[Haynes' Bluff, June
11, 1863]
There is a very
large Negro Camp occupied mostly by women & children at Sniders Bluff &
very near where I wish to encamp Smiths Division The presence of so many women
must be very bad—can they not be removed to millikens Bend or some other point.
SOURCE: John Y.
Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 318
Special Orders No.
157.}
Lieut. Z. C. Bryan,
of the 27th Regt. Ohio Infty, Vols, will immediately break up the Contraband
Camp at Haine's Bluff, and move the old men, women and children to the most
valuable of the abandoned plantations within our lines, and put them to work
cultivating the Crops growing on said plantations. The able bodied negro men,
including both those who have enlisted in companies and those who have not
enlisted, will be reported to the Commanding officer of Haines Bluff—for work
on the defences of that place and when their services are no longer required
for that purpose, those not enlisted will be put out to labor on the
plantations, and those enlisted will be subject to such orders as their
Commanding Officers may receive from Dept. Headquarters. The Commanding
Officers of troops near any of the Plantations, that may be so occupied, will,
when necessary, furnish such guards as may be required to protect the occupants
of the same from the insults of stragglers and will afford every facility in
their power to enable Lieut. Bryan to carry out these instructions without
interference or molestation The Quartermasters Department will turn over to
Lieut. Bryan for use in tilling of said plantations such of the Captured mules
and horses it may have as are unfit for service in the army.
SOURCE: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 318-9
[June 19, 1863]
There is a partially
organized regiment of Colored troops in your corps. Please order them together
with their women and children to proceed at once to Chickasaw Bayou Landing,
where they will go into Camp and furnish such details for fatigue duty as may
be required in the Commissary, Ordnance and Quartermaster's Department at that
place; and at the same time complete their organization.
SOURCE: John Y.
Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 398
[June 19, 1863— 8.30
p.m.]
Capt Haines reports
that the fourth Miss Col Ourd is very necessary working by day in the trenches
Cannot I keep them for that work a few days longer & thus save the men of
other regts
SOURCE: John Y.
Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 398
[Washington, July
23, 1863]
I have had one
interview with the Secy of War & two with the President. Every one in the
Gove't & many out of it appear to be thinking strongly towards this subject
but as yet it seems likely to be accomplished only by pieces, &, in the
Secy's office there would appear to be lack of well defined system in what has
already been undertaken. The Secy understands that he has an officer to attend
to such subjects but the office does not understand that his instructions
embrace them:—simply the organisation of colored troops:—yet all matters
connected with these organisations in you Dept. are now determined by Ajt.
Genl. Thomas—refered to him as they arrive. His health though better is such
that he is kept away at lighter duty. It would have gratified me could I have
placed before Mr. Stanton a more general & comprehensive view of the facts
in the Dept in regard to these people. He asked me who appointed me to the
charge of these people as if he did [not] know anything had been done for them
save through the Commissioners. He is evidently well disposed towards you.
Bothe interviews with the Prest. were full of interest—the last very lengthy.
He spoke with great freedom of his difficulties, so much so as to charge me
with silence & perhaps as I send this by the customary mail, I had better
omit the details. He remarked that it gratified him to know the observation of
so many facts in your Dept. had suggested plans which agreed in the main with
the outline ideas in his own mind. He is pleased that you have made them so
useful to the army, and that your management of them meets present exigencies
without attempting to determine impossibilities. He has heard that Mr. Dana has
said that you had remarked that you could not have taken Vicksburg had it not
been for the proclamation; but as he was not assured that Mr. Dana had said it
he doubted somewhat whether you made so strong a statement. The order that you
prepared to issue I am confident will give satisfaction here. I think the
President would prefer these people should be called freed-men or freed people
though he is not so particular as Mr. Chase who said to me he would not read a
doccument that had the term contraband in it. It appears several prominent
gentlemen have been directed to gather matter upon the whole subject of the
management of these people & the Prest. has directed me to go to N. York
& see two of them Hon. Messrs. Owen & McKay. Mr. Lincoln with every
body of loyal sentiments is taking great satisfaction in the issue of your
operations. He was full of it, repeated your last despatches, laughed over your
capture of cattle, read his letter to you. He had a map of your operations on a
tripod in his room. Those who made such effort to interfere with you, now are
ashamed to aver it. Mr. Washburne's course in support of you is greatly
commended. Genl. Sherman is being strongly vindicated. At Cincin. I met the two
Societies that have been furnishing us supplies; at Columbus among others Ex
Gov. Dennison, Gov. Todd, Ajt Genl. Hill, Judge Swayne—every where I am unable
to say enough. I hope my visit will not only result in good at W. but in
various ways in other directions—I enclose some of the many straws which indicate
how the wind blows. Hoping your health is good & that your efforts will be
crowned with every success.
[John Eaton Jr.]
SOURCE: John Y.
Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S.
Grant, Volume 8, p. 343-4
SIR: As soon as the
troops brought by you from Snyder's Bluff, and the battery of artillery sent
from here, are embarked, you will proceed to the mouth of the Yazoo River,
where you will find two gunboats lying under command of Captain Selfridge, and
soon as he can get off you will proceed to Greenville, Miss.
It is reported that
the enemy have moved a battery and about 250 men from Yazoo City to a point
some 6 miles above Greenville. The object of the expedition you command is to
capture this battery and troops if possible. Specific directions how to do it
are not necessary, but use every effort to effect the object of the expedition.
Should they retreat, and your force prove sufficient to compete with them,
follow them as long as there is a hope of capture. On your return, in case of
pursuit, destroy all bridges and corn-cribs, bring away all negroes disposed to
follow you, and teams of rebels to haul them and their plunder. Keep your men
out of the houses as much as possible, and prevent plundering. Give the people
to understand if their troops make raids necessary, all their crops and means
of raising crops will be destroyed.
After breaking up
the rebels on the Mississippi, then proceed to Catfish Point, where there is
also said to be a battery established by the enemy. The same general direction
applies to it.
Should any negroes
accompany you, they will be left at one of the camps established either at
Milliken's Bend or Young's Point.
SOURCE: The
War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 437-8
I. All regularly
organized bodies of the enemy having been driven from those parts of Kentucky
and Tennessee west of the Tennessee River, and from all of Mississippi west of
the Mississippi Central Railroad, and it being to the interest of those
districts not to invite the presence of armed bodies of men among them, it is
announced that the most rigorous penalties will hereafter be inflicted upon the
following classes of prisoners, to wit: All irregular bodies of cavalry not
mustered and paid by the Confederate authorities; all persons engaged in
conscripting, enforcing the conscription, or in apprehending deserters, whether
regular or irregular; all citizens encouraging or aiding the same; and all
persons detected in firing upon unarmed transports.
