any share, thus reducing the force to less than 60,000; and adds: “If any allowance be made for the notorious difference between morning report, totals, and effectives in action, it will appear that the Federals engaged cannot have outnumbered the Confederates in more than the proportion of three to two, and probably did not outnumber them so much. This is by no means large odds when the attacking force has to deal with a force occupying a strong defensive position, as the Confederates confessedly did, and one where the ground was admirably adapted for the safe and secret and rapid transfer of their troops from a less pressed to a more pressed portion of their line.”

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 225-6, 411-2

Diary of Josephine Shaw Lowell: June 3, 1862

Rob's watch came today. The blow was exactly on the edge and a quarter of an inch farther out would have been fatal. The hands are lost and it is broken apart.

SOURCE: William Rhinelander Stewart, The Philanthropic Work of Josephine Shaw Lowell, p. 28

Diary of Major Rutherford B. Hayes: Tuesday, September 10, 1861

Marched seventeen miles, drove enemies' pickets out of Summersville, followed nine miles to Gauley river. Enemy entrenched on a hill, high, steep, and hidden by bushes, three to six thousand strong. We get ready to attack. We have been divided into three brigades: First, General Benham's, consisting of Tenth (Colonel Lytle's Irish), Twelfth (Colonel Lowe's), and Thirteenth (Colonel Smith's) regiments; Second, Colonel McCook's — the Ninth, Twenty-eighth, and Forty-ninth; Third, — Twenty-third and Thirtieth and Mack's Battery. McMullen's Battery attached to McCook. Stewart's Cavalry, West's to headquarters, and Schaumbeck's Cavalry to McCook's.

First Brigade led the attack. We stood near half an hour listening to the heavy cannon and musketry, then were called to form in line of battle. My feelings were not different from what I have often felt before beginning an important lawsuit. As we waited for our turn to form, we joked a great deal. Colonel Matthews, Scammon, Captains Drake and Woodward, and privates — all were jolly and excited by turns.

Finally our turn came. I was told to take four companies and follow one of General Rosecrans' staff. I promptly called off Seventh, Eighth, Ninth and Tenth companies. We marched over a hill and through a cornfield; the staff officer and myself leading on, until we reached the brow of a high hill overlooking the Gauley River and perhaps three-quarters of a mile from the entrenchments of the enemy. He [the officer] then said to me that I was to be on the extreme left of our line and to march forward guided by the enemy's guns, that he had no special orders to give, that I was an officer and must use my own judgment. He never had been over the ground I was to pass over; thought the enemy might retreat that way.

I marched to the wood; found it a dense laurel thicket on the side of a steep hill, rocky and cavernous; at the bottom a ravine and river and up the opposite hill seemed to be the enemy. I formed the four companies into order of battle, told them to keep together and follow me; in case of separation to push forward in the direction of the declining sun and when the firing could be heard to be guided by it. I handed my horse to one of the unarmed musicians, and drawing my sword crept, pushed, and struggled rapidly down the hill. When I reached the bottom but four or five of Company K (Captain Howard) were in sight. Soon men of Captain Zimmerman's came up and soon I gathered the major part of the four companies. I had sent Captain Woodward and twenty scouts or skirmishers ahead; they were among the unseen.

By this time it was getting late. I formed a line again extending from the river up the hill and facing towards the enemy, as we supposed. The firing had ceased except scattered shots. We pushed slowly up, our right up hill, where I was soon encountered [by] the Twenty-eighth — lost. Had a laugh and greeting with Markbreit who was on the left of the Twenty-eighth (he was my partner). The head of my column was near enough to be fired on. Two were wounded, others hit; none seriously hurt. The face of the hill on which the enemy was posted was towards precipitous rock. We could only reach them by moving to the right in front of the Twenty-eighth, Forty-seventh, and Thirteenth.

