An Act further to regulate and provide for the enrolling and calling out the National Forces, and for other Purposes, July 4, 1864

Be it enacted by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the President of the The United States may, at his discretion, at any time hereafter call for any number of men as volunteers for the respective terms of one, two, and three years for military service; and any such volunteer, or, in case of draft, as hereinafter provided, any substitute, shall be credited to the Volunteers or town, township, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or of a county not so subdivided, towards the quota of which he may have volunteered or engaged as a substitute; and every volunteer who is accepted and mustered into the service for a term of one year, unless sooner discharged, shall receive, and be paid by the United States, a bounty of one hundered dollars; and if for a term of two years, unless sooner discharged, a bounty of two hundred dollars; and if for a term of three years, unless sooner discharged, a bounty of three hundred dollars; one third of which bounty shall be paid to the soldier at the time of his being mustered into the service, one third at the expiration of one half of his term of service, and one third at the expiration of his term of service; and in case of his death while in service, the residue of his bounty unpaid shall be paid to his widow, if he shall have left a widow; if not, to his children, or if there be none, to his mother, if she be a widow.

Sec. 2. And be it further enacted, That in case the quota, or any part thereof, of any town, township, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or of any county not so subdivided, shall not be filled within the space of fifty days alter such call, then the President shall immediately ordered, order a draft for one year to fill such quota, or any part thereof, which may be unfilled; and in case of any such draft no payment of money shall be accepted or received by the government as commutation to release any enrolled or drafted man from personal obligation to perform military service.

Sec. 3. And be it further enacted, That it shall be lawful for the Recruiting by executive of any of the states to send recruiting agents into any of the states declared lo be in rebellion, except the states of Arkansas, Tennessee, and Louisiana, to recruit volunteers under any call under the provisions of this act, who shall be credited to the state, and to the respective subdivisions thereof, which may procure the enlistment.

Sec. 4. And be it further enacted, That drafted men, substitutes, and volunteers, when mustered in, shall be organized in, or assigned to, regiments, batteries, or other organizations of their own states, and, as far as practicable, shall, when assigned, be permitted to select their own regiments, batteries, or other organizations from among those of their respective states which at the time of assignment may not be filled to their maximum number.

Sec. 5. And be it further enacted, That the twentieth section of the act entitled, “An act to amend an act entitled ‘An act for enrolling and calling out the national forces, and for other purposes,’” approved February twenty-four, eighteen hundred and sixty-four, shall be construed to mean that the Secretary of War shall discharge minors under the age of eighteen years under the circumstances and on the conditions prescribed in said section; and hereafter, if any officer of the United States shall enlist or muster into the military service any person under the age of sixteen years, with or without the consent of his parent or guardian, such person so enlisted or recruited shall be immediately discharged upon repayment of all bounties received; and such recruiting or mustering officer who shall knowingly enlist any person under sixteen years of age, shall be dismissed the service, with forfeiture of all pay and allowances, and shall be subject to such further punishment as a court-martial may direct.

Sec. 6. And be it further enacted, That section three of an act entitled “An act to amend an act entitled ‘An act for enrolling and calling out the national forces, and for other purposes,’” approved February twenty-four, eighteen hundred and sixty-four, be, and the same is hereby, amended, so as to authorize and direct district provost-marshals, under the direction of the provost-marshal general, to make a draft for one hundred per centum in addition to the number required to fill the quota of any district as provided by said section.

Sec. 7. And be it further enacted, That instead of travelling pay, drafted persons reporting at the place of rendezvous shall be allowed transportation from their places of residence; and persons discharged at the place of rendezvous shall be allowed transportation to their places of residence.

Sec. 8. And be it further enacted, That till persons in the naval service of the United States who have entered said service during the present rebellion, who have not been credited to the quota of any town, district, ward, or state, by reason of their being in said service and not enrolled prior to February twenty-fourth, eighteen hundred and sixty-four, shall be enrolled and credited to the quotas of the town, ward, district, or state, in which they respectively reside, upon satisfactory proof of their residence made to the Secretary of War.

Sec. 9. And be it further enacted, That, if any person duly drafted shall be absent from home in prosecution of his usual business, the provost marshal of the district shall cause him to be duly notified as soon as may be, and he shall not be deemed a deserter, nor liable as such, until notice has been given to him, and reasonable time allowed for him to return and report to the provost-marshal of his district; but such absence shall not otherwise affect his liability under this act.

Sec. 10. And be it further enacted, That nothing contained in this act shall be construed to alter, or in any way affect, the provisions of the seventeenth section of an act approved February twenty-fourth, eighteen hundred and sixty-four, entitled “An act to amend an act entitled ‘An act for enrolling and calling out the national forces, and for other purposes,’” approved March third, eighteen hundred and sixty-three.