It is not
contemplated that this order shall affect the treatment due to prisoners of
war, Captured within the districts named, when they are members of legally
organized companies, and when their acts are in accordance with the usages of
civilized warfare.
II. The citizens of
Mississippi within the limits above described are called upon to pursue their
peaceful avocations, in obedience to the laws of the United States. Whilst doing
so in good faith, all United States forces are prohibited from molesting them
in any way. It is earnestly recommended that the freedom of negroes be
acknowledged, and that, instead of compulsory labor, contracts upon fair terms
be entered into between the former masters and servants, or between the latter
and such other persons as may be willing to give them employment. Such a system
as this, honestly followed, will result in substantial advantages to all
parties.
All private property
will be respected except when the use of it is necessary for the Government, in
which case it must be taken under the direction of a corps commander, and by a
proper detail under charge of a commissioned officer, with specific
instructions to seize certain property and no other. A staff officer of the
quartermaster's or subsistence department will in each instance be designated
to receipt for such property as may be seized, the property to be paid for at
the end of the war, on proof of loyalty, or on proper adjustment of the claim,
under such regulations or laws as may hereafter be established. All property
seized under this order must be taken up on returns by the officer giving
receipts, and disposed of in accordance with existing regulations.
III. Persons having
cotton or other produce not required by the army, will be allowed to bring the
same to any military post within the State of Mississippi, and abandon it to
the agent of the Treasury Department at said post, to be disposed of in
accordance with such regulations as the Secretary of the Treasury may
establish. At posts where there is no such agent the post quartermaster will
receive all such property, and, at the option of the owner, hold it till the
arrival of the agent, or send it to Memphis, directed to Capt. A. R. Eddy,
assistant quartermaster, who will turn it over to the properly authorized agent
at that place.
IV. Within the
county of Warren, laid waste by the long presence of contending armies, the
following rules to prevent suffering will be observed:
Major-General
Sherman, commanding the Fifteenth Army Corps, and Major-General McPherson,
commanding the Seventeenth Army Corps, will each designate a commissary of
subsistence, who will issue articles of prime necessity to all destitute
families calling for them, under such restrictions for the protection of the
Government as they may deem necessary. Families who are able to pay for the
provisions drawn will in all cases be required to do so.
V. Conduct
disgraceful to the American name has been frequently reported to the
major-general commanding, particularly on the part of portions of the cavalry.
Hereafter, if the guilty parties cannot be reached, the commanders of regiments
and detachments will be held responsible, and those who prove themselves unequal
to the task of preserving discipline in their commands will be promptly
reported to the War Department for muster-out. Summary punishment must be
inflicted upon all officers and soldiers apprehended in acts of violence or
lawlessness.
SOURCE: The
War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 570-1
SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers
at the Library of Congress, Accessed November 3, 2021.
Abstract of Mr.
John Eaton's Report.
He was appointed by
the General commanding in the Department of Tennesee to assume general
supervision of the Freedmen Dec. 17. 1862.
He states forcibly
the difficulties of his new and untried field; and acknowledges the considerate
attention and support ever given to him by the General commanding.
The negroes were
flocking in and swarming confusedly around the military post.
The first thing was
to gather and tabulate the statistics of their number & condition.
Statistics.
There were, or had
been, over twenty-two thousand colored refugees under the care or observation
of the various Superintendents at Corinth, Grand Junction, Memphis, La Grange,
Providence La. Cairo Ill. Jackson Tenn., and Columbus Ky.
Some of these had,
in various ways, gone back to slavery; others had found Northern homes.
General statistics
were gathered concerning 6747 persons at Corinth, Grand Junction and Memphis.
Of these 1372 were men, 2224 women, and 1372 children. About half of these were
Africans; the rest of mixed blood. About a hundred were mechanics; about a
thousand cooks or laundresses. Nearly two hundred could read, and about forty
read and write.
Clothing.
They usually came
within our lines wretchedly clad, some having hardly enough to cover their
nakedness, a few, however, had borrowed good clothing of their
masters, for their journey.
They were generally
soon made comfortable in this respect by supplies from the Government, and by
gifts from the North.
Shelter.
They were sheltered
in tents, in barracks or in old or deserted houses; but in many cases, men made
cabins for themselves.
Rations.
In most cases
soldiers rations were issued to them as soon as they came; at some places
however not until later. The rations seem to have generally been sufficient and
satisfactory.
Property brought
with them.
They brought in with
them horses, oxen, mules, wagons, yokes, chains &c, besides some cotton; of
which they had “spoiled the Egyptians—”.
Much of this
property however was taken from them by officers and soldiers who appropriated
it to their private use; the rest was turned over to the Quarter-master. So
generally were they rewarded for having spoiled their and our enemies, by being
spoiled in return, that it is noted as a remarkable fact, that they were
righteously allowed at La Grange, to sell two ox-teams for their own
benefit.
Hospital
Arrangements.
Many fell sick; and
in most cases, they seem to have been, all things considered, well provided for
in hospitals, and to have been kindly treated.
It is reported
however that at Memphis, there was shameful neglect and mismanagement on the
part of surgeons and officials.
Treatment by
Officers & Others.
Where they were
gathered in Camps, located near our forces, they seem to have suffered a good
deal of brutal treatment at the hands of the soldiers; especially at first,
when white guards alone were employed.
When removed from
the vicinity of the army, and especially since colored guards have been
employed, the evils have lessened.
The Superintendent
generally reports that they have had assistance and encouragement in their
work of beneficence from the superior officers and U. S. Officials.
Too often however,
the soldiers and lower officers, have shown their contempt for the work's of
mercy; and have treated the colored people most brutally. This of course
encouraged vicious and disloyal citizens to follow the bent of their prejudices
and passions, and to heap upon the poor refugees indignities and cruelties of
the most abominable kind.
Labor and Service
It seems by the
report from the various posts that most of these people were supposed to have
merely exchanged masters; and were expected as a mater of course to be hewers
of wood and drawers of water for the United States without pay and even without
clothing.
To a question upon
this matter the following replies were given:
“Corinth “All
men except the infirm, and few for camp were employed. All women, saving those
having large families, or small children; — generally reported industrious and
faithful, when well-treated. Many have worked from 2 to 12 months, and never
received a cent, or a rag, yet, as reward, alike as private servants, and
Government employees.
