Wednesday, February 6, 2019

Nathaniel Peabody Rogers: Dr. Farmer Dead, September 1, 1838

We were amazed as well as deeply afflicted, at the death of this distinguished and most excellent man. His departure surprised us — invalid as he long has been, and feeble as was his hold on life — so insensible are we to the uncertainty and frailty of mortal existence! We have lost a highly valued personal friend, as well as our cause a faithful, devoted and invaluable advocate. We could weep for ourselves as well as for the poor slave, who does not know his loss. But it is not a time to weep. Survivors on the field do not pause in thick of the fight, to lament comrades or chieftains falling around them.

The departed Farmer lived and died a devoted abolitionist. We proclaim this amid the notes of his requiem and the tolling of his knell — in the ears of the scorner of the supplicating slave and of bleeding liberty. Admirers of his distinguished worth — his admirable industry — his capacity — his usefulness — his blameless life — who felt awed at his virtues, while he lived almost invisibly among men — mingling with the busy throng of life scarcely more than now his study-worn frame reposes in the grave — know all, and be reminded all, that Farmer was in zeal, in devotion, in principles and in measures, not a whit behind the very chiefest abolitionist. No heart beat more ardently than his, in the great cause of human rights — or more keenly felt the insults, the inhumanity and the ruffian persecutions, heaped upon its friends. How deep was his mortification at the brutal and ignoble treatment of the generous and gifted Thompson, and with what agonizing solicitude did his heart throb, as the life of that innocent and most interesting and wonderful stranger was hunted in our streets! How freely would he have yielded up his own sickness-wasted form, to save his friend! Scorners of the slave — sneerers at the negro's plea — ruthless invaders (whoever you are) of the hearth of hospitality and the sanctities of Home, we point you to the fresh grave of Farmer. To the grave of Kimball, too, his beloved brother — that young martyred heart — who still pleaded among you, unheeded but faithfully, the cause of the suffering and the dumb, when his voice was hollow with consumption — whose mild eye still beamed with remembrance of those in bonds, when lustrous with the hectic touch of death. To the grave of young Bradley too, who bowed his beautiful head to the destroyer, like the “lily of the field” surcharged with rain, remembering the down-trodden slave amid all the promises and allurements of youth and genius. And to other graves recent in your peopled church-yard, into which we should have looked with heart-broken disconsolation, but for thought of the resurrection. To these graves we point you — as you ponder on the past — not now to be recalled — registered for eternity.

Advocates of the slave too, a voice from the church-yard speaks also to you. There is neither knowledge, nor wisdom, nor device there, where the departed faithful lie, and whither you hasten. Your brothers and sisters in bondage descend thither in the darkness of brutal heathenism, from lives that know no consolation. What thy hands find to do, do with thy might.

SOURCE: Collection from the Miscellaneous Writings of Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Second Edition, p. 13-4 which states it was published in the Herald of Freedom of September 1, 1838.

George Thompson, February 10, 1835

PORTLAND, Maine, Tuesday evening,}
February 10th, 1835.}

My dear Brother — The following hasty and brief account of my labors since I parted with you on Wednesday evening, will, I believe, be interesting to you, and the result proves that the God of our cause does not permit us to labor in vain, nor spend our strength for nought.

Thursday, Feb. 5th. Left Boston for Dover, N. H. at eight in the morning, accompanied by Rev. Amos A. Phelps. Arrived at half past five, and were most kindly received and entertained by the Rev. D. Root, the Congregational Minister, “an Israelite indeed, in whom there is no guile. At eight o'clock, delivered a preliminary lecture in Mr. Root's Church, to a very respectable congregation.

Friday, 6th. Occupied the day in conference with the excellent ministers of the Baptist and Methodist Episcopal Churches, the Rev. Messrs. Williams and Perkins, and found them devoted in heart and understanding to our holy enterprise. In the evening, delivered a second Lecture in the M. E. meeting-house. Although the weather was rendered inclement by a snow storm, the audience was numerous.

Saturday, 7th. In the afternoon, drove to Great Falls, accompanied by Mr. Phelps. Received a hearty welcome from Rev. Mr. Smith, of the Congregational Church. In the evening, at half past six, gave a lecture in the Baptist meeting-house, and obtained twenty-two subscribers at 12½ cents per month to the American Society. Found the worthy pastor of the church in which I lectured, the Rev. Abner Goodell, a warm friend.

