John Tyler to Robert Tyler, September 14, 1860

VILLA MARGARET, Sept. 14, 1860.

MY DEAR ROBERT: I see the election is gone in Maine, although Douglas confidently calculated on carrying the State. Such were his declarations here. You say nothing to me as to Pennsylvania. Can you hold out any hope in regard to it? I am almost in despair as to results, and deeply meditate the future. The Marylanders have struck upon the right key in nominating Chief-Justice Taney and Nelson. I fear that they move too late. My hope is that many here will come to their reason before it be too late; but it seems to me certain that Lincoln is to be elected, in despite of all combinations. How stand things in New Jersey? The increase of the Republican vote in Maine augurs an increase all through the free States.

What does Seward mean by originating a war on the army and navy? Does he design to hold out inducements to the wide-awakes? In his strategemic game, does he mean to open to the ambition of his organized bands generalships, colonelships, etc., etc., and the $25,000,000 now bestowed on the army and navy; and thus with his train-bands have his will supreme in the execution of his movements on the Constitution and the South? I suspect the man at every step and in every movement. A more arch and wily conspirator does not live. I can understand why, if the army or navy be too large, they should be reduced; but how to get on without them entirely I cannot understand. Or how the militia could be called on to do duty in fortifications and the Indian frontier, or how to collect a revenue, or claim the respect of the world without regular seamen, officers, and men, I cannot understand. If he makes the move, depend upon it he seeks only to further his ambitious schemes. Do write to me your opinion relative to Pennsylvania and New Jersey.

All send love.

Your father,

JOHN TYLER.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 562

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, March 13, 1865

Rear-Admiral Porter spent the evening at my house. Among other things he detailed what he saw and knew of Jeff Davis and others in the early days of the Rebellion. He was, he admits, and as I was aware, on intimate terms with Davis and Mrs. Davis, and had been so for some years. On the evening after reception of the news that South Carolina passed the secession ordinance he called at Davis's house. A number of Secession leaders, he says, were there. It was a rainy, disagreeable evening, but Mrs. Davis came down stairs bonneted and prepared to go out. She caught him and congratulated him on the glorious news. South Carolina had declared herself out of the Union, which was to be broken up. She was going to see the President, Buchanan, and congratulate him. Wanted to be the first to communicate the intelligence to him. Porter told her the weather and roads were such she could not walk, and, one of the Members of Congress having come in a hack, he, Porter, took it and accompanied her. On the way he inquired why she should feel so much elated. She said she wanted to get rid of the old government; that they would have a monarchy South, and gentlemen to fill official positions. This, he found, was the most earnest sentiment, not only of herself but others. Returning in the carriage to Davis's house, he found that the crowd of gentlemen was just preparing to follow Mrs. D. to call on the President and interchange congratulations. They all spoke of Buchanan, he says, as being with them in sentiment, and Porter believes him to have been one of the most guilty in that nefarious business; that he encouraged the active conspirators in his intercourse with them, if he did not openly approve them before the world.

Governor Canby [sic]¹ of Maine called on me a week ago and spoke of having a naval vessel on the eastern coast for recruiting purposes and for protection. After a little discussion of the subject, he said there was a committee in Washington who had procured themselves to be appointed to come on and make formal application; that they desired to attend the inauguration, and had got up this excuse; would make probably a little display and hoped they might be gratified with a few words of recognition, etc., etc. Two or three hours later, the committee, Mr. Poor and his two associates, came in with Mr. Pike, who introduced them. Mr. Poor was the chairman and presented me a paper containing sundry resolutions indorsed by the President, to the effect that he wished them to have vessels if they could be spared. Mr. Poor was verbose and pompous; let me know his official importance; wanted their application should be granted. I told them their proposition for steamers to patrol the Maine coast was inadmissible, but such protection as could be extended and the occasion required would be regarded. My remarks were not such as suited the pragmatical chairman. The other gentlemen exhibited more sense.