“Cairo “Many
employed in Quarter Master Department & Post-Hospitals. Cannot give
definite numbers.
“Gnd Junction
“All the men, but feeble, employed by Government, or individuals, or in
camp; — have cut wood and lumber — handled goods, erected defences. One hundred
and fifty went to Vicksburg, — many in Q. M. and Commissary Departments. Women
& children pick cotton for Government & for private individuals.
“Holly Springs
and Memphis. “A large amount
for each.
“Memphis. “Average able-bodied men for the month
eighty-five. Erecting cabins — preparing camp — many have been turned over to
different Departments, sometimes most grossly abused; as for instance, some
worked all day in water, drenched, nearly frozen, and then driven to tents for
shelter, to sheds for sleep without covering and almost without fire and food.
They have come back to die by scores. Wages seldom paid — none in Hospitals.
The services of a large number have been stolen out-right.
“Bolivar.
“None employed by individuals; many for Government; building fortifications;
cutting wood, rolling logs, running saw mills, and in Q. M. Dp'ts. and
Hospitals no general system of pay.
Providence Digging canal — picking cotton.
Assistants.
There is no mention
of any lack of assistants. Besides those regularly employed some have
volunteered and done good service.
Instruction.
There seems to have
been no regular provision for instructions. Some good Samaritans volunteered to
teach on Sunday, and at other times; and there were, at some posts, schools
kept regularly for a few weeks.
Mention is made of
preparations to build school-houses.
Motives for
coming into our lines.
All the testimony
goes to show that the slaves had almost universally a strong desire to be free,
and a vague idea that fleeing to the enemies of their masters would make them
free.
The immediate cause
of their running away, was, in a great many cases, a fear of being baulked of
freedom by being sold “down South”. Many alledge cruel treatment as the
cause. They seldom however manifest any desire of revenge upon their masters.
Some had a clear and
precise idea that the war was to bring emancipation, and acted upon that idea.
They seem to have
left their homes reluctantly, and only to gain freedom; for they all manifest
strong local attachment; they wish to return to their homes if they can go
there as free men; and never wish to go Northward, unless urged by fears of
being re-enslaved.
The fact that,
although free, they are obliged to work does not appear to have surprised them,
or to have made them repent their flight.
Of their
intelligence.
Most of the
Superintendents say they were agreeably surprised at the degree of intelligence
shown by the refugees. They seem to have a concealed stock of ideas and
knowledge, and to draw upon it in case of need. Many who usually seemed stupid,
and were held to be nearly idiotic, showed great ingenuity in shirking what
they deemed overtasks; and they became bright and clever when it came to
contriving means for escaping from bondage.
Their ideas of
freedom,
vary of course with
their degree of intelligence. There was a general idea that freedom would come
as the result of the war. They wished to be free from the necessity of working
for others, but not from the necessity of working for themselves.
Their ideas of
property
varied likewise with
their intelligence, though all had a distinct sense of ownership of certain
property, as their kitchen utensils, and the like. These were “their own,
not master's”. The more intelligent extended the idea of ownership to other
things. Some had been accumulating money for many months in view of their
flight.
Honesty.
The general
testimony is that they had no sense of honesty, as towards their
masters and oppressors. Towards their friends and others, they seem to be
about on the same moral plane as other people of like grade of culture.
One Superintendent
says:
“I verily believe
that their habits in this particular have not been so thoroughly prostituted by
the influence of all the centuries of their degradation in slavery as have
those of our patriot soldiery, in two years of war.”
Their willingness to
work .
when they have any
pay or hopes of pay is almost universally vouched for. In many cases they
worked patiently and faithfully even when not paid, and not fully assured that
they would be paid.
The Superintendent
at Corinth says:
“So far as I have
tested it, better than I anticipated. They are Willing to work for money,
except in waiting on the sick. One hundred and fifty hands gathered 500 acres
of cotton in less than three weeks — much of which time was bad weather. The
owner admitted that it was done quicker than it could have been done with
slaves. When detailed for service, they generally remained till honorably
discharged, even when badly treated. I am well satisfied, from careful
calculations, that the freedmen of this Camp and District have netted the
Government, over and above all their expenses, including rations, tents,
&c., at least $3000. per month, independent of what the women do, and all
the property brought through our lines from the rebels.”
Religion.
The universal
testimony is that they have a strong religious disposition. They have great
veneration. They have in their stock (or race), all the
elements upon which can be grafted true religion, which will bring forth
abundant fruit in good works. As yet however they show only emotional religion.
They pray, sing, shout hallelujahs, and make a great religious display, but
they have never been taught to live religious lives.
The Superintendent
at Holly Springs and Memphis bears striking testimony upon to the
truth of this:
“Great majority
religious.— They are Baptists or Methodists. Their notions of the leading
doctrines of the Bible are remarkably correct— Justification, repentance,
faith, holiness, heaven, hell,. They are not troubled, like educated white men,
with unbelief.
“Notions of doctrine
better than to be expected. Practices not always in accordance with their
notions, as is also true of other colors. Have been taught to make their
religion one of feeling, not necessarily affecting their living. If one finds
himself susceptible to religious excitement or sentiment, he is a religious
man, though at the same time he may lie, steal, drink, and commit adultery.”
Their Marital
Relations,
in the language of
the Superintendent at Corinth, “were all wrong”.
Neither they nor
their fathers had been allowed to marry, “as white folks do.” They understood
that the main object of their masters in bringing the sexes together was to
have them beget children; therefore they argued they might promote that object
out of, as well as in, marriage bonds.
Three of the
Superintendents report thus:
“Most of them have
no idea of the sacredness of the marriage tie; declaring that marriage, as it
exists among the whites, has been impossible for them. In other cases, the
marriage relation exists in all its sacredness without legal sanction.
“The greater number
have lived together as husband and wife, by mutual consent. In many cases,
strongly attached and faithful, though having no legal marriage.
“They know what
marriage is among the whites, but have yielded to the sad necessity of their
case. Generally, I believe the men to be faithful to the women with whom they
live, and the women to reward their faith with like truth. Free and married, they
will maintain the marital relations as sacredly as any other race.
The policy of
Arming the Refugees,
is urged by all the
Superintendents. One says:
“I believe in giving
them their freedom by their swords. Policy and humanity say, Arm the negro.
History affords all the necessary precedents for liberating slaves and arming
them as soldiers, to fight in defence of their county. Blacks fought in the
Revolutionary struggle, and in the War of 1812. Let them fight in the war for
their own liberty.”