Sec. 11. And be it further enacted. That nothing contained in this act, shall be construed to alter or change the provisions of existing laws relative to permitting persons liable to military service to furnish substitutes.

Approved, July 4, 1864.

SOURCE: George P. Sanger, Editor, Statutes at Large, Treaties and Proclamations of the United States of America, from December 1863, to December 1865, Vol. 8, p. 379-80

Abraham Lincoln’s General Orders, No. 232, July 19, 1864

GENERAL ORDERS,

NO. 232.

WAR DEPT., ADJT. GENERAL'S OFFICE,         

Washington, July 19, 1864.

For five hundred thousand volunteers.

BY THE PRESIDENT OF THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA:

A PROCLAMATION.

Whereas, by the act approved July fourth, eighteen hundred and sixty-four, entitled “An act further to regulate and provide for the enrolling and calling out the national forces, and for other purposes,” it is provided that the President of the United States may, “at his discretion, at any time hereafter, call for any number of men, as volunteers, for the respective terms of one, two, and three years for military service,” and “that in case the quota of [or] any part thereof, of any town, township, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or of a county not so subdivided, shall not be filled within the space of fifty days after such call, then the President shall immediately order a draft for one year, to fill such quota, or any part thereof, which may be unfilled;”

And whereas, the new enrollment heretofore ordered is so far completed as that the aforementioned act of Congress may now be put in operation for recruiting and keeping up the strength of the armies in the field; for garrisons, and such military operations as may be required for the purpose of suppressing the rebellion and restoring the authority of the United States Government in the insurgent States:

Now, therefore I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, do issue this my call for five hundred thousand volunteers for the military service; provided, nevertheless, that this call shall be reduced by all credits which may be established under section eight of the aforesaid act, on account of persons who have entered the naval service during the present rebellion, and by credits for men furnished to the military service in excess of calls heretofore made.*

Volunteers will be accepted under this call for one, two, or three years, as they may elect, and will be entitled to the bounty provided by the law for the period of service for which they enlist.

And I hereby proclaim, order, and direct that, immediately after the fifth day of September, eighteen hundred and sixty-four, being fifty days from the date of this call, a draft for troops to serve for one year shall be had in every town, township, ward of a city, precinct, or election district, or county not so subdivided, to fill the quota which shall be assigned to it under this call, or any part thereof which may be unfilled by volunteers on the said fifth day of September, eighteen hundred and sixty-four.

In testimony whereof I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

Done at the city of Washington this eighteenth day of July, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-four, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-ninth.

[L. S.]

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:

WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State.

By order of the Secretary of War:

E. D. TOWNSEND,

Assistant Adjutant-General.

_______________

* Under this call the quotas (reduced by excess of credits on previous calls) and credits were as follows, the first number indicating the quota and the second the number of men furnished: Maine, 11,116; 11,042. New Hampshire, 4,648; 5,973. Vermont, 2,665; 3,971. Massachusetts, 21,965; 31,739. Rhode Island, 1,423; 2,310. Connecticut, 5,583; 10,855. New York, 77,539; 83,838. New Jersey, 14,431; 15,108. Pennsylvania, 49,993; 55,536. Delaware, 2,184; 2,175. Maryland, 10,947; 10,235. District of Columbia, 2,386; 2,318. West Virginia, 2,717; 1,956. Kentucky, 9.871; 15,366. Ohio, 27,001; 30,823. Michigan, 12,098; 12,509. Indiana, 25,662; 25,854. Illinois, 21,997; 15,416. Missouri, 25,569; 23,507. Wisconsin, 17,590; 16,823. Iowa, 5,749; 4,223. Minnesota, 4,018; 3,235. Kansas (no quota), 351. Making a grand total of 385,163 men furnished. Of these there were for one year, 228,044; two years, 8,340; three years, 153,049; four years, 730.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 4 (Serial No. 125), p. 515-6

Edwin M. Stanton to Governor Samuel Cony, August 11, 1864

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington City, August 11, 1864.