Sunday, 8th. In the morning, delivered an Anti-Slavery discourse in the pulpit of the Rev. Mr. Williams, Dover. Sunday afternoon, delivered a second Anti-Slavery discourse in the pulpit of the Rev. David Root. Audience very large and highly respectable. Sunday evening, delivered a third Anti-Slavery discourse in Mr. Root's Church, which was crowded. The audience composed of persons from all the churches in the town. O, it was indeed refreshing to witness harmony, good will, fellowship, and co-operation in our cause, existing and prevailing amongst ministers and churches throughout a neighborhood At the close of my discourse, a collection was taken up, and $44 62½ was obtained.

Monday, 9th. In the afternoon, at half past two, held a public meeting in Mr. Root's Church, and formed male and female Anti-Slavery Associations for Dover. One hundred and twelve names were subscribed to the Constitution, and about fifty-six monthly subscribers of 12½ cents, each subscriber receiving a copy of the Anti-Slavery Record.

Monday Evening, 8 o'clock. Held a second public meeting in Mr. William's Church, and obtained nearly three hundred additional names, to the Constitution, and fifty additional monthly subscribers, making a total of four hundred members of the Society, and one hundred subscribers for the Record. Thus, about two hundred dollars have been raised in Dover for the cause of Abolition.

To what is this success to be attributed? 1st, To the essential goodness of our cause, and the blessing of God upon our labors; and 2ndly, Instrumentally, principally to the co-operation of the Ministers of Religion. Our experience at Dover has afforded another demonstration to the truth of what I have so often assumed, that the fate of Slavery in this country depends upon the will and conduct of the ministers of the Gospel. Why did the people in Dover assemble in such numbers? Why did they join so heartily in the cause? Why did they so liberally subscribe? Because they saw their beloved pastors going forward in the work, and felt, therefore, confidence and courage.

Brother Phelps, myself, and Mr. Benson, reached this place about four, to-day. The Cumberland County Convention meets to-morrow, at 10 o'clock. You shall learn the result on Saturday.

We are all under the roof of the Winslows, who are as kind and generous as ever.

Yours most affectionately,
GEO, THOMPSON.

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 38-40

Charles D. Miller to Watts Sherman, February 13, 1860

Peterboro, February 13, 1860.
Watts Sherman, Esq.:

Sir: — My father-in-law, Mr. Gerrit Smith, has at length so far waked up from the eclipse of his intellect as to be able to read and to hear reading. He has just now seen, for the first time, the “Manifesto of the New York Democratic Vigilance Association,” published last October, in which you connect his name with a certain “Central Association,” of bloody and horrible purposes.

As Mr. Smith belongs to no society, has always opposed secret societies, had never before heard of this “Central Association,” and condemns all shedding of human blood, save by government, he necessarily feels himself to be deeply wronged by you and your associates. He holds you and them responsible, for calling in effect upon the people both of the North and South to detest and abhor him.

Mr. Smith wishes to know without any delay, whether you and your associates will persist in your libel, or make the unqualified and ample retraction which the case calls for.

Yours respectfully,
Chas. D. Miller.

SOURCE: Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gerrit Smith: A Biography, p. 246

Journal of Amos A. Lawrence, December 5, 1859

Declined to serve as vice-president of the Union meeting at Faneuil Hall, because I do not wish to help the Democrats.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 134

Journal of Amos A. Lawrence, December 6, 1859

Storm. Agreed to be at Faneuil Hall and act as an officer of the meeting. Public meeting at Faneuil Hall. A grand affair. The crowd was very great even on the outside. Ex-Governor Lincoln presided. Though over eighty years old he appeared well. Mr. Everett spoke as well as I ever heard him. Then Caleb Cushing. The enthusiasm was tremendous whenever the Union was alluded to. The Democrats will try to make something of it.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 134

Journal of Amos A. Lawrence, December 11, 1859

Old John Brown was buried at North Elba in New York near his own house. A favorite tune of his was “Blow ye the trumpet, blow.” This was sung by the neighbors

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 134

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, October 1860

. . . It so happens that we have just had a visit from Edwin Morton, Gerrit Smith's private tutor, who went to Europe at the time of John Brown. “The wicked flea, whom no man pursueth,” Judge Russell satirically termed him: but he is a very cultivated and refined person and had that career among English literati which seems to be cheaply open to all young Yankees.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 115

George L. Stearns to Mary Hall Stearns, May 7, 1863

[May 7, 1863.]