The Superintendent
at Memphis takes up the same strain and says:
“Yes, arm him! It
will do him worlds of good. He will know then that he has rights, and dare
maintain them — a grand step towards manhood. Arm him! for our country needs
soldiers. These men will make good soldiers. Arm him! for the rebels need
enemies, and heaven knows the blacks have reason to be that. Once armed and
drilled, the black man will be an enemy the rebels will neither love nor
despise. Arm him, and let the world see the black man on a vast scale returning
good for evil, helping with blood and life the cause of the race which hated,
oppressed and scorned him.”
Finally the
Superintendent at La Grange says:
“Arm them at once.
We can hurt the rebels more by the use of the negro than by any others means in
our power. Arm him — use him; do it speedily. Why leave him to labor for our
enemy, and thus keep up the strife? Arm him — he is a man — he will fight — he
can save the Union. I pledge you and the world they will make good soldiers.”
Mr. Eaton assumes
the facts thus reported to him by various Superintendents as premisses from
which he draws his conclusions and upon which he bases his plan for the
Management of the
colored refugees.
The main facts are:
First, — that nearly
twenty three thousand slaves have fled to our lines in that Departments.
Second.— that, save
a very few returned to slavery, the great majority have disappeared from
official notice by fusing in with the general population, and earning their
livelihood by labor which is profitable to themselves and to the community.
Third.— That a small
proportion only of these have ever been dependent upon the Government; the
greatest number of full rations ever issued being only 5500.
The whole cost of
their support and supervision has been far less than what has been gained by
Government; for if, by stretch of fancy, we suppose them to be paid their
wages, the rate of these wages is so much less than their real value that a
large margin of profit remains. In his words: “if the Freedmen could be, and
were excluded from this Department, and white laborers employed, the Government
would pay out forty-two thousand six hundred and sixty-one dollars per month,
more than it now does for the same work, and the support of all idle and feeble
Freedmen.”
Moreover their
labor, while its loss cripples the rebellion, aids our cause in various ways.
Fourth.— That it is
morally certain that the Exodus from Slavery will largely increase.
In his words:
“Should the knowledge of the Proclamation continue to increase and general
destitution prevail in the rebellious districts, what may we not expect?
Already in certain quarters they receive but one meal of meat pr. day, they
have not had their regular supply of clothing since the out-break of the
rebellion. I have conclusive evidence that in the very centres of Alabama the
slave population is already possessed of no indifferent idea of what the
Proclamation declares in their behalf.”
Fifth.— That there
should be some clear and well defined provision made by Government for the
management of such of the refugees as do not at once fuse in with the
community, and especially during the early part of their sojourn within our
lines.
He then proposes
plan, the main features of which are these: “A distinct class of officers could
be provided similar to the various military corps, the Engineer, medical, the
Chief directly responsible to the Secretary of War, a subordinate reporting so
far as necessary to each Department Commander, and his subordinates located at
Posts or centres of Districts, where the presence of these freed people require
supervision and where their labor on the soil may be safe from guerrilla or
other barbarities.”
x x x
“The supervisors of
freedmen held to most rigid accountability, guarded against any corruption,
also by the presence of the officer of another Department, holding themselves
military rank, vested with competent authority, and supported by a military
organization of blacks at their command either as militia or regular troops or
both, should enroll all blacks, men, women and children, put in the hands of
each the description of his person, location, employment or name of employer;
requiring all not voluntarily engaging according to fixed or reasonable rates
with authorized persons, to labor under the direction of Government agents who
should have charge of camps in which there should be ample provision for the
industry whether mechanical, horticultural or agricultural, of all coming in
and not otherwise employed; also fit provision for sick, for all permanently or
temporarily dependent, whether old, young, or infirm, all contracts should be
made through the proper Superintendent, and recorded, and none should be
changed without his consent, or broken without punishment to the offender;
there should be no change of location without his permit. This supervision
should permit no abuse, should guard all relations between man and man, should
lay at once the foundations of society, providing schools supported by tax upon
property or income from labor alike in communities and in camps, requiring the
attendance of all with certain limitations of age and season; enforcing the
laws of marriage, of the relations of husband and wife, child and parent,
during the minority of the former, opening alike communities and camps for
religious instruction to well disposed and properly authorized persons who
might come to labor among them; should regulate all trade, not only so that it
might not aid the rebellion, but so as to free the blacks from imposition
invited by their ignorance, indeed, should meet according to order every exigency
arising in the affairs of these freed people, whether physical, social or
educational, so far as is possible and is accordant with the genius of our free
institutions, and the spirit of American Christian civilization.
“The exercise of
military authority being entirely under control of the Executive, could not
only adjust itself to all grades of intelligence and enterprise among these
people and to current changes, but be withdrawn in part or altogether at any
moment desirable.”
Mr Eaton recommends
that, whenever feasible the refugees should be put to work upon lands abandoned
and forfeited by rebels.
“In all cities”, he
says, “the management of these people becomes a matter especially important. In
Memphis there are a large number either idle, concealed in byways, in old
houses, or controlled by the money of the disloyal, or otherwise vicious or
criminal. Supt Fisk states probably one third of the blacks about town are
employed by persons in no wise heartily loyal, while the calls of the various branches
of military service, for the labor of contrabands, are beyond any possibility
of supply, and significantly asks ought not the Government interest in the
entire control of all contraband labor be protected! The Plan, suggested among
its other features, by giving every colored man a recorded status, a copy of
which he carries with him, not only protects him against abuse, but meets this
difficulty by allowing him never to change location, or him or his employer to
alter their contract without the consent of the Superintendent.”
Mr. Eaton closes his
Report with the following summary of his plan for the management of the colored
refugees.
“I. Special military
provision, as necessary alike to the full military effect of the Proclamation
upon the armed rebellion; to the interests of the people declared free, equally
with respect to their safe, comfortable and useful conduct through the
transition from slavery to freedom, and their fit preparation for their new
privileges; Also to the security against servile insurrections and the
speediest restoration of Government authority over rebellious States, — of
military in preference to civil form, because martial law must prevail over
these regions during the war; because more simple, avoiding undesirable
questions and complications; and because more easily adjusted to all
necessities and changes.
“II. A district
corps of officers, especially fit in ability and character — the Chief at
Washington, subordinates with Commanders of Departments, and in each District,
where necessary, finding their assistants — as far as practicable, among worthy
soldiers, unfitted by disease or wounds for active field service.