Two or three days after, I had a communication from the committee, who wanted to know if their application in behalf of the State of Maine could be granted. Remembering Governor Canby's remarks, I wrote them at some length the views I had expressed orally at our interview.

Soft words and a superfluity of them only added fuel to Chairman Poor's vanity, and he replied by a supercilious and silly letter which indicated a disposition to cut a figure; and I replied by a brief but courteous line, tersely containing the same opinions I had given.

_______________

1 The governor of Maine in office at this time was Samuel Cony.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 255-7

E. Rockford Hoar to Amos A. Lawrence, September 13, 1860

Concord, September 13, 1860.

My Dear Amos, — Considering, as you say, the state of the weather, the news from Maine, and the prospects of your party, I admire your pluck.

I hope you will, some time or other before you die, belong to some respectable organization, having some definite principles, so that I can vote for you.

In the mean time, I congratulate your little squad on having a candidate who is neither “for sale or to let.”

Very truly yours,

E. R. Hoar.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 145-6

George D. Phillips to Howell Cobb, February 25, 1845

Hab[ersham] Co[unty, Ga.], Feb. 25,1845.

Dear Sir: I wrote you a few days ago that the Texas question, as decided now, would stand decided forever. I would stake my ears against a Romish crucifix, that time proves the correctness of this opinion; but I would qualify in this particular: if President Polk convenes an extra Congress and Texas be thereby annexed, even under less favourable circumstances than those secured by the House Resolutions, Texas will assent, provided there be no restrictions on the subject of slavery embraced. The wit of man could not devise a plan of annexation to which they would assent if at any future time any portion of Texas, or rather any State formed out of Texas territory, should give rise even to a discussion in Congress on the question of negro slavery. Her public lands are more than enough to pay her public debt, and she feels indifferent on that subject. You need not indulge the least fear that Texas will fall a prey to English diplomacy, intrigue, or money. I had my doubts and fears until I visited the country and mixed with her people freely, the elite and the clod-pole. Save the immigrants from the West, and probably those from abroad, all, all are Americans, and better, Southern, and dyed in the wool. And I hazard nothing in saying Texas will sustain and defend Southern rights and Southern institutions or cease to exist as a free people. Nor will Texas permit England to guarantee her independence. She is conscious of having a better guarantee in the strong arms and brave hearts of her sons; and if she is not received by the U. S., or her independence acknowledged by the powers that be, as soon as a new state of things becomes settled in Mexico she will wring from Mexico that acknowledgement. There is now a strong feeling in all the states from the Rio del Nort to the Table Lands to amalgamate with Texas; an invading army of 2000 men would certainly take possession of 4 states. As those who are resolved not to fight are easily whipd, all that Texas will desire of Uncle Sam will be to keep her Indians at home. As to Mexico and her own savages, she can take care of them.

The last mail brought us intelligence that Congress had decided to establish a territorial government in Oregon. The slavery question did not apply there; but to us it involved the question of power, and if I had been clear that the whole country to the 54th deg. N. L. belonged to us, I never could have supported the measure in advance of a settlement of the Texas question. With me it would have been: no Texas, no Oregon, or both simultaneously. I have never seen any conclusive evidence of our titles to Oregon north of 49, and doubt if such proof is extant. If so, where will I find it? If I am not deceived, Oregon will prove a Pandora's Box. For a foot of Maine I was willing to fight; for Texas I would fight the world, because the world would be impertinently interfering with our concerns; but for Oregon north of 49, I would not quarrel. . . .