His Excellency SAMUEL CONY,

Governor of Maine, Augusta, Me.:

SIR: Your letter of July 25 was duly received and has been carefully considered by this Department. As an executive officer charged simply with the execution of the act of Congress and the orders of the President in regard to the raising of troops, I do not feel that it is my province to enter into any discussion upon the various topics mentioned in your letter. Under the authority of the act of Congress the President has made a call upon the loyal States for troops “to recruit and keep up the strength of the armies in the field, for garrisons, and such military operations as may be required for the purpose of suppressing the rebellion and restoring the authority of the United States Government in the insurgent States,” and it is made by law the duty of this Department to assign the quotas to be furnished by the respective States for that purpose, and for that purpose only. The quota of your State has been communicated to you by the proper officer of this Department. A short time ago, at your request, authority was given you to call out certain additional forces for certain specific purposes, expressed in your letter of request and in the response of this Department. The Secretary of War has, in my judgment, no authority to change the purpose of the President's call. Whatever force the arguments presented in your letter might have upon the question of giving up the contest and ending the war, by acknowledging the independence of the rebel States and the inability of the Government to suppress the rebellion, they do not, in my judgment, afford any lawful reason for the Department to make any allowance on the quota of the State of Maine for the purpose stated in your letter. I have no reason to doubt that if the certain contingency mentioned by you should occur, the Federal Government will be under obligations to provide means of defense for the State of Maine. That contingency does not now exist, and no fact is known to the Department which indicates any reasonable ground of apprehension that it is likely to occur. Other States are exposed to the same dangers, and the whole force called for by the President might, with equal reason, be absorbed in guarding against dangers not now impending. Our armies in the field are rapidly diminishing from casualties in battle and other incidents of a fierce and extensive war. Strong places captured from the enemy require to be immediately garrisoned to prevent their reconquest. Other points held by the rebel army require operations for their reduction. These are existing, imminent, and indispensable necessities, upon which the national existence depends. They are the purpose for which the troops have been called and to which the law and the President's proclamation require that they should be applied and credited. What you ask is not a “favor” within the power of this Department to bestow. Whether you will “say to the people of Maine that this pitiful favor has been refused them,” or whether you will appeal to their patriotism and paramount interest in the national existence to answer the President's call and afford him the means to put an end to the war that has cost them so much blood and so much treasure, is for your own judgment to decide.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 4 (Serial No. 125), p. 608-9

In The Review Queue: Silent Witness

Silent Witness: The Civil War through

Photography and its Photographers

By Ron Field

The Civil War changed America forever. It shaped its future and determined its place in history. For the first time in military history, the camera was there to record these seismic events, from innovations in military and naval warfare, to the battles themselves; from commanders at critical moments in the battle, to the ordinary soldier tentatively posing for his first ever portrait on the eve of battle.

Displaying many rare images unearthed by the author, an acclaimed Civil War historian, this beautiful volume explores how the camera bore witness to the dramatic events of the Civil War. It reveals not only how the first photographers plied their trade, but also how photography helped shape the outcome of the war and how it was reported to anxious families across the North and South.

About the Author

Ron Field is an internationally acknowledged expert on US military history. Awarded a Fulbright Scholarship in 1982, he taught History at Piedmont High School in California in 1982–83, and was Head of History at the Cotswold School in Bourton-on-the-Water in the UK until his retirement in 2007. In 2005 he was elected a Fellow of the Company of Military Historians, based in Washington, DC, and was awarded its Emerson Writing Award in 2013. In 2015 he became senior editor of Military Images magazine, devoted to the American military image of the nineteenth century. In 2014–2015 he also advised on the Confederate uniforms worn in the Civil War film Free State of Jones. He lives in the UK.

ISBN 978-1472822765, Osprey Publishing, © 2017, Hardcover, 328 pages, Maps, Photographs & Illustrations, Glossary, Notes & Bibliography, Index. $35.00.  To purchase this book click HERE.

Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant to Edwin M. Stanton, September 13, 1864 – 10:30 a.m.

CITY POINT, VA., September 13, 1864 — 10.30 a.m.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War, Washington:

My dispatch to you on the subject of enforcing the draft was suggested by reading Secretary Seward's Auburn speech, where he intimates that volunteers were coming in so rapidly that there would be no necessity for a draft, and your dispatch stating that volunteers were coming in at the rate of 5,000 per day. We ought to have the whole number of men called for by the President in the shortest possible time. A draft is soon over, and ceases to hurt after it is made. The agony of suspense is worse upon the public than the measure itself. Prompt action in filling our armies will have more effect upon the enemy than a victory over them. They profess to believe, and make their men believe, there is such a party North in favor of recognizing Southern independence that the draft cannot be enforced. Let them be undeceived. Deserters come into our lines daily, who tell us that the men are nearly universally tired of war, and that desertions would be much more frequent but they believe peace will be negotiated after the fall elections. The enforcement of the draft and prompt filling up of our armies will save the shedding of blood to an immense degree.

U.S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 42, Part 2 (Serial No. 88), p. 804

Edwin M. Stanton to Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, September 11, 1864 – 7:55 p.m.