“III. At points of
sufficient security on our coasts or rivers, or near military posts, they
receive, locate, record and furnish a copy of written statistics to every
colored person, without which he is subject to arrest; according to orders and
instructions from the President or Secretary of War, adopt a complete system of
regulations, and adjust them to the individual social and educational
necessities of these people, enlisting as many able-bodied men as is expedient,
either as regular troops or militia, and securing the industry of all as far as
possible.
“IV. These
regulations should provide for the co-operation of the supervisors of freed
people with the corresponding officer or officers of the Treasury Dep't, who
should regulate the possession and use of lands, collect taxes, and disburse
funds.
“These regulations
should provide industry in camps or otherwise for all who did not seek it
voluntarily of those occupying lands by authority of the Treasury Dep't; they
should provide support, by tax on property or labor, of asylums in connection
with camps for all dependent; and of schools in camps and communities, which
all, with certain limitations of season and age, should be required to attend;
they should facilitate the labors of all authorized persons seeking to promote
the good of these people, physically, morally or religiously; employing from
among them teachers for the Government schools, and where their labor is
rendered gratuitously, furnish rations, quarters and transportation. They
should regulate all trade among these freed people, all contracts with them,
and punish their violation; and provide for the investment in lands or U. S.
Securities of their savings; they should specially enforce the sacredness of
the family, of the relation of husband and wife, parent and wif —
child, that these people may be introduced the most speedily to the knowledge
and practice of all the duties and amenities of Citizenship.”
SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers
at the Library of Congress, Accessed November 3, 2021.
Enclosed herewith I
send report of Chaplain J. Eaton, Gen. Supt. of Contrabans for this
Department, embracing a very complete history of what has been done for, and
with, this class of people within my command to the present time.
Finding that negroes
were coming into our lines in great numbers, and receiving kind or abusive
treatment according to the peculiar views of the troops they first come in
contact with, and not being able to give that personal attention to their care
and use the matter demanded I determined to appoint a General Superintendent
over the whole subject and give him such Assistants as the duties assigned him
might require. Mr. Eaton was selected for this position. I have given him such
Aid as was in my power by the publication from time to time of such orders as
seemed to be required, and generally at the suggestion of the Supt.
Mr. Eatons labors in
his undertaking have been unremitting and skillful and I fear in many instances
very trying. That he has been of very great service to the blacks in having
them provided for when otherwise they would have been neglected, and to the
Government in finding employment for the negro whereby he might earn what he
was receiving, the accompanying report will show, and many hundreds of visiters
and officers and soldiers near the different Camps can bear witness to.
I commend the report
to your favorable notice and especially that portion of it which would suggest
orders regulating the subject of providing for the government of the contraband
subject which a Department Commander is not competant to issue.
SOURCE: Papers of Abraham
Lincoln at the Library of Congress, accessed November 2, 2021
COLONEL: I have the
honor to inform you that an attack was made on Lake Providence, La., June 9,
1863, by a rebel force of about 600 strong—the Thirteenth Texas Infantry
[Cavalry] and 200 mounted men of the Thirteenth Louisiana Battalion. They were
met by two companies of the First Kansas Mounted Infantry, 6 miles from town,
and skirmishing kept up until the rebel force reached Bayou Tensas, 1 mile from
town, where they were met by General Reid's entire force, about 800 strong,
including 300 of the [Eighth] Louisiana Regiment, African descent, under
Colonel [Hiram] Scofield.
The mounted
companies fell back behind the bayou, destroying the bridge, when the enemy
formed in line of battle, advanced their skirmishers to the bayou, and planted
a 6-pounder so as to command the bridge, which they attempted to reconstruct,
but were prevented by our skirmishers. A heavy force of skirmishers was then
sent forward to meet their whole line on the bayou, and, after a brisk fire of
an hour and a half, the rebels retreated (it being dark) to Floyd, leaving only
a small force near the bayou. General Reid then withdrew the skirmishers and
ordered the Eighth Louisiana in line of battle up to the bayou. They fired four
volleys into the rebels, which forced them to retire.
The entire force of
the enemy was commanded by Colonel [Frank A.] Bartlett, of the Thirteenth Louisiana
Battalion, who has for some time past been stationed west of Bayou Macon.
The only mischief
done by the enemy, so far as heard from, is the destruction of a cotton-gin at
Spencer's plantation.
We have 1 man
wounded. The enemy's loss is 2 killed and 5 wounded.
SOURCE: The
War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and
Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 2 (Serial No. 37), p. 448-9
[March 14, 1863]
Major Hammond tells
me he is going up on Sunday in a transport. Could I ask of you the favor to let
the boat stop at Mrs. Duncan's place, and give her a passage north. This
agreeable lady thinks she is under your and my protection, which she assuredly
is. If Mrs. Duncan is not ready, I propose placing a Gunboat at her disposal.
Will you please allow the transport to deliver a letter to the Gunboat 'Curlew'
at Skipwith's Landing."
SOURCE: John Y
Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S.
Grant, Volume 9, p. 40
I had intended
leaving for Washington tomorrow but as circumstances will prevent said trip for
a few days I now enclose the letters of Genl Scott and Dr. Metcalf and must beg
permission to state my case on paper. – My father in law Dr. Duncan of Miss. (a
northerner by birth) has always been a staunch & devoted unionist – and
to avoid unpleasant strife with his neighbors (as he is now nearly eighty
years old) has remained on his own private country seat near Natchez - having been off said estate on only two
occasions in nearly two years! None of his sons (or sons in law)
are in the rebel army, – although they were all conscripted & my husband – Mr.
Henry Duncan – would neither serve nor obtain a “substitute.” The Duncan family
have had many thousand bales of cotton destroyed by the rebel
authorities, have been vilified (even in the public journals) threatened with
arrest and confiscation and have suffered peculiarly for their well
known unionism. Then when the union troops descended the Mississippi river (on
which Stream - ninety miles above Vicksburg opposite Lake Providence there are nine
plantations belonging to the United family) we were horribly depredated
on, lost very many negroes – & had nearly all the provisions taken away – while
my brother-in-law – Steven Duncan Jr had his house stripped of everything
including mantle pieces! – Having obtained a “permit” from Washington, I went
South the last of January and returned here (to my sister) about three weeks
since & when in plantation regions – I applied at once to Gen Grant &
the admiral, – found them both most kind & courteous & they on a full
hearing our miserably unfortunate position (between guerillas & Federal
soldiers) promised protection from other Foraging parties. Genl
McPherson was also very kind and I had a delightful visit to the Fleet –
having met with nothing but civility from the officers in command. – I had not
heard from my husband for my for six months prior to my departure from N. Y. –
I had not been south for six months prior to my departure from N. Y. – I had
not been south for nearly two years – so the terrible condition of
things “below the line” was a double shock to me although – I well know that in
war – the innocent must often times suffer for the guilty. Mr. Duncan
insisted on my return north as the neighbors threatened us with the arrest
& the Union troops (especially the Kansas regiments) were very troublesome
despite “protection” papers, while guerilla bands were in unpleasant proximity.