There is I find an extraordinary effort making to remove Mr. Cooper, superintendent of the mint,¹ from office; and that Dr. Singleton should have the motley crowd almost passeth belief and that too to wear the slippers. Does it not require some credulity to believe this, yet it is so. You know the Dr. is a dull plodding man, and if he were again in office and remained there for half a century he could not be as well qualified for the office as Mr. Cooper was the first week he entered it. Under the Dr.'s administration depositors had to wait from two to four weeks for coin. Some improvement took place when Rosignol was in office, but since Mr. Cooper has been in depositors often get their gold coin as soon as the assay can be made. Mr. Rosignol was an efficient man but his manners rendered him unpopular and it was said, perhaps with some truth, he killed two birds with one stone, served a bank and Uncle Sam too; and for this I presume was removed. Mr. Cooper is easy and polite in his intercourse with all who have business at the mint. If any charges of improper conduct have been brought against him I have not heard them; and it would be difficult to imagine one so correct and unexceptionable in his conduct that such a being as Harrison Riley could not bring a charge against. I presume they dare not attack Mr. Cooper on the ground of want of qualification. No change could be made for the better on that score. Do depositors of gold bullion want him removed? No, and he may challenge to the proof. I speak of honorable, intelligent gentlemen. Many two-and-sixpence depositors may have signed a petition. To what kind of a petition would you fail to get signers? You might get forty in Washington to emancipate my negroes and compel them to cut my throat. But if they really have, as I hear, 6000 petitioners for the removal, I have no doubt but 9/10 of them never were in the mint, made a deposit of gold or know Mr. Cooper, and further that 9/10 of them are Whigs. If Mr. Cooper or his friends were to get up counter petitions they could beat the celebrated Abolition petition a stone's throw. That I think had 7 thousand names. We could get 20 thousand in Geo. The truth is this: Dr. Singleton wants the office for the money. Harrison Riley, than whom the devil is not more artful, hates Mr. Cooper because he is a gentleman and a Democrat, and wishes to get him out of the county, and others whom I could name cooperate from interested motives. In justice to Maj. C. and in justice to your constituents I hope you and every Democratic Member of Congress of both houses will call on President Tyler and put this low and dirty effort down, by the correct representations. It is said Mr. C. is some way related to the President; if so, there may be more danger than if no such connection existed. If any importance is attached to six thousand then ask a suspension of any action until a counter petition of 10,000 can be sent on; and if the matter is reserved for the President-elect, do not in the fulness of heartfelt rejoicing and the pageantry of oiling the head of our triumphant Chief make you forget to call on him, the whole of you, Judge Colquitt at your head, and prevent an honest man and faithful officer from being thrown overboard to gratify a land pirate and his porpoise coadjutor. I write in haste and amidst confusion, but have no doubt wearied you. Adieu.

_______________

¹ I. e., the United States branch mint at Dahlonega, Ga.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 66-8

Edwin M. Stanton to Governor Samuel Cony, August 11, 1864

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington City, August 11, 1864.

His Excellency SAMUEL CONY,

Governor of Maine, Augusta, Me.:

SIR: Your letter of July 25 was duly received and has been carefully considered by this Department. As an executive officer charged simply with the execution of the act of Congress and the orders of the President in regard to the raising of troops, I do not feel that it is my province to enter into any discussion upon the various topics mentioned in your letter. Under the authority of the act of Congress the President has made a call upon the loyal States for troops “to recruit and keep up the strength of the armies in the field, for garrisons, and such military operations as may be required for the purpose of suppressing the rebellion and restoring the authority of the United States Government in the insurgent States,” and it is made by law the duty of this Department to assign the quotas to be furnished by the respective States for that purpose, and for that purpose only. The quota of your State has been communicated to you by the proper officer of this Department. A short time ago, at your request, authority was given you to call out certain additional forces for certain specific purposes, expressed in your letter of request and in the response of this Department. The Secretary of War has, in my judgment, no authority to change the purpose of the President's call. Whatever force the arguments presented in your letter might have upon the question of giving up the contest and ending the war, by acknowledging the independence of the rebel States and the inability of the Government to suppress the rebellion, they do not, in my judgment, afford any lawful reason for the Department to make any allowance on the quota of the State of Maine for the purpose stated in your letter. I have no reason to doubt that if the certain contingency mentioned by you should occur, the Federal Government will be under obligations to provide means of defense for the State of Maine. That contingency does not now exist, and no fact is known to the Department which indicates any reasonable ground of apprehension that it is likely to occur. Other States are exposed to the same dangers, and the whole force called for by the President might, with equal reason, be absorbed in guarding against dangers not now impending. Our armies in the field are rapidly diminishing from casualties in battle and other incidents of a fierce and extensive war. Strong places captured from the enemy require to be immediately garrisoned to prevent their reconquest. Other points held by the rebel army require operations for their reduction. These are existing, imminent, and indispensable necessities, upon which the national existence depends. They are the purpose for which the troops have been called and to which the law and the President's proclamation require that they should be applied and credited. What you ask is not a “favor” within the power of this Department to bestow. Whether you will “say to the people of Maine that this pitiful favor has been refused them,” or whether you will appeal to their patriotism and paramount interest in the national existence to answer the President's call and afford him the means to put an end to the war that has cost them so much blood and so much treasure, is for your own judgment to decide.