WASHINGTON, September 11, 1864 — 7.55 p.m.

Lieutenant-General GRANT:

It is not designed by this department to delay the draft a single day after the credits are made up and quota ascertained. The Provost-Marshal-General has been directed to lose no time in that work. It is represented that the first recruits were a hard lot, but that recently the volunteers are equal to any that have taken the field during the war. The local authorities have been slack in paying their bounties and this has occasioned some delay. I would be glad if you would send me a telegram for publication, urging the necessity of immediately filling up the army by draft. The most difficulty is likely to be in Ohio, Indiana, and Illinois, from the desire of candidates to retain their men until after the election. We have not got a single regiment from Indiana. Morton came here specially to have the draft postponed, bur was peremptorily refused. But the personal interest to, retain men until after the election requires every effort to procure troops in that State, even by draft. Illinois is much the same way. Not a regiment or even company there has been organized. A special call from you would aid the department in overcoming the local inertia and personal interests that favor delay.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 42, Part 2 (Serial No. 88), p. 783-4

Governor Oliver P. Morton et al to Edwin M. Stanton, September 12, 1864

To Hon. Edwin M. Stanton, Secretary of War:

sir — Assembled from the different parts of Indiana, and practically familiar with the influences now at work in each congressional district of the state, we express it as our profound conviction that upon the issue of the election that occurs within a month from this date may depend the question as to whether the secession element shall be effectually crushed or whether it shall acquire strength enough, we do not say to take the state out of the Union, but practically to sever her from the general government, so far as future military aid is concerned.

We further express the gravest doubts as to whether it will be possible for us to secure success at the polls on the 11th of October unless we can receive aid—

1. By delay of the draft until the election has passed.

2. By the return, before election day, of fifteen thousand Indiana soldiers.

As to the draft, we propose an informal delay only, of which no public notice need be given. Reason sufficient will suggest itself in the time necessary to adjust the local quotas of townships, towns and cities, without the careful settlement of which, great dissatisfaction, even among the loyal, can not be avoided.

Volunteering is going on rapidly at this moment, and we have no hesitation in expressing the confident opinion that if the draft be delayed, and fifteen thousand Indiana troops be ordered home before the election, with suitable arrangements for recruiting, Indiana's entire quota can and will be filled by volunteering within two weeks after election day. She is at this time ahead, after filling former quotas, fully fifteen thousand three years' men.

Thus the government will obtain the recruits it has demanded about as soon as by pressing compulsory measures at once, and it will secure itself against the possible loss of the power and influence of the state for years to come.

If the draft is enforced before the election there may be required half as many men to enforce it as we ask to secure the election. Difficulty may reasonably be anticipated in from twenty to twenty-five counties. If the draft goes on immediately after the election, the soldiers will be on the spot to secure its being carried into effect, should that be necessary. But we are confident that if our propositions are adopted no draft will be needed at all.

The case of Indiana is peculiar. She has, probably, a larger proportion of inhabitants of Southern birth or parentage — many of them, of course, with Southern proclivities — than any other free state, and she is one of the few states in which soldiers are disfranchised.

It is not on the score of Indiana's past deserts that we ask this assistance. All such considerations must give way before the public good. We ask it because the burden of this political contest is heavier than we can bear. Nor have we asked it before exhausting every effort which loyal men can make for their country. We ask it for that country's sake. We ask it, because we feel absolutely assured that in this way more readily and more speedily than in any other can the general government accomplish the object it proposes.

If it were possible that you could see and hear what we, in the last month, each in his own section of country, have seen and heard, no word from us would be needed. You would need no argument to prove that a crisis, full of danger to the entire Northwest, is at hand.

We do not expect any general commanding, engrossed with vast military operations, to realize this. And therefore, while of course we do not urge any withdrawal of troops that would imperil the situation in Georgia or elsewhere, we suggest that a mere request to General Sherman, or other commander, to send home, or not send home, the troops in question, as he might think best, unaccompanied by an expression of the urgent desire of the government in the premises, and a view of the vast interests at stake, would be of no avail. No commander willingly diminishes his command. To what extent it may be prudent or proper to make the order imperative, we, not having the entire situation before us, can not judge. We hope you will see, in our most precarious condition, cause sufficient to do so.

The result of the state election, whether favorable or unfavorable to the government, will carry with it, beyond a doubt, that of the Presidential vote of Indiana.

All which is respectfully submitted,

O. P. Morton.

E. Dumont, 6th District.

godlove S. Orth, 8th District.