Therefore I left the unhappy country & as soon as Vicksburg falls – Mr.
Duncan would join me here. – We have been compelled to hire our negroes –
& – even as it is – have lost great numbers of them. – so that I think,
Dear General, our position doubly trying – as we have been equally pillaged
& maltreated by friend & foe, & nothing but Genl Grant’s justice
& the kindness of the Admiral – (for the Duncan loyalty was well known to
the fleet) saved us from entire ruin. As you perhaps know that “foraging”
is an extremely elastic term often times. – & on Mississippi river it seems
to include anything that a soldier may see fit to seize. My object, Dear
Genl, in thus addressing you, is to claim & request that which – as
long-suffering Unionists we have a right to ask viz. – direct
protection from headquarters – for owing to the orders of Gen Grant that
our property should not the pillaged – & that some fragment should be left
from the wreck – various complaints have been made in the newspapers –
& the charge of disloyalty implied. Of course there are many
officers who would gladly avail of the privilege of seizing our property if the
opportunity were aforded them – & I know that some of the men who are under
arrest for the violation of our “protection” papers – would too gladly revenge
themselves by circulating falsehoods concerning us. I can give every
proof of our abiding Unionism, – if you wish other testimony than my own word
of honor as a lady – & I can refer you to anyone who knows us for
further evidence on the subject. – Will you kindly inform me – Dear Genl –
whether the negroes of loyalist (now hired laborers) can be forcibly
seized & made to serve the soldiers! & will you not be so good as to
give some especial order for the protection of our property?
Otherwise Genl Thomas’s new plans may have a direct influence in
completing our ruin. Are not Union people to be protected! (even if they
are on the Mississippi river!) – & will you not put an end to our
agonizing doubts on the matter – by granting me orthodox protection – such as
cannot be violated! General Grant has been most kind but – even his orders are
violated by our troops & I do not understand clearly whether Genl Thomas will
be authorized to countermand Genl Grant's protection of us! So pray be so kind –
Dear Genl as to take some speedy step in our favor. Otherwise – we can
hardly fail to meet the same doom allotted to rebels. for of course – many of
our officers will be tempted by hope of gain (as the Dunkin plantations should
be “worked” to advantage by them) to declare that we ought not to have
protection. I have no words wherewith to express my heartfelt gratitude to Genls
Grant & McPherson & to the Admiral, for they were all most kind &
just. Still – I prefer to have your warrant in this ghastly crisis.
& make my appeal to you – as one who bears the highest character for honor
and justice. Feeling assured that I shall not appeal in vain. If you will
kindly promise me a few moments conversation – on my arrival in Washington – I
should be greatly indebted for I fully expect to be there during present week.
but is it asking too much my – Dear Sir to beg one line in response – telling
of your kind intentions in our behalf? For you can imagine my painful anxiety
& suspense as all we own on earth is planted in Mississippi mud – &
although a northern woman – I have great interests at stake in above state –
the best proof that I can offer – perhaps – of my loyalty is in the order
issued for my arrest by Mrs Jefferson Davis! As someone informed her Royal Highness
that “Mrs Henry Duncan was going south as a Union spy!” The southern journals
mildly suggested the propriety of hanging poor old Dr. Duncan – (who you make per chance have known as a
former Vice-President of the “Colonization Society.”) If you would like me to
send you a score of letters – bearing witness to our Unionism – I can do so by
the return mail, but you need only refer to any chance authority to
learn that the Duncan family has never yet been disgraced by a traitor! A line
to Genl Grant – & another to Gen Thomas – would be regarded as a great
favors Dear General for with your protection – I could be in comparative
peace.— forgive this long letter but – I cannot can condense the matter &
explain it satisfactory. I will promise, however to be more brief in
conversation. I should indeed be greatly indebted by one word and reply—
Dr Duncan has also two
sugar plantations in La. — on Bayou Teche — near Franklin & as said States
are now in our (Union) lines – can they not be protected?
SOUCE: This letter was listed and sold at auction oakauctions.com
on September 10, 2020. Accessed October 28, 2021
Before stating my
case — permit me to introduce myself to you on paper — as a Northern woman, —
wife of Henry P. Duncan of Mississippi & daughter-in-law to Dr Stephen
Duncan. We have all been & are devotedly loyal. & when
I inform you that my husband has had to conceal himself on various occasions —
to avoid arrest & imprisonment for his well-known loyalty —
& that Mr Davis issued orders for my arrest — I shall probably
have said enough in sign & token of our Unionism, although —
if further evidence be required — I can refer you to Mr Seward, —
Genl Halleck, Gen Grant, — Admiral Porter, — Mr Thurlow Weed, Mr Alex.
Hamilton, Mr George Schuyler, & any number of influential
& trust-worthy persons.— So much, then, for our claims on
the protection & justice of our rulers!—
Owing to the
conflicting authority on the Mississippi river — the “protection papers” given
us (as well known loyalists) by Genl Grant & the Admiral have been rendered
null & void. & while one party violated said papers in the name of the
“Treasury De'pt” — (taking books, curtains, & all they
wanted) certain officers (acting under orders from Genl Thomas)
have forcibly seized & impressed our remaining male
negroes. (saving some few who saved themselves by concealment or flight) &
carried them off for service either as laborers or soldiers. — informing my
husband “that all blacks thus impressed would be permitted
to return to the estates to visit their families”! Thus — Genl
Grant's authority — & Gen Halleck's orders — are entirely cancelled.
& if Mr Chase can seize all cotton, — Genl Thomas seize all negroes,
(despite their freedom & our wages) &
if armed blacks can roam over the property at pleasure,
may I ask, My Dear Sir, in what shape “protection” is to
come? We have (in the Duncan family) nine plantations (about
ninety miles above Vicksburg) on the Mississippi river. & owing to the
depredations of the Union troops, — & the enormous loss in
negroes — millions would hardly cover our losses. consequently
it is somewhat natural that we should ask — due protection for the fragment
that remains of a once princely fortune. It seems rather hard, too, that —
as recognized Unionists — we should be made to suffer so peculiarly.