Yesterday at noon, I learned from Governor Andrew by telegram that he did not intend to raise another regiment. I was thunderstruck. My work for three months would nearly, or quite, fall to the ground. I telegraphed in reply: “You told me to take all the men I could get without regard to regiments. Have two hundred men on the way; what shall I do with them?” The reply came simultaneously with your letter: “Considering your telegraph and Wild's advice, another regiment may proceed; expecting it full in four weeks. Present want of troops will probably prevent my being opposed.” I replied: “I thank God for your telegram received this morning. You shall have the men in four weeks.” Now all is right.

If I had received a refusal to accept more men, my plans were all laid. I should have gone to Washington to-morrow morning, having recalled my transportation agent from the West to take my place here, and have presented a clean-cut plan to Stanton for raising colored regiments, North and South, which I have no doubt he would have accepted. Now I go on with my work again.

SOURCE: Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 291

Samuel Gridley Howe to Senator Charles Sumner, May 11, 1852

Boston, May 11, 1852.

My Dear Sumner: — I have been somewhat taken up with Kossuth's matters, though I work indirectly and not publicly. The other day he sent a message that he would come out to see me at nine o'clock in the evening. I was unfortunately engaged to a formal dinner party at T. B. Curtis's and could only promise to be at home as near nine as possible; when I got home he had just driven from the door, having stayed a quarter of an hour or so. I followed him to his quarters, and he took me into his chamber, and for two hours discoursed to me as only he can: filling me with increased admiration and love. He extended to me a degree of confidence about his plans which quite amazed me; and humiliated me too, for I felt I could do nothing to make me worthy of it.

Julia has seen much of them en famille, and bears glowing testimony to his gentleness and tenderness in the domestic relations.

As I said to you once before I think, I was glad of an opportunity of making Hillard ashamed (or deserving to be so) of having so easily entertained the belief of Kossuth's want of kindness to his wife.

By the by, H—— wrote some articles in the Courier which you may have seen. The other evening he walked into town from my house with Pulsky and others; and Pulsky, knowing H—— had written the articles, took occasion to riddle and utterly cut them to pieces, as he well could. H—— was silent and opened not his mouth.

Kossuth is really making a very strong impression here, that is in the neighbourhood. Hunkerdom is silent — dumb — angry. I was (mirabile dictul) at Ticknor's the other evening, and was surprised to find how subduedly and quietly they took allusions to the subject. They are wise, and, since fas est ab hoste doceri, I hope to imitate the wise caution when I feel excited and angry.

I had a long talk there with Mrs. Agassiz, and it was mostly about you. I thought it best (or rather I did not think much at all) to try to put her right as to your break with Felton, and to show her that she was blaming you without cause. I told her my mind fully, and spoke of F—— kindly but rather sternly, giving him credit for intentions, but not for actions. The next day, (or yesterday) Monday, came a long letter from F—— in which he paraded in formidable array his charges against you. I shall not trouble you with them now; but perhaps you may be interested in one paragraph, in which he says, as he supposes on good authority, that Fillmore, in answer to a query about how you could seek his hospitalities after denouncing him so bitterly, said, “Mr. S—— seems to like me pretty well; at any rate, by coming to my house he shows he did not believe what he said. I give you this valeat quantum, — but in confidence. I shall perhaps answer F——’s letter, but more probably see him.

Faithfully yours,
S. G. Howe.

SOURCE: Laura E. Richards, Editor, Letters and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Volume 2, p. 372-4

William T. Sherman to Thomas Ewing, January 8, 1860

State Seminary, Alexandria, Jan. 8, 1860.

Dear Sir: As you can well understand I am in the midst of busy times, answering letters, making reports, issuing orders, etc., all pertaining to the organization of a new school on a new plan for this part of the world. The weather has been exceedingly boisterous. Snow fell here last week, five inches, but it lay only one day. To-day was like May with you. But the rains and frosts have made the roads bad and have in a measure delayed the coming of our cadets. They have been so used to delay and procrastination that they could not understand the necessity of time.

I took things in hand a la militarism, usurped full authority and began the system ab initio. We now have thirty-two cadets who attend reveille and all roll calls like soldiers, have their meals with absolute regularity and are already hard at work at mathematics, French, and Latin. I am the only West Pointer, but they submit to me with the docility of lambs.