I have the honor to be, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 4 (Serial No. 125), p. 608-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, July 7, 1863

The President said this morning, with a countenance indicating sadness and despondency, that Meade still lingered at Gettysburg, when he should have been at Hagerstown or near the Potomac, to cut off the retreating army of Lee. While unwilling to complain and willing and anxious to give all praise to the general and army for the great battle and victory, he feared the old idea of driving the Rebels out of Pennsylvania and Maryland, instead of capturing them, was still prevalent among the officers. He hoped this was not so, said he had spoken to Halleck and urged that the right tone and spirit should be infused into officers and men, and that General Meade especially should be reminded of his (the President's) wishes and expectations. But General Halleck gave him a short and curt reply, showing that he did not participate and sympathize in this feeling, and, said the President, “I drop the subject.”

This is the President's error. His own convictions and conclusions are infinitely superior to Halleck's, — even in military operations more sensible and more correct always, — but yet he says, “It being strictly a military question, it is proper I should defer to Halleck, whom I have called here to counsel, advise, and direct in these matters, where he is an expert.” I question whether he should be considered an expert. I look upon Halleck as a pretty good scholarly critic of other men's deeds and acts, but as incapable of originating or directing military operations.

When I returned from the Cabinet council I found a delegation from Maine at the Department, consisting of Vice-President Hamlin, the two Senators from that State, and Senator Wilson of Massachusetts. These gentlemen had first waited on the President in regard to the coast defenses and protection of the fishermen, and were referred by him to me instead of the army, which claims to defend the harbors. At the moment of receiving this delegation I was handed a dispatch from Admiral Porter, communicating the fall of Vicksburg on the fourth of July. Excusing myself to the delegation, I immediately returned to the Executive Mansion. The President was detailing certain points relative to Grant's movements on the map to Chase and two or three others, when I gave him the tidings. Putting down the map, he rose at once, said we would drop these topics, and “I myself will telegraph this news to General Meade.” He seized his hat, but suddenly stopped, his countenance beaming with joy; he caught my hand, and, throwing his arm around me, exclaimed: “What can we do for the Secretary of the Navy for this glorious intelligence? He is always giving us good news. I cannot, in words, tell you my joy over this result. It is great, Mr. Welles, it is great!”

We walked across the lawn together. “This,” said he, “will relieve Banks. It will inspire me.” The opportunity I thought a good one to request him to insist upon his own views, to enforce them, not only on Meade but on Halleck.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 363-5

Edward Everett Hale to Charles Hale, July 31, 1862

July 31, 1862.

Our recruiting goes on very well, except in Boston where it has been badly botched, and drags terribly. I suppose we none of us knew last year how much the recruiting was stimulated by the zeal of officers to fill their companies and earn their commissions. Now we make few or no new officers, filling the vacancies from the ranks, and exhorting people to go into the old regiments. It is therefore nobody's business in particular to go round hunting up the men. In the country where everybody attends to what is nobody's business this makes no difference and every day the selectmen of any number of towns appear with their full quotas of men taking them to the camps. But public meetings and all that sort of thing do not do this work for us in Boston. They say today that the Maine quota is full. I dare say, that with the absurd bounty we are paying for men which has done more to check recruiting than to help it, we shall draw men from Maine to fill up our gaps. People are getting into better spirit and the tone of the public is absolutely firm, ‘They have just found out that this is not a picnic,’ as I heard some one say in the cars today.