& while anyone hiring our estate from Genl Thomas — can
obtain negro labour, & all needful supplies & provisions — no loyal
citizen (who has perilled his life for loyaltys sake) is permitted to purchase
one pound of food for his starving laborers — or hire his own freed blacks.
neither are they given any choice of masters. but impressed to
make cotton for speculating strangers, — or forced into military service. This
injustice to Unionists speaks for itself. & having
recently returned from a brief visit to that Mississippi region — I can speak
from observation & experience — of the condition of things in that
miserable country.— If we are recognized & acknowledged as faithful &
long-suffering Unionists — can we not have protection from the Flag? &
to you — My Dear Sir — as Chief Magistrate — do I apply for
that “righting” of a great wrong. Our negroes are free.
& we only ask to be permitted (with their consent) to hire the
few that remain. & not to be further molested by either Gen' Thomas, —
or commissioners from the Treasury De'pt.— Gen' Grant & the Admiral desire to
protect us. but — their “papers” are rendered worthless — by the higher law of
Gen' Thomas & others. so — I now ask your authority in the
matter. in order that we may know what to expect, — & whose commands are to
be obeyed? My father-in-law's Unionism has made him so conspicuous both North
& South — that his name may perhaps be familiar to you. — or — you may
perchance have known of him as former Vice President of the “Colonization
Society”. He is Northern by birth & education, & —
although nearly eighty years of age — has exhibited perfect courage &
independence in the maintenance of his unflinching loyalty. yet — it is the
property of this man & his family — that has been depredated & ruined.—
If the oath of allegiance were offered tomorrow on the Mississippi river — it
would be gladly taken by many. but — Gen' Thomas takes pains
to repress & discourage loyalty. & —
as in our case — makes no distinction between Unionist & rebel. All are
punished & pillaged alike. & of what use are Gen' Grant & the brave
Admiral's “papers” or commands — when Gen' Thomas (or others) can veto them! I
have often declared (by tongue & pen) that I would willingly sacrifice
all our property to ensure success to the Union cause. but — never thought that
we were destined to be ruined pecuniarily — on account of
the success of the Flag!
A few lines in
answer would greatly oblige me. My address is care of “Duncan & Sherman.
Bankers. New York”. & trusting that you will see justice administered to us
— I remain, My Dear Sir, with much respect—1
1 Lincoln met with
Mrs. Duncan on at least one occasion in order to discuss her family's property
in the South. See Collected Works, VI, 481.
SOURCE: Papers of Abraham Lincoln at the
Library of Congress, Accessed October 27, 2021
[June 26, 1863,
Washington]
I enclose a letter I
a few days since received on my return from the south west, the perusal of
which has caused me much regret. Dr Duncan who I had formerly known many years
ago at Natchez, is a union man, and when I was on the Mississippi his
plantations I understood had not been molested which I was glad to hear The
depredations referred to must have been committed after I left that section of
the country Will you please direct an enquiry into the case. I have also sent a
copy of it to General Hawkins The President and Secretary are highly pleased with
your operations, which have been so successful, and they look with interest to
your further progress. We hope soon to hear of the fall of Vicksburg, an issue
event of the highest importance A severe spell of sickness at Memphis &
Louisville, compelled me to leave the south, before visiting General Rosecrans
Army. I am getting well rapidly but am still very weak I shall go to Tennessee
as soon as I am well enough. Say to Col Wilson that the proper correction has
been made in the extract 11 of Special Orders No. 227 of May 21st respecting
Capt Badeau. I understand a Regiment of blacks (4th Mississippi) is in your
rifle pits—will you please direct its commander to send me the roster of the
officers that I may send the letters of appointment I hope a 5th Mississippi
may soon be formed and thus have a brigade I had intended to recommend Col
Shepard 1st Mississippi as a brigadier General to command it, but hear he is in
some serious difficulty—will you inform me its nature, and whether it should
prevent his advancement.
SOURCE: John Y.
Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 9, p.
25
[June 26, 1863,
Washington]
I enclose a letter I
a few days since received on my return from the south west, the perusal of
which has caused me much regret. Dr Duncan who I had formerly known many years
ago at Natchez, is a union man, and when I was on the Mississippi his
plantations I understood had not been molested which I was glad to hear The
depredations referred to must have been committed after I left that section of
the country Will you please direct an enquiry into the case. I have also sent a
copy of it to General Hawkins The President and Secretary are highly pleased with
your operations, which have been so successful, and they look with interest to
your further progress. We hope soon to hear of the fall of Vicksburg, an issue
event of the highest importance A severe spell of sickness at Memphis &
Louisville, compelled me to leave the south, before visiting General Rosecrans
Army. I am getting well rapidly but am still very weak I shall go to Tennessee
as soon as I am well enough. Say to Col Wilson that the proper correction has
been made in the extract 11 of Special Orders No. 227 of May 21st respecting
Capt Badeau. I understand a Regiment of blacks (4th Mississippi) is in your
rifle pits—will you please direct its commander to send me the roster of the
officers that I may send the letters of appointment I hope a 5th Mississippi
may soon be formed and thus have a brigade I had intended to recommend Col
Shepard 1st Mississippi as a brigadier General to command it, but hear he is in
some serious difficulty—will you inform me its nature, and whether it should
prevent his advancement.
SOURCE: John Y.
Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 9, p.
25
General: Your letter of the 26th of last month, enclosing a letter from Mrs Duncan, was received on the 9th, I have ordered an investigation of the matters complained of but think there must be some mistake about the acts complained of having been committed. About the date of your letter Mr Duncan the husband of Mrs Mary Duncan, called on me for a permit to ship from the north, supplies of various kinds for the use of his negroes. He then thanked me for the protection and courtesy that had been extended to him by the Federal Authorities in this Department. He made no complaint of even having been annoyed.
All new organizations of negro regiments have been broken up and their men transferred to those regiments for which you had appointed officers. I found that the old regiments never could be filled so long as authority was granted to form new ones. I am anxious to get as many of these negro regiments as possible and to have them full and completely equipped. The large amount of arms and equipments captured here will enable me to equip these regiments as rapidly as they can be formed.
I am particularly desirous of organizing a regiment of Heavy Artillerists from the negroes to garrison this place, and shall do so as soon as possible, asking the authority and commissions for the officers named after it is organized. I will ask now if this course will be approved.