A good many gentlemen have attended their sons and are much pleased with the building and all arrangements. They occasionally drop the sentiment of their gladness that thus they will become independent of the North and such like, but not one man has said one word about John or anything at which I could take exception.

The supervisors seem glad to devolve on me all the burdensome task of details, and are now loud in their determination to besiege the legislature to so endow the Seminary that it shall be above all danger or contingency. The governor sent me word to-day to give him some points for his message, and I have written him at length urging him to get the state, out of her swamp lands, to double our endowment. The present comes from the United States. If Louisiana gives equal we will have an income of $16,200, which would put us above all want. Or if she will simply appropriate to pay for the sixteen cadets which she forces us to educate and support. . .

This however is too good a berth to risk.1 I perceive I have a strong hold there. The South are right in guarding against insidious enemies or against any enemies whatever, and I would aid her in so doing. All I would object to is the laying of plans designed to result in a secession and Civil War. The valley of the Mississippi must be under one government, else war is always the state. If I were to suspect that I were being used for such a deep laid plan I would rebel, but I see daily marks of confidence in me and reliance upon my executing practical designs, and if I were to say that I contemplated leaving I would give great uneasiness to those who have built high hopes. Still if is in earnest and I can hold off till the legislature shows its temper (it meets Monday, the 16th) I will be in better attitude to act.

Here at $3,500 I could save little after bringing my family, but I would have good social position, maybe a good house and, taken all in all, a pleasant home, for such I should make it, designing to keep my children here summer and winter, always. Epidemics never originate here. Sometimes they come up after having sojourned some time below. . .

We must absolutely have help this year or the Seminary cannot pay the salaries stipulated for, nor build houses for the families. I now handle all the moneys and am absolute master of all the business. We have a treasurer twenty miles off, under bond, whereas I, in fact, have in my possession all the moneys, $6,000 nearly, and for its safety they have never asked of me a receipt. I cannot therefore mistake the confidence of the Board. Caution must be my plan now.
_______________

1 Sherman here refers to an offer made to him of a position in London. — Ed.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 104-6

John Brown to Mrs. Mary Gale, November 30, 1859

Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 30, 1859.

Mrs. Mary GalE (or the writer of the writing).1

Dear Friend, — I have only time to give you the names of those that I know were killed of my company at Harper's Ferry, or that are said to have been killed; namely, two Thompsons, two Browns, J. Anderson, J. H. Kagi, Stewart Taylor, A. Hazlett, W. H. Leman, and three colored men. Would most gladly give you further information had I the time and ability.

Your friend,
John Brown.
_______________

l Written to the sister of Charles Plummer Tidd, one of those who escaped with Owen Brown.

SOURCES: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 615

Caroline Graves to William Still, January 22, 1856

TORONTO, Jan. 22, 1856.

DEAR SIR: — WILLIAM STILL — I have found my company they arrived here on monday eving I found them on tusday evening. Please to be so kind as to send them boxes we are here without close to were we have some white frendes is goin to pay for them at this end of the road. The reason that we send this note we are afraid the outher one wondent go strait because it wasent derected wright. Please to send them by the express then they wont be lost. Please to derect these boxes for Carline Graives in the car of mrs. Brittion. Please to send the bil of the boxes on with them. Mrs. Brittion, Lousig street near young street.

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 337

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, December 17, 1862

(Private)
New Orleans, December 17th.

Dear Sir: Gen. Banks and staff arrived here on the evening of Sunday the 14th, and he assumed command of the Department of the Gulf yesterday. Enclosed is Gen. Butler's final order — and Gen. Banks' order on assuming command.

I endeavor to ascertain how this change is received here and the result of my inquiries and observations is very satisfactory. Probably those most intimately connected with Gen. Butler, regret the change, and many of the loyal citizens express a fear that the new administration of affairs, will lack the vigor and ability of the former. Some also, think that injustice has been done Gen. Butler in removing him from a command where he has succeeded so admirably. But the general expression is one of satisfaction. The fact is, that the extensive commercial proceedings which were tolerated (to say the least) by the former Commanding General, have created a general disgust. The public opinion was fixed, that these transactions were for Gen. Butler's own benefit, and the dissatisfaction on this account was intense. Gen. Butler has always been very kind to me, and assisted me whenever asked & I feel very grateful to him. But yet I believe the change is a good one. I was intending to write to you by this mail, giving considerable information about speculations here, but it is now unnecessary — & I suppose all such evils will be speedily corrected.