I have heard nothing clear or definite of the position, either of the enemy or ourselves. The above [drawing] is no doubt very erroneous, but is my guess. I got up nearer than anybody except the Tenth and Twelfth but was down a steep hill or precipice and concealed. Some of my men bore to the right and pushing in front of the Twenty-eighth and Forty-seventh mixed with the Thirteenth. It soon got dark; all firing ceased. I drew off single file, Captain Sperry leading; got up the hill just at complete dark; found messengers ordering us to return to the rest of our regiment, on the extreme right. Some thirty of my men were missing — Captain Woodward, Lieutenant Rice, etc., etc. I left ten sentinels along the brow of the hill to direct them where to find us. The greater part soon overtook us. We marched through lost fragments of regiments — Germans mostly, some Irish, talking of the slaughter, until we got into an old field near our regiment. There we waited. Nobody seemed nervous or anxious — all wishing for light. Talked with McCook who criticized the orders, but was in good temper; had lost three horses. Finally found our regiment and all marched off to bivouac. In the morning great cheering near the fort. Enemy had run away in a panic by a road over the hill back of their works, leaving flag, etc.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 87-9

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, May 17, 1864

Headquarters Army Of Potomac

Tuesday, May 17, 1864

. . . Just at dark there occurred a most disgraceful stampede in the 6th Corps — a thing that has been much exaggerated in the papers, by scared correspondents. You will remember I told you that we had two dubious divisions in the army: one, the Pennsylvania Reserves, has done finely and proved excellent; but the other, General Ricketts's division of the 6th Corps, composed of troops from Winchester, known as “Milroy's weary boys,” never has done well. They ran on the Mine Run campaign, and they have run ever since. Now, just at dark, the Rebels made a sort of sortie, with a rush and a yell, and as ill-luck would have it, they just hit these bad troops, who ran for it, helter-skelter. General Seymour rode in among them, had his horse shot, and was taken. General Shaler's brigade had its flank turned and Shaler also was taken. Well, suddenly up dashed two Staff officers, one after the other, all excited, and said the whole 6th Corps was routed; it was they that were routed, for Wright's division stood firm, and never budged; but for a time there were all sorts of rumors, including one that Generals Sedgwick and Wright were captured. In a great hurry the Pennsylvania Reserves were sent to the rescue, and just found all the enemy again retired. A good force of them did get round, by a circuit, to the Germanna plank, where they captured several correspondents who were retreating to Washington! Gradually the truth came out, and then we shortened the right by drawing back the 5th and 6th Corps, so as to run along the interior dotted line, one end of which ends on the Germanna plank.

General Meade was in favor of swinging back both wings still more, which should have been done, for then our next move would have been more rapid and easy.

The result of this great Battle of the Wilderness was a drawn fight, but strategically it was a success, because Lee marched out to stop our advance on Richmond, which, at this point, he did not succeed in doing. We lost a couple of guns and took some colors. On the right we made no impression; but, on the left, Hancock punished the enemy so fearfully that they, that night, fell back entirely from his front and shortened their own line, as we shortened ours, leaving their dead unburied and many of their wounded on the ground. The Rebels had a very superior knowledge of the country and had marched shorter distances. Also I consider them more daring and sudden in their movements; and I fancy their discipline on essential points is more severe than our own — that is, I fancy they shoot a man when he ought to be shot, and we do not. As to fighting, when two people fight without cessation for the best part of two days, and then come out about even, it is hard to determine.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 97-9

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, August 22, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, August 22, 1864.

I have received your letters of the 18th and 19th insts. I have known of Sergeant's¹ condition for some time, because, when I found he was so sick, I wrote to Dr. Hewson, who at once replied to me. Everything has been done for Sergeant that could be done. He has had the best medical advice, and the most careful nursing. This should be continued, and the result left to that Power who governs and rules all things, and to whose decree we must submit with resignation.

I have been very much occupied for several days past in the operations of my command on the Weldon Railroad, particularly Warren's Corps, who during this time has had three very pretty little fights, in all of which we have whipped the enemy, though we have suffered a good deal in casualties.²

_______________

¹ Son of General Meade.

² Attack at the Weldon Railroad, August 19-21, 1864. Federal loss — killed, wounded, and missing — 4,543 (O. R.).