I caused an informal investigation to be had in the case of Col. Shepard. The result of it was, his release and restoration to duty. I will send the proceedings to your office for your information. I am satisfied that the whole difficulty arose from the outrageous treatment of the Black troops by some of the white ones, and the failure of their officers to punish the perpetrators when they were reported. Becoming exasperated Col, Shepard took the punishment in his own hands.
The long line of Plantations from Lake Providence to Millikens Bend, it has been perfectly impossible to give perfect protection to, during the siege of Vicksburg. Besides the gunboats, negro troops and six regiments of white troops left west of the Mississippi River in consequence of these Plantations being there, I sent an additional Brigade from the investing Army, and that at a time when the government was straining every nerve to send me troops to insure the success of the enterprise against Vicksburg. All has not been availing. I can now clean out the Tensas, and Bayou Macon country so that there will be but little difficulty in protecting what is left of the Plantations.
There are two of the Commissioners appointed by you. Field and Livermore who are doing a great deal of harm. The limits of a private letter would not suffice to describe their character, selfishness misrepresentations and impracticable characteristics for doing good to any cause. I have thought seriously of removing them from my Department and appointing officers to act in their stead until successors could be appointed by proper authority. Capt, Strickle I believe to be honest and enthusiastic in the cause which he is serving. He is probaby influenced by old theories of abolishing slavery and elevating the negro but withal very well qualified to carry out orders as he receives them without reference to his private views. The capture of Vicksburg has proved a bigger thing than I supposed it would. There was over thirty one thou¬ sand rebel troops still left when we entered the city. The number of small arms will reach 50,000 stands I think, and the amount of Ordnance and Ordnance stores is enormous. Since crossing the Miss. River an army of (60,000) sixty thousand men has, in the various battles been killed wounded, captured, and scattered so as to be lost to the Confederacy, and an armament for an army of (100,000) one hunderd thousand men has departed from there forever.
My surplus troops were held in a position menacing Johnston ready to move at a moments notice when Vicksburg should fall. The moment a surrendered was agreed upon the order was given. I hope to hear to day that Johnston's forces have been broken to pieces and much of his munition of War abandoned I have not heard from Sherman since the morning of 9th. He was then near Jackson skirmishing with the cavalry of the enemy. What was intended as a private letter General has spun out into a long semi official one which I hope you will excuse
Thanking you kindly for the assurance given in your letter of the satisfaction my course has given the Administration I remain
SOURCE: John Y.
Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 9, p.
23-5
Genl, I have received
a letter from Washington stating that the Duncan estate has been visited by the
Press Gang or recruiting parties from your District, and their negroes carried
off. The Duncan's have been loyal from the beginning of the rebellion and as
loyal persons have had safe guard given them by myself and Admiral Porter; and
I have further received instructions from Washington to protect all loyal
persons found in the South and mentioning the family of Duncans in particular
as being entitled to protection. They have gone so far as to acknowledge the
freedom of their slaves, and made as I understand regular contracts with them
to pay wages and employ them, just as negroes are being employed on the leased
plantations, I want the matter fully investigated, and a report made to me.
Send some officer immediately to Duncans to inquire for the facts. If their
negroes have been carried off, find out where they are and who carried them
off. Return to them as far as possible everything that has been taken. Arrest
the parties engaged in this transaction, and all officers among them send to me
under guard.
SOURCE: John Y.
Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 9, p.
39
[July 19,1863]
SOURCE: John Y.
Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 9, p.
40
I trouble you with a
line on the subject of our affairs, hoping that you may be able to communicate
the substance to some person or persons having influence with the U. S. Govmt.—
In the first place — allow me to say I have no cause of complaint against
President Lincoln's Proclamation as a War Measure. All Goverments
must possess the right & the power of self-preservation, — & to use all
means & measures calculated to secure this end. The President, therefore,
had the right to proclaim freedom to the slaves — if he deemed the exercise of
the right necessary & essential to the suppression of the Rebellion — but —
I think there is just ground of complaint against
its indiscriminate application to friends as
well as enemies & it is unfortuneately too true that its
injurious effects are felt certainly by three friends (& probably
five) where two enemies suffer. This is hard because
the friends were powerless against the numbers opposed to
them. It is further hard — because the Confiscation Act is less [incessing?]
in its destruction. It discriminates, & only
operates on those found in actual rebellion with officers or soldiers in the
Rebel ranks or those holding civil offices under the Rebel Govmt.
If possible — this great grievance should be remedied.
It furnishes a strong argument against the U. S. Govmt —
which the secessionists do not fail to use, — & use freely. Why would not
the President allow the Army officers commanding districts — to exercise a
sound discretion in bringing the Proclamation to bear on the inhabitants of
their respective districts? But again — there is a strong & daily
increasing desire to return to the Union, — under a pledge to the adoption of a
gradual system of emancipation. Efforts are now making to bring this about.—
Already the converts are numerous — very numerous, & among those — too —
most actively engaged on the secession side. All that is now wanting to give
success to this movement is some official assurance that the rights of property
holders (of any description) will be recognized on our return to the Union with
the pledge on our part that immediately thereon a system of gradual
emancipation shall be adopted by our State Legislature — on just &
equitable terms (without compensation in money, but liberal terms as to time.)
Can the Govmt ask more than this? Could the people of the
Northern & Western States desire more? Would it not be infinitely (& to
all intents & purposes) better for them than Emancipation under the
Proclamation? The people of the U. S. Govmt cannot be
benefitted by the total & sudden prostration of our productive powers! by
the extinction of our entire prosperity. If we are to live again under one
Union & one Govmt — we must live in
mutual dependence on each other. Taxes for the payment of the Govmt
debt cannot be collected from a people utterly ruined. The sudden
emancipation of our slaves would so reduce the value of the lands — that the
fee simple would not sell for as much as could & would be
collected from the people when in the enjoyment of their rights as
slaveholders. But — is it not important to bring back as speedily as possible
the States of Texas, Louisiana, Mississippi, Arkansas, & Tennessee? How
long after would it be before Alabama, Georgia, Florida, & North Carolina
would follow the example? I cannot think otherwise than that the Govmt
of the U. S. ought at once (& without a months delay) to invite the
people of these States to return to the Union. It wants but some assurance
that they will be treated as the Prodigal Son (so beautifully illustrated in
the Scriptures) & they will gladly manifest their
penitence if they can be assured that their acknowledgment will not be spurned
& scorned: (signed) Stephen Duncan.
SOURCE: Papers of Abraham Lincoln at
the Library of Congress, Accessed October 27, 2021