C. M. Allen, 1st District.

thomas N. Stillwell, 11th District.

ralph Hill, 3d District.

john H. Farquhar, 4th District.

james G. Jones, A. A. P. Marshal-General.

W. W. Curry, 2d District.

J. H. Defrees, 10th District.

S. Colfax, 9th District.

john L. Mansfield, Maj.-Gen. Ind. Legion.

JAMES Park, Capt. P. Mar. 8th District Ind.

charles A. Ray, Judge 12th District.

A. H. Conner, Postmaster, Indianapolis, Ind.

J. T. Wright, Ch. St. Cent. Com.

indianapolis, September 12, 1864.

SOURCE: William Dudley Foulke, Life of Oliver P. Morton, Volume 1, p. 367-9

Edwin M. Stanton to Governor Oliver P. Morton, September 18, 1864

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington City, September 18, 1864.

Governor MORTON,

Indianapolis:

It appears from a dispatch received from General Sherman last night that his army is jealously watching whether the draft will be suspended or enforced. The general says:

If the President modifies it to the extent of one man, or wavers in its execution, he is gone. Even the army would vote against him.*

You can judge from this what effect the recall of troops and delaying the draft is likely to have on your election.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

_______________

* For full dispatch see Series I, Vol. XXXIX, Part II, p. 396.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 4 (Serial No. 125), p. 732

Major-General William T. Sherman to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, September 17, 1864 – 8 a.m.

ATLANTA, GA., September 17, 1864 — 8 a.m.      

(Received 1.50 a.m. 18th.)

Major-General HALLECK.

Chief of Staff:

My report is done and copied. Many of the subordinate reports are also ready, and I could send them forward to-day, but as I expect a special messenger from General Grant every hour, who will return, I will await his arrival, and avail myself of his return to send on the reports. All well. Troops in fine health, but are unusually anxious about paymasters and the draft. Mr. Stanton tells me the draft will be made on Monday next. If Mr. Lincoln modifies it to the extent of one man, or wavers in its execution, he is gone. Even the army would vote against him. Atlanta is pretty well cleared out of the families, so that source of trouble is disposed of. Now, I will build some strong interior  redoubts, and then, I suppose, for Augusta?

W. T. SHERMAN,    

Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 39, Part 2 (Serial No. 78), p. 396

Abraham Lincoln to Major-General William T. Sherman, September 19, 1864

Executive Mansion,

Washington, D. C.

September 19^th, 1864.

Major General Sherman

The State election of Indiana occurs on the 11th of October, and the loss of it to the friends of the Government would go far towards losing the whole Union cause. The bad effect upon the November election, and especially the giving the State Government to those who will oppose the war in every possible way, are too much to risk, if it can possibly be avoided. The draft proceeds, notwithstanding its strong tendency to lose us the State. Indiana is the only important State, voting in October, whose soldiers cannot vote in the field. Any thing you can safely do to let her soldiers, or any part of them, go home and vote at the State election, will be greatly in point. They need not remain for the Presidential election, but may return to you at once. This is, in no sense, an order, but is merely intended to impress you with the importance, to the army itself, of your doing all you safely can, yourself being the judge of what you can safely do.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln

SOURCE: The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.

Brigadier-General John D. Stevenson to Edwin M. Stanton, September 20, 1864 – 11:40 a.m.

HARPER'S FERRY, W. VA., September 20, 1864 — 11.40 a.m.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War:

Just received the following official from General Sheridan, dated 1 o'clock this morning:

GENERAL: We fought Early from daylight until between 6 and 7 p.m. We drove him from Opequon Creek through Winchester and beyond the town. We captured 2,500 to 3,000 prisoners, 5 pieces artillery, 9 battle-flags, all the rebel wounded and dead. Their wounded in Winchester amount to some 3000. We lost in killed General David Russell, commanding division, Sixth Army Corps; wounded, Generals Chapman, Mcintosh, and Upton. The rebels lost in killed the following general officers: General Rodes, General Wharton, General Gordon, and General Ramseur. We just sent them whirling through Winchester', and we are after them to-morrow. This army behaved splendidly.

I am sending forward all medical supplies, subsistence stores, and all ambulances.

JNO. D. STEVENSON,        

Brigadier-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 43, Part 2 (Serial No. 91), p. 124

Lieutenant-Colonel James W. Forsyth to Brigadier-General John D. Stevenson, September 20, 1864 – 1 a.m.

HEADQUARTERS MIDDLE MILITARY DIVISION,   

Winchester, September 19 [20], 1864 — 1 a.m.