I have seen Gen. Banks but once, but by his invitation am to meet him to-day or to-morrow, for the purpose of giving him all the information in my possession. I shall endeavor to keep you promptly informed of everything transpiring here. Gen. Banks' troops have arrived in large numbers. I do not know whether all have come. It is not certainly known why Gen. Butler was removed. Some say it is on account of demands of France — others that it is on account of speculations — others that it is owing to representations of Admiral Farragut.

I have learned that little more in regard to the Schooner “L. L. Davis” which run into Pontchitoula. Gen. Butler believes that I am satisfied that Col. Butler had nothing to do with it. I am not so satisfied. Gen. Butler says he has ascertained that a prominent officer (I suspect he refers to Col. French — Pro. Marshal) loaded the vessel in good faith for Matamoras and that the captain ran away from him. I do not now know whether the evidence taken down will be sent to Washington. 1 think 1 shall lay-the whole matter before General Banks.

I want some money. Three hundred Dollars in gold, which I brought with me, and a few hundred dollars since received by your order, have been sufficient to pay my expenses but is now consumed. I transmit to-day an official receipt for $25,000 legal tender notes, which have just arrived to pay expenses of the office. About my own pay I wrote to you Oct. 10th. I shall not pay myself out of the $25,000. for the fact is, I never really understood what my compensation is.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. ChaseAnnual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 339-40

Tuesday, February 5, 2019

John M. Forbes to Mrs. N. J. Senior, June 27, 1863

New Lodge, Windsor Forest, 27 June, 1863.

My Dear Mrs. Senior, — I cannot thank you too much for your most welcome note, and for its result in a line just received from your brother promising to be in on Monday, and to see me.

Your warm sympathy touches a chord that seldom vibrates. I had thought myself proof against cold or heat, and that I was entirely indifferent to English opinions and feelings, which I found so generally against us. Like the traveler in the fable, I can stand the pelting of the storm, but your sunshine draws off my cloak, and makes me aware that I am open to its cheering influence; and I tell it you that you may know how much good you can do to others.

I venture to send you three cards, one of myself, one of my daughter Mary, the wife of Lieut.-Colonel Russell, and one of my son, W. H. F. The last was north of Washington, on the Potomac, not far from the crossing place where the raid we hear of to-day occurred. If you read in the papers of some disaster or success to the Second Massachusetts Cavalry, you may look with more interest upon the faces of those who have such a deep concern in its fortunes. My only strong belief is that you may hear of misfortune there, but not of dishonor.

I shall now hear nothing more from them for the next two anxious weeks, and shall then, if all goes well, try to visit the camp.

I shall keep your note to read on the sea, and to show, perhaps, to my young soldier.

Most truly and gratefully yours,
J. M. Forbes.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 2, p. 38-9

Commandant Samuel F. DuPont to Gustavus V. Fox, December 1, 1861

Wabash, Port Royal
Dec. 1, 6l.       
My Dear Friend

If I were ten times as occupied, that kind, noble hearty private letter of yours would command my attention and receive my grateful thanks. Only a sailor man with many other attributes could have written it — Davis & Rodgers enjoyed it with me & we were all gratified.

Davis & myself may truly say that when the deed of the 7th Nov. had been accomplished, after our wives we first thought of you & Mr. Welles — that your laborious work, yr long suffering patience & forbearance in that Department would find some reward in that days proceedings.

The Vanderbilt has stolen a march on us & goes a day sooner than I was told — so some things have to lay over,

Faithfully
yr friend
S. F. DuPONT
Hon
G. V. Fox
Ass Sec Navy.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 75-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, April 13, 1864

Matters press on the Department. Have been very busy. Some talk with Rice about Annapolis and the Naval School, League Island and the navy yard. Suggested that New England must not monopolize and that we should avoid even the appearance of sectionalism.

Consulted Mr. Eames yesterday and again to-day in relation to the investigations into the frauds of naval contractors and others. Told him he must go to Boston to supervise Olcott, who is fierce in diving into matters and often, I apprehend, without judgment.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 11

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, April 14, 1864


The Baltimore American of this morning contains my report in relation to the ironclads and Du Pont. A synopsis, very brief, has been sent out by the agent of the news papers, but the Press only to a limited extent publishes even the megre abstract.  I believe the N.Y. Tribune does not publish it or take any notice of it. Du Pont and his satellites have been busy, and Greeley and others take such a partisan, personal view of all questions that no honest or fair treatment can be expected of them in a case like this. Without ever looking at facts, Greeley has always vigorously indorsed Du Pont and had his flings at the Navy Department.