SOURCE: Edward Everett Hale Jr., The Life and Letters of Edward Everett Hale, Volume 1, p. 329-30

Fitz Henry Warren to James S. Pike, December 16, 1860

Burlington, Iowa, December 16, 1860.

James Pike: I am fructified in spirit to see “J. S. P.” again at the foot of a Washington letter. How are you, and where have you been? I should have written to you a long time ago, but I have been busy all the season “crying in the wilderness,” and to some purpose, too, for we have done a large business in Iowa as well as in the “inductive” State of Maine.

Being at a safe distance from South Carolina and Georgia, I look on very calmly. Several gentlemen are to be killed before my turn comes. Oh for an hour of Old Hickory or Old Zach! Are we to have turbulent times? I do not exactly see the end, for I am ignorant what the new Administration is to be. Let Abraham put in Corwin for Secretary of Treasury; Pennington, Secretary of the Interior ; and Colfax, Postmaster-General, and we shall have a lovely time. That committee, with C. for chairman, will have an illustrious labor and parturiate a generation of mice.

Give me a letter occasionally, with a history of the green-room rehearsals and other items.

Who is to be senator from Maine?

Very truly, your friend,

Fitz-henry Warren.

James S. Pike, Esq.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 526

Horace Greeley to James S. Pike, May 25, 1860

New York, May 25, 1860.

Pike, My Friend: Do you see how the heathen rage? How the whole weight of their wrath is poured out on my head? Will you tell me why Maine behaved so much worse at Chicago than any New-England State but Massachusetts? What meant that infernal vote from Massachusetts against us? I thought some of you Eastern folks would look to this. Just write me one letter to let me know what all this means.

Yours,

Horace Greeley.

J. S. Pike, Esq.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 520

Horace Greeley to James S. Pike, May 21, 1860

New York, May 21, 1861.

Pike: Your Maine delegation was a poor affair; I thought you had been at work preparing it for the great struggle; yet I suspect you left all the work for me, as everybody seems to do. Massachusetts also was right in Weed's hands, contrary to all reasonable expectation. I cannot understand this. It was all we could do to hold Vermont by the most desperate exertions; and I at some times despaired of it. The rest of New England was pretty sound, but part of New Jersey was somehow inclined to sin against light and knowledge. If you had seen the Pennsylvania delegation, and known how much money Weed had in hand, you would not have believed we could do so well as we did. Give Curtin thanks for that. Ohio looked very bad, yet turned out well, and Virginia had been regularly sold out; but the seller couldn't deliver. “We had to rain red-hot bolts on them, however, to keep the majority from going for Seward, who got eight votes here as it was. Indiana was our right bower, and Missouri above praise. It was a fearful week, such as I hope and trust I shall never see repeated. I think your absence lost us several votes.

But the deed is done, and the country breathes more freely. We shall beat the enemy fifty thousand in this State — can't take off a single man. New England stands like a rock, and the North-west is all ablaze. Pennsylvania and New Jersey are our pieces de resistance, but we shall carry them. I am almost worn out.

Yours,

Horace Greeley.

James S. Pike, Esq., Somewhere.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 519-20

Massachusetts Kansas Committee to Governor James W. Grimes, December 20, 1856

State Kansas Aid Committee Rooms,

Boston, Dec. 20, 1856.

Dear Sir, — Your letter of the 16th has been received, and we are glad to find that the importance of State action in regard to Kansas is appreciated in Iowa as well as here. The first question seems to be, Is such action really needed? And I will state what I believe to be substantially the views of this committee, who are now laboring to obtain an appropriation from our legislature.