[Brigadier-General STEVENSON:]

GENERAL: We fought Early from daylight this morning until between 6 and 7 p.m. to-night. We drove Early from the Opequon Creek through Winchester and beyond the town. We captured between 2,500 and 3,000 prisoners, 5 pieces of artillery, and 9 battle flags, all the rebel wounded and dead. Their (the rebels’) wounded in Winchester amounts to some 3.000. We lost in killed, General David Russell, commanding division Sixth Army Corps; wounded, Generals Chapman, Mcintosh, and Upton. The rebels lost in killed the following general officers: General Rodes, General Wharton, General Gordon, and General Ramseur.* We just sent them a whirling through Winchester, and we are after them to-morrow. The army behaved splendidly.

Respectfully,

JAS. W. FORSYTH, 

Lieutenant-Colonel and Chief of Staff.

P. S. — Please hurry up all the medical supplies. We have about 2,000 wounded, and we should have them here as soon as possible.

_______________

* Error as to Wharton, Gordon and Ramseur.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 43, Part 2 (Serial No. 91), p. 124

Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant to Edwin M. Stanton, October 13, 1864 – 3:30 p.m.

CITY POINT, VA., October 13, 1864 — 3.30 p.m. 

(Received 6 p.m.)

Hon. EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War:

On mature reflection, I believe Sherman's proposition is the best that can be adopted. With the long line of railroad in rear of Atlanta Sherman cannot maintain his position. If he cuts loose, destroying the road from Chattanooga forward, he leaves a wide and destitute country to pass over before reaching territory now held by us. Thomas could retain force enough to meet Hood by giving up the road from Nashville to Decatur and thence to Stevenson and leave Sherman still force enough to meet Hood's army if it took the other and most likely course. Such an army as Sherman has (and with such a commander) is hard to corner or capture.

U.S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

(Copy sent from Washington to General Thomas October 14.)

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 39, Part 3 (Serial No. 79), p. 239

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General William T. Sherman, October 13, 1864 – 8:30 p.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington, October 13, 1864 — 8.30 p.m.

(Received 15th.)

Major-General SHERMAN:

You will see by General Grant's dispatch that your plans are approved by him. You may count on the co-operation of this Department to the full extent of the power of the Government. Supplies will be forwarded with the utmost dispatch to the points indicated. Whatever results you have the confidence and support of the Government.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 39, Part 3 (Serial No. 79), p. 240

Major-General William T. Sherman to Edwin M. Stanton, October 25, 1864

HDQRS. MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI,           

In the Field, Gaylesville, Ala., October 25, 1864.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War, Washington, D.C.:

SIR: I do not wish to be considered as in any way adverse to the organization of negro regiments, further than as to its effects on the white race. I do wish the fine race of men that people our Northern States should rule and determine the future destiny of America; but if they prefer trade and gain, and leave to bought substitutes and negroes the fighting (the actual conflict), of course the question is settled, for those who hold the swords and muskets at the end of this war (which has but fairly begun) will have something to say. If negroes are to fight, they, too, will not be content with sliding back into the status of slave or free negro. I much prefer to keep negroes yet for some time to come in a subordinate state, for our prejudices, yours as well as mine, are not yet schooled for absolute equality. Jeff. Davis has succeeded perfectly in inspiring his people with the truth that liberty and government are worth fighting for, that pay and pensions are silly nothings compared to the prize fought for. Now, I would aim to inspire our people also with the same idea — that it is not right to pay $1,000 to some fellow, who will run away, to do his fighting, or to some poor negro, who is thinking of the day of jubilee, but that every young and middle-aged man should be proud of the chance to fight for the stability of his country, without profit and without price; and I would like to see all trade, commerce, and manufactures absolutely cease until this fight is over, and I have no hesitation or concealment in saying that there is not, and should not be, the remotest chance of peace again on this continent till all this is realized, save the peace which would result from the base and cowardly submittal to Jeff. Davis' terms. I would use negroes as surplus, but not spare a single white man, not one. Any white man who don't or won't fight now should be killed, banished, or denationalized, and then we would discriminate among the noisy patriots and see who really should vote. If the negroes fight and the whites don't, of course the negroes will govern. They won't ask you or me for the privilege, but will simply take it, and probably reverse the relation hitherto existing, and they would do right. If, however, the Government has determined to push the policy to the end, it is both my duty and pleasure to assist, and in that event I should like to have Colonel Bowman, now commanding the District of Wilmington, Del., to organize and equip such as may fall into the custody of the army I command.

I am, with respect, your obedient servant,

 W. T. SHERMAN,   

 Major-General, Commanding.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 39, Part 3 (Serial No. 79), p. 428-9

Justice Robert Cooper Grier to Edwin M. Stanton, October 13, 1864

[Confidential.]