Gold is reported at 190 to-day; that is, it requires one hundred and ninety dollars of Treasury notes, Chase's standard, to buy one hundred dollars in gold, paper has so depreciated.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 11-2

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, April 15, 1864

Chase and Blair were neither of them at the Cabinet-meeting to-day, nor was Stanton. Seward takes upon himself the French tobacco question. He wishes me to procure some one to investigate and report on the facts of the case of the Sir William Peel. I told him I thought Charles Eames as good a counsellor on prize matters as any lawyer whom I knew, and if referred to me I should give the case to Eames.

The gold panic has subsided, or rather abated. Chase is in New York. It is curious to see the speculator's conjectures and remarks on the expedients and subterfuges that are resorted to. Gold is truth. Its paper substitute is a fiction, sustained by public confidence in part because there is a belief that it will ultimately bring gold, but it has no intrinsic value and the great increase in quantity is undermining confidence.

The House passed a resolution of censure on Long for his weak and reprehensible speech. It is a pity the subject was taken up at all. No good has come of it, but I hope no harm. Lurking treason may feel a little strengthened by the failure to expel.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 12

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sophia Birchard Hayes, Sunday, October 25, 1863

Camp White, October 25, (Sunday), 1863.

Dear Mother: — I received your letter of the 19th last evening. We have been very busy here the last week, worrying the Rebels in our front to prevent their sending reinforcing the Rebels who are opposing General Burnside, and getting ready for apprehended attacks from them. It is now quiet again and the rain and snow in the mountains are fortifications getting stronger every day.

We are not allowed to build winter quarters yet, but the men are fixing up all sorts of shelters and fireplaces to find comfort these cold nights.

I heard from Lucy after she was well on her way to Chillicothe. . . . I think it almost certain that she will come back to stay in a fortnight or so.

I hope you will stand the cold winter well. — Love to all.

Affectionately, your son,
Rutherford.
Mrs. Sophia Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 442

John A. Quitman to Colonel Platt Brush, August 23, 1823

Soldier's Retreat, near Natchez, Aug. 23d, 1823.

Since my last letter, my dear Col. Brush, I have been a refugee from Natchez, where the yellow fever is raging. Our bar is quartered at various country-seats — not boarding; a Mississippi planter would be insulted by such a proposal; but we are enjoying the hospitalities that are offered to us on all sides. The awful pestilence in the city brings out, in strong relief, the peculiar virtues of this people. The mansions of the planters are thrown open to all comers and goers free of charge. Whole families have free quarters during the epidemic, and country wagons are sent daily to the verge of the smitten city with fowls, vegetables, etc., for gratuitous distribution to the poor. I am now writing from one of those old mansions, and I can give you no better notion of life at the South than by describing the routine of a day. The owner is the widow of a Virginia gentleman of distinction, a brave officer, who died in the public service during the last war with Great Britain.1 She herself is a native of this vicinity, of English parents settled here in Spanish times. She is an intimate friend of my first friend, Mrs. Griffith, and I have been in the habit of visiting her house ever since I came South. The whole aim of this excellent lady seems to be to make others happy. I do not believe she ever thinks of herself. She is growing old, but her parlor is constantly thronged with the young and gay, attracted by her cheerful and never-failing kindness. There are two large families from the city staying here, and every day some ten or a dozen transient guests. Mint-juleps in the morning are sent to our rooms, and then follows a delightful breakfast in the open veranda. We hunt, ride, fish, pay morning visits, play chess, read or lounge until dinner, which is served at two P.M. in great variety, and most delicately cooked in what is here called the Creole style — very rich, and many made or mixed dishes. In two hours afterward every body — white and black — has disappeared. The whole household is asleep—the siesta of the Italians. Tho ladies retire to their apartments, and the gentlemen on sofas, settees, benches, hammocks, and often, gipsy fashion, on the grass under the spreading oaks. Here, too, in fine weather, the tea-table is always set before sunset, and then, until bedtime, we stroll, sing, play whist, or coquet. It is an indolent, yet charming life, and one quits thinking and takes to dreaming.