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 222-3

Diary of Private Alexander G. Downing: Wednesday, January 27, 1864

We have battalion drill now every afternoon, and today our regiment was reviewed by General Chambers. A division of the Sixteenth Army Corps from Chattanooga landed here last night.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 164

Diary of Private Charles H. Lynch: May 24, 1864

Nothing of importance has taken place in camp since the last date. Marching orders received in the shape of general orders. Advance up the valley. Four days' rations to be issued, with instructions to make it last eight. That puts us on half rations, and we are also put in light marching order. All extra baggage, with knapsacks, sent to the rear, at Martinsburg. Regiment on skirmish drill. Our company, color company, remains on the reserves. When the regiment forms in line the formation is made on center company and the colors. All things are now ready for the advance. Waiting for orders.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 62-3

Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: January 25, 1862

Arose at 3 A. M., fed, watered and prepared to move. Second Battalion moved at ten A. M. Some rolling country and some level prairie. Passed burnt bridge where guards were stationed.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 6

44th Indiana Infantry

Organized at Fort Wayne, Ind., and mustered in November 22, 1861. Moved to Henderson, Ky., December. Attached to 13th Brigade, Army of the Ohio, December, 1861. 13th Brigade, 5th Division, Army of the Ohio, to February, 1862. 1st Brigade, 3rd Division, Army of the Tennessee, to March, 1862. 3rd Brigade, 4th Division, Army of the Tennessee, to April, 1862. 14th Brigade, 5th Division, Army of the Ohio, to September, 1862. 14th Brigade, 5th Division, 2nd Corps, Army of the Ohio, to November, 1862. 2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, Left Wing 14th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to January, 1863. 2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, 21st Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to October, 1863. 3rd Brigade, 3rd Division, 4th Army Corps, to November, 1863. Post of Chattanooga, Tenn., Dept. of the Cumberland, to April, 1864. 1st Separate Brigade, Post of Chattanooga, Tenn., to January, 1865. 2nd Brigade, 1st Separate Division, District of the Etowah, Dept. of the Cumberland, to May, 1865. 2nd Brigade, 4th Division, District of East Tennessee, Dept. of the Cumberland, to September, 1865.

SERVICE. – Duty at Calhoun, Green River, Ky., January-February, 1862. Moved to Fort Donelson, Tenn., February 11-12. Investment and capture of Fort Donelson February 14-16. Expedition to Crump's Landing, Tenn., March 9-14. Battle of Shiloh, Tenn., April 6-7. Advance on siege of Corinth, Miss., April 29-May 30. Pursuit to Booneville May 31-June 12. Buell's Campaign in Northern Alabama and Middle Tennessee June to August. March to Louisville, Ky., in pursuit of Bragg August 21-September 26. Pursuit of Bragg to Loudon, Ky., October 1-22. March to Nashville, Tenn., October 22-November 7, and duty there till December 26. Lavergne November 23. Advance on Murfreesboro, Tenn., December 26-30. Battle of Stone's River December 30-31, 1862, and January 1-3, 1863. Duty at Murfreesboro till June. Middle Tennessee (or Tullahoma) Campaign June 23-July 7. Occupation of Middle Tennessee till August 16. Passage of the Cumberland Mountains and Tennessee River and Chickamauga (Ga.) Campaign August 16-September 22. Battle of Chickamauga September 19-20. Mission Ridge September 22. Before Chattanooga September 22-26. Siege of Chattanooga September 26-November 23. Assigned to Provost duty at Chattanooga November 8. Chattanooga-Ringgold Campaign November 23-27. Mission Ridge November 25. On Provost duty at Chattanooga, Tenn., till September, 1864. At Tullahoma September 28 to October 2. Return to Chattanooga, Tenn., October 15, and Provost duty there till September, 1865. Mustered out September 14, 1865.

Regiment lost during service 4 Officers and 76 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 9 Officers and 220 Enlisted men by disease. Total 309.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the 3, p. Rebellion, Part 1136