Philadelphia, October 13,1864.

Hon. E. M. Stanton.

Dear Sir, — I have just received your telegram announcing the decease of Chief Justice Taney. Although often differing in opinion with him, I had the highest respect and esteem for him, and sincerely lament his loss.

I see speculations are already rife as to his successor. It is a question in which I feel a deep interest. I know of no man more competent to fill the place, or who deserves it so much as yourself. You have been wearing out your life in the service of your country, and have fulfilled the duties of your very responsible and laborious office with unexampled ability, and I think the President owes it to you, and that you should be suffered to retire in this honorable position. I see the papers are already beginning to put forward the name of Mr. Chase. But I presume the President will not be persuaded thereby that he is the choice either of the bar or the people, or attend to the dictation of journalocracy.

It would give me the greatest pleasure and satisfaction to have you preside on our bench. I am sure you would be the right man in the right place.

I am with much respect and esteem,

Truly yours,

R. C. GRIER.

SOURCE: George Congdon Gorham, Life and Public Services of Edwin M. Stanton, Volume 2, p. 469-70

Charles A. Dana to Brigadier-General Marsena R. Patrick, October 30, 1864

WASHINGTON, D.C., October 30, 1864.

Brig. Gen. M. R. PATRICK,

Provost-Marshal-General, City Point:

Various reports have reached this Department that you are co-operating with the election agents sent to the army by Governor Seymour, to the extent of showing them favors and furnishing them with facilities not warranted by the passes granted them by this Department and not accorded by you to the agents of the Union party. In view of these reports I am instructed by the Secretary of War to notify you that he expects from you careful and exact impartiality toward the representatives of the two parties; and also that, as the agents of Governor Seymour here and in Baltimore have been detected in the perpetration of gross frauds and forgeries for the purpose of causing the votes of soldiers to be counted in favor of Democratic candidates, when these soldiers intended to vote against such candidates, he expects you to exercise vigilance for the detection of all such crimes within your jurisdiction; and should it finally appear that such wrongs have been consummated, when due watchfulness on your part might have prevented them, you will be held responsible for the same.

C. A. DANA,

Assistant Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 42, Part 3 (Serial No. 89), p. 435-6

Edwin M. Stanton to Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant, November 1, 1864

WASHINGTON CITY, November 1, 1864.

Lieutenant-General GRANT:

It is absolutely necessary there should be at New York an adequate military force to protect the public property and man the forts. Governor Seymour has, under a specious pretext, ordered out his National Guard, under command of a man named Green. No time should be lost in placing at General Dix's command, under loyal, suitable officers, not less than 5,000 or 6,000 troops. Western men should be sent if possible. If General Butler could be spared it would be well to send him.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 42, Part 3 (Serial No. 89), p. 470

Major-General Benjamin F. Butler to Edwin M. Stanton, November 7, 1864

Headquarters, City Of New York, Nov. 7, 1864.

Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary Of War:

Sir: — I beg leave to report that the troops detailed for duty here have all arrived and dispositions made which will insure quiet.

I enclose a copy of my order and I trust it will meet your approbation. I have done all I could to prevent the secessionists from voting and think have had some effect.

I think I may be able to punish some of the rascals for their crimes after election.

All will be quiet here. The State authorities are sending from the arsenal in New York arms and ammunition to Mr. John A. Green, brigadier-general at Buffalo, and I am powerless to prevent it.

This is what I mean by wanting “territorial jurisdiction.” I am in command of troops solely. It is none of my business to prevent arms and ammunition being sent to Buffalo.

This is one of the dozen cases wherein I cannot act without colliding with General Dix and the State authorities both.

I have not landed any of my men save those I have sent to Buffalo, which are two (2) regiments of regulars and one hundred (100) men at Watervliet for Albany. Now these regiments report to General Peck, but Peck does not report to me. He has some regulars besides those arriving and to arrive.

That is another instance of what is meant by wanting “territorial jurisdiction.”

I have three (3) batteries on ferry-boats all harnessed up ready to land at a moment's notice at any slip on North or East River; gunboats covering Wall Street and the worst streets in the city, and a brigade of infantry ready to land on the battery, and the other troops placed where they can be landed at once in spite of barricades or opposition. A revenue cutter is guarding the cable over the North River and a gunboat covers High Bridge on Harlem River which is the Croton aqueduct.

I have given you these details so that you may understand the nature of my preparations, and perhaps the details may be interesting and of use at some other time.