There can be no doubt that the measures of which you speak (the purchase of land, erection of mills, etc.) could not well be engaged in by a State; and certainly no grant for that purpose could be obtained here. But although present destitution may be relieved in Kansas, it is by no means certain that there will not be great suffering there in the spring, before any crops can be raised, — especially if for any cause business should not be active. Then who can be sure that the scenes of last summer will not be acted again? True, things look better; but the experience of the past ought to teach us to prepare for the future. But even if things go on prosperously there, money may still be needed. Men have been subjected to unjust punishments, or at least threatened with them, under the unconstitutional laws of the Territory. It is desirable that these cases should be brought before a higher tribunal; while the accused person may be a poor man unable to bear the expense of such a suit. The State appropriations could then be drawn upon for this purpose, and used to retain counsel, furnish evidence, and in other ways to forward the suit of the injured man.

Would it not therefore be well for each State to make an appropriation, which should remain in the hands of the Governor, as in Vermont, or of a committee, until it should be needed in Kansas? It would thus be a contingent fund, to be drawn on only in cases of necessity, and it would be ready against any emergency. It might never be called for, or only a portion of it might be used; but should occasion arise, it would save our citizens in Kansas from many of the horrors which have afflicted them the past year. A bill embodying these ideas will be introduced into our legislature; and from the tone of our people we have good hope that it will pass. If a similar bill could pass your legislature I have no doubt the example would be followed by New York, Maine, Michigan, Connecticut, and perhaps by Ohio, New Hampshire, and Rhode Island. A general movement of this kind would give us all we want; and we might make Kansas free, I think, without expending a dollar of the money voted. The moral effect of such action on emigration from the North, and on the employment of capital, would be very important. Security would be given that the rights of emigrants would be supported; and the first result would be the emigration of thousands as soon as spring opens; so that by July we should have a force of Northern settlers there, enough to sustain any form of law which might be set up. Without this, 1 fear that next year, in spite of the flattering promises of the present, will only see the last year's history repeated. There will be no confidence in the tranquillity of the Territory; capital will shun it; emigration be almost stopped; and a year hence we may be no better off than now, — and perhaps worse. With these opinions, we look on State appropriations as the salvation of Kansas, and hope that the whole North may be led to the same view.

With much respect,

F. B. Sanborn,

Corresponding Secretary of State Committee.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 355-6

Fitz Henry Warren to James S. Pike, February 2, 1860

Burlington, Iowa, February 2, 1860.

Particular Pike: The ills of a congested liver, brought on by attempting to decipher a letter of the First of the Tribunes, addressed to me from Galesburg, Ill., have been much assuaged by your comforting letter of the 29th of January. When I look at a bald head, I expect to find under its polished surface good sense. Horace is an exceptional case. I am glad you agree with me about Edward Bates. I have no doubt Blair is right about him (Bates). He is with us in sentiment and sympathy. But, in the language of Daniel the Dark, “What is all this worth” for a President? For a church-warden or a congregational deacon I should be for him, with both hands up. What business have we to nominate and elect a man President who has never been in political life, who has no taste for politics, and no personal knowledge of public men? If I had had any room for a favorable impression of his qualities beyond my slight acquaintance with him, Peter Parley's indorsement would finish it out. The paper was bad enough before, as the bank president said, “but with that indorsement it is not worth a d—n.” For God's sake let us look to life and not to resurrection for our success in '60. I go in for electing; but why go into the bowels of Niggerdom for a candidate? If you can carry Missiouri for Bates, you can carry Arkansas for him ; and you can lift yourself up by the waistband daily for ten years before you can do either. The King of Terrors has a large work to do in Missouri before any Republican candidate can touch bottom there. I pray to be spared the anguish of voting for any man who can get this electoral vote.

With regard to the governor, the slender chance he had has gone out with John Sherman. Possibly you know what we have gained by electing old Pennington; I don't. I would far rather have been beaten with E. than to have backed down from him. I am consoled somewhat that it was not Corwin.