This excellent lady is not rich, merely independent; but by thrifty housewifery, and a good dairy and garden, she contrives to dispense the most liberal hospitality. Her slaves appear to be, in a manner, free, yet are obedient and polite, and the farm is well worked. With all her gayety of disposition and fondness for the young, she is truly pious, and in her own apartment every night she has family prayer with her slaves, one or more of them being often called on to sing and pray. When a minister visits the house, which happens very frequently, prayers night and morning are always said, and on these occasions the whole household and the guests assemble in the parlor: chairs are provided for the servants. They are married by a clergyman of their own color, and a sumptuous supper is always prepared. On public holidays they have dinners equal to an Ohio barbecue, and Christmas, for a week or ten days, is a protracted festival for the blacks. They are a happy, careless, unreflecting, good-natured race, who, left to themselves, would degenerate into drones or brutes, but, subjected to wholesome restraint and stimulus, become the best and most contented of laborers. They are strongly attached to “old massa” and “old missus,” but their devotion to “young massa” and “young missus” amounts to enthusiasm. They have great family pride, and are the most arrant coxcombs and aristocrats in the world. At a wedding I witnessed here last Saturday evening, where some 150 negroes were assembled, many being invited guests, I heard a number of them addressed as governors, generals, judges, and doctors (the titles of their masters), and a spruce, tight-set darkey, who waits on me in town, was called “Major Quitman.” The “colored ladies” are invariably Miss Joneses, Miss Smiths, or some such title. They are exceedingly pompous and ceremonious, gloved and highly perfumed. The “gentlemen” sport canes, ruffles, and jewelry, wear boots and spurs, affect crape on their hats, and carry huge cigars. The belles wear gaudy colors, “tote” their fans with the air of Spanish senoritas, and never stir out, though black as the ace of spades, without their parasols. In short, these “niggers,” as you call them, are the happiest people I have ever seen, and some of them, in form, features, and movement, are real sultanas. So far from being fed on “salted cotton-seed,” as we used to believe in Ohio, they are oily, sleek, bountifully fed, well clothed, well taken care of, and one hears them at all times whistling and singing cheerily at their work.2 They have an extraordinary facility for sleeping. A negro is a great night-walker. He will, after laboring all day in the burning sun, walk ten miles to a frolic, or to see his “Dinah,” and be at home and at his work by daylight next morning. This would knock up a white man or an Indian. But a negro will sleep during the day — sleep at his work, sleep on the carriage-box, sleep standing up; and I have often seen them sitting bareheaded in the sun on a high rail-fence, sleeping as securely as though lying in bed. They never lose their equipoise, and will carry their cotton-baskets or their water-vessels, filled to the brim, poised on their heads, walking carelessly and at a rapid rate, without spilling a drop. The very weight of such burdens would crush a white man's brains into apoplexy. Compared with the ague-smitten and suffering settlers that you and I have seen in Ohio, or the sickly and starved operators we read of in factories and in mines, these Southern slaves are indeed to be envied. They are treated with great humanity and kindness. I have only heard of one or two exceptions. And the only drawback to their happiness is that their owners, sometimes, from extravagance or other bad management, die insolvent, and then they must be sold to the highest bidder, must leave the old homestead and the old family, and pass into the hands of strangers. I have witnessed one of these scenes, and but one, though they occur often, and I never saw such profound grief as the poor creatures manifested. I am opposed, as you know, to all relief laws, but, I confess, I never hear of the sale of old family servants without wishing that there was some provision by which some of them, at least, might be retained as inalienable. It is a grave question for those interested in slavery to determine whether some protection of this nature is not a necessary adjunct of slavery itself.
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1 The late Gen. F. L. Claiborne.

2 Contrast this with life at the North, as recorded by his brother Henry in a letter dated Rhinebeck, Feb. 3d, 1823: “We have not had snow enough for sleighing, so every body has to stay at home. In the morning I feed the cows, take care of the horses, and cut wood until dinner-time. In the evening I take care of the cattle, and go to bed. I would willingly exchange my residence here for one where I might do for myself, were my earnings ever so small, and lay by a little for a rainy day. It is a hard place to get along in — cold winters and hot summers; snow, or slush, or dust, or drought. Work, work, work, and money always scarce. I wish I had been brought up a tailor, or shoemaker, as you say they have none at Natchez.”

SOURCE: John F. H. Quitman, Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman, Volume 1, p. 83-6