I propose, unless ordered to the contrary by you, to land all my troops on the morning of election in the city. I apprehend that, if at all, there will be trouble then. I have information of several organizations that are being got ready under General Porter, Duryea, and Hubert Ward, disaffected officers, and others who are intending, if the elections are close, to try the question of inaugurating McClellan, and will attempt it, if at all, by trying how much of an entente can be raised in New York City for that purpose. They propose to raise the price of gold so as to affect the necessaries of life and raise discontent and disturbance during the winter, declare then that they are cheated in the election by military interference and fraudulent ballots, and then inaugurate McClellan.

Now, that there is more or less truth in this information I have no doubt. One thing is certain, that the gold business is in the hands of a half dozen firms who are all foreigners or secessionists, and whose names and descriptions I will give you.

You are probably aware that the government has sold ten (10) or twelve millions (12,000,000) of gold within the past twenty days. The Secretary of the Treasury will tell you how much, it is none of my business to know; but one firm, IT. J. Lyons & Co., have bought and actually received in coin, by confession to me, more than ten millions (10,000,000) within the past fortnight, and his firm is now carrying some three millions (3,000,000) of gold. I felt bound to look up the case of Gentlemen H. J. Lyons & Co. I sent for Lyons, although I suppose I had no right to do so, wanting territorial jurisdiction, set him down before me, and examined him. His story is, as I made him correct it by appealing to my own investigations, as follows: His firm consists of himself, his brother, and the president of the Jeffersonville Railroad, Indiana. He is from Louisville; left there when Governor Morehead was arrested; went to Nashville; left there just before the city was taken by the Union troops; went to New Orleans; left there just before the city was taken; went to Liverpool; left there; went to Montreal and went into business; stayed in Montreal until last December; came here with his brother younger than himself, and set up the broker's business. He claims to have had a capital in greenbacks of eighty thousand (80,000) dollars, thirty thousand (30,000) put in by himself, ten thousand (10,000) by his brother, and forty thousand (40,000) by the other partner. This in greenbacks equal now at two forty-five (2-45) to about thirty thousand (30,000) dollars in gold. On this capital he was enabled to buy and pay for, not as balances, but actually in currency, almost twelve millions (12,000,000) of dollars in gold within the last fortnight, and now is carrying about three millions (3,000,000). This shows that there is something behind him.

He confessed that he left Louisville afraid of being arrested for his political offences. During the cross-examination, he confessed he was agent for the People's Bank of Kentucky, a secession concern which is doubtless an agent for Jeff Davis. Having no territorial jurisdiction, all I could do was to set before him the enormity of his crime, the danger he stood, having forfeited his life by rebellion to the government, and to say to him that I should be sorry if gold went up any to-day, because, as he was so large an operator, I should have cause to believe that he was operating for some political purpose, but that this was a free country and I had no right to control him. Does the Secretary of War suppose that, if I had an actual and not an emasculated command in the city of New York, such a rascal would have left my office without my knowing where to find him? He said, indeed, when he went out, that he thought he should not buy gold any more, and sell to-day all he has. It has got noised around a little that we are looking after the gold speculators, and gold has not risen any to-day up to five (5) o'clock, the time at which I am now writing, although Mr. Belmont's bet is that it would be at three hundred (300) before election, and the treasury is not selling.

Now, what I desire is to spend about a week in which I will straighten the following firms, which are all the men that are actually buying gold:

H. J. Lyons & Co., before spoken of; Vickers & Co., of Liverpool, an English house; H. G. Fant, of Washington; H. T. Suit, Washington house; Hallgarten & Heryfield, a Baltimore house of German Jews; and also to see if some of the rebels that are here cannot be punished. Substantially, none of them registered under General Dix's order.

I have stated all the reasons why I desire to be here. It is respectfully submitted to the Secretary of War, if I am desired to do anything at all, to telegraph me what I shall do, and it shall be done, or please let me return in the front. I have the honor to be, very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

BENJ. F. BUTLER,  

Major- General.

SOURCE: Benjamin F. Butler, Autobiography and Personal Reminiscences of Major-General Benj. F. Butler, Appendix (the pages of which are separately numbered from the text of the book), p. 56-8

Major-General John A. Dix to Edwin M. Stanton, November 3, 1864 – Received 4 p.m.

NEW YORK CITY, November 3, 1864.      

(Received 4 p.m.)

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War:

General Butler has arrived and presented his order. It seems to contemplate that he is to be in the city, in command of the troops to be sent here. This is not the weak point; it is on the frontier from Saint Albans to Buffalo, and at least half of the troops should go there. I write to know whether disposition of the troops is in my discretion. I should not make the inquiry but for the peculiar form of the order.

JNO. A. DIX,

Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 43, Part 1 (Serial No. 91), p. 535