Pitt Fessenden would make a President after my own heart. But he is too near the “open Polar sea.” Uncle Dan's telescope could not discern the North Star, and your feeble lens can hardly reach it. If he lived in Iowa, or Greeley's paradise of bullfrogs, Indiana, he might come in; but we can't go into the tall timber of Maine. The question now recurs on the original question, “Who are you (I) for?” I am for the man who can carry Pennsylvania, New Jersey, and Indiana, with this reservation, that I will not go into cemetery or catacomb; the candidate must be alive, and able to walk at least from parlor to dining-room. I am willing to take the opinions of the delegates from those States on this point. But if the choice is to be between King Stork and King Log, count me in for the former. I had rather have a President who would take me by the nape of the neck and kick me down stairs, than to have one who would smile me out with the hypocritical leer of that greatest of all nuisances in the White House, Millard Fillmore.

Very truly,

Fitz henry Warren.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 483-4

Congressman Israel Washburn, Jr. to James S. Pike, January 31, 1860

Washington, January 31, 1860.

My Dear Pike: I am rejoiced to hear you talk so sensibly. I am for Pitt, and hope our State will be for him in good faith, and secure his nomination. But if, after all, this cannot be done, I am for Seward. No indiscriminate admirer of the governor, I cannot forget how much he has done for the great cause, how brave and logical hare been his words, nor the trials and struggles of the last eight years in this Golgotha. May Maine be firmly and honestly for Fessenden; but let her not be used to defeat not alone her noble son, but every genuine Republican.

I have no doubt that you are entirely right in your apprehensions that there is a deep, widely extended, and formidable movement to nominate Bates, or some one like him, and to this fact, in my honest opinion, is it due that John Sherman was not elected Speaker weeks ago. The effect of electing our first and only candidate, and a Helper signer, after all the clamor made on that subject, was seen, and it was also surmised what would be the argument if, driven from a straight Republican nominee, a non-Helper, non-representative candidate should be chosen. Hence sundry diversions from Sherman to South Americans, hinting to the Democrats to hold on and our line would break soon. Hence the movements of at least one Bates man, who professes strong Republicanism, of whom I may speak hereafter. Sherman permitted the campaign to be directed in the main by these men, and was persuaded by them to favor the diversions I have referred to, or some of them, and to make what I regard as unfortunate speeches. There is not, that I know of, a single correspondent here who has understood the ground we were travelling, or who, if he understood it, has not been laboring in the interest of the “opposition” party rather than of the Republican party.

With our “Peck” of troubles in Maine, and anybody for the Republican nominee who is not a live and true Republican, we shall have a campaign such as I hope not to be obliged to labor in, and which would not promise the most happy results.

Put us on the defensive, set us to explaining and apologizing, give us a candidate of whom we only know that he is an old line Whig and never a Republican, and the canvass will be the hardest we ever had.

When are you coming on?

Yours truly,

I. Washburn, Jr.

J. S. Pike, Esq.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 482-3

Owen Brown Jr. to Mary Ann Day Brown, August 27, 1856

Tabor, Fremont County, Iowa, Aug. 27, 1856.

Dear Mother, — The last news we had from Kansas, father was at Lawrence, and had charge of a company, —the bravest men the Territory could afford. Those who come through here from the Territory say that father is the most daring, courageous man in Kansas. You have no doubt heard that the Free-State men have taken two forts, or blockhouses, with a fine lot of arms, several prisoners, and two cannon. Shannon was obliged to flee for his life; afterwards came to Lane to negotiate for peace. He proposed that the Free-State men should give up the prisoners and arms they had taken; at the same time they (the enemy) should still hold our men as prisoners, and keep all the arms they had taken from the Free-State men. But Lane would not consent to that; he required Shannon to deliver up the howitzer they had taken at Lawrence, release some prisoners, disarm the proslavery men in the Territory, and do all in his power to remove the enemy from the Territory. With fear and trembling, Shannon consented to all of Lane's demands.

There is now at this place a company of volunteers from Maine, Massachusetts, and Michigan, — about eighty in all. We hear lately that about three thousand Missourians have crossed at St. Joe and other places, and have gone armed into the Territory; that Governor Woodson has sent four hundred mounted men on to the frontier to intercept our volunteers and prevent them from carrying in provisions and ammunition, which are much needed now in Kansas. The last information comes from reliable sources, and is probably true, — a portion of it. We also learn that the Free-State men have melted up all the old lead-pipe they can get hold of for ammunition; and now the news comes from reliable sources that Lane is about to enter Leavenworth with two thousand men; that he has sent word to the citizens of Leavenworth, requiring them to deliver up a few prisoners they had taken, with some wagons and other property, or he will destroy the town forthwith. Colonel Smith, of Leavenworth, commander of Government troops, refuses to protect the proslavery men of the Territory, replying that Lane is able to dress them all out, troops and all. Shannon made a speech to them, urging them to cease hostilities, — that he could not defend them (that is, our enemies). At present our enemies and the Missourians are trembling in their boots, if reports are true.

I have gained strength quite fast, and am now determined to go back into the Territory, and try the elephant another pull. We hope that men will volunteer by the thousands from the States, well armed, with plenty of money to buy provisions with, which are scarce in Kansas Territory. There are probably several thousand acres less of corn in Kansas than there would have been had it not been for the war. We look hard for help: now comes the tug of war. We have sent on men to learn the state of affairs on the frontier, and will move on into the Territory shortly. We are now waiting for one other company, which is within a few days' drive of here. For the want of time I leave out many particulars in connection with the taking of those forts, which would be quite interesting, and show Yankee skill and strategy, at least. If any of our folks write to us, or to me (I assume another name, George Lyman), direct to George Lyman, Tabor, Fremont County, Iowa, care Jonas Jones, Esq. Mr. Jones will take them out of the office here and send them on by private conveyance. We cannot hear from you in any other way. Perhaps you know of a different way, but I do not.

Your affectionate son,

Owen Brown.

P. S. Have not heard from Fred since Oliver and William Thompson took him into the camp; nor have I heard from Henry, Salmon, William, and Oliver since they left this place to go home.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 315-7

Powder Mill Explosion

BANGOR, Me., May 3.

A powder mill explosion occurred at Gatam yesterday.  Eight buildings exploded successively.  Two hundred barrels of powder were in them.  The hands were all at supper at the time.  Cause of the explosion unknown.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, May 5, 1862, p. 1

The forests of Aroostook, (Maine) where . . .

. . . for many previous winters, thousands of axes have almost incessantly sounded, are almost silent this season.  The sturdy lumbermen are away to the wars and the pine will stand another year.  The same is to a large extent true of the lumber district of the Northwest.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 8, 1862, p. 2

The Storm In Northern Maine

A correspondent of the Boston Journal, writing from Bethel, Main, on the 28th of February, says:

“The snow in many places is higher than the tops of the cars, for thirty or forty rods in a place; and as they only cut a place through just wide enough to ‘rub and go,’ the passage through seems much like going through an underground tunnel.  In two places on the road the snow was actually drifted several feet higher than the top of the smoke-pipe of the engines.”

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 15, 1862, p. 4

Acknowledged Kindness

None of the English journals that we have seen, and our files are pretty extensive, say anything of the kindness shown to the British troops, destined for Canada, by allowing them to land at Portland, and proceed through the State of Maine to British America.  This was a real kindness, saving foreign troops a great deal of delay and other hardships.  No doubt, the British Government will duly express proper gratitude ere long, but the British journals which have been so [eagerly] anxious to pick up and misrepresent the most careless words written and spoken here about British policy, might have expressed some approval of Mr. Seward’s kindness – which, under all the circumstances, was magnanimous to a fault.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 22, 1862, p. 2

Diptheria is prevailing . . .

. . . to an alarming extent in the State of Maine.  In the town of Patten, one in eleven of the entire population have died from it, while great mortality prevails in other portions of the state.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, March 15, 1862, p. 2