James A. Seddon to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, February 7, 1852

RICHMOND, [Va.], February 7, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR: For some days past, I have been suffering serious inconvenience and confinement from my vexatious complaints (of which I have a score) and consequently have been prevented from either acknowledging your friendly letter to myself or communicating my views upon the interesting points suggested in your confidential letter to our friend Goode who in pursuance of the leave allowed him submitted it to me. My opinions are worth very little indeed, especially now that my thoughts and feelings are so little given to political subjects but such as they are, will ever be most sincerely and frankly at the services of a friend so highly valued as yourself. I agree with you readily as to the position and duty of the Southern Rights (or as I prefer the States Rights) party of the South in the coming presidential struggle. Personally I should have preferred a separate organization and action on their part and 18 months ago, when I still hoped their spirit and their strength might prove equal to their zeal and the justice of their cause, I should have advised that course. Now however it is apparent, their cause as a political one is lost and thus separate action would be more than preposterous-would be suicidal. The cursed Bonds of party paralized our strength and energy when they might have been successfully exerted, and now as some partial compensation must sustain and uphold us from dispersion and prostration. In reviewing the past I am inclined to think the great error we committed in the South was the uniting at all in council or action with the Whigs. Their timidity betrayed more than treason. We should have acted in and through the Democratic party alone. Certainly that is all that remains to us now to do. We have and can maintain (within certain limits of considerable latitude) ascendency in the Democratic party of the South and probably controlling influence on the general policy and action of the whole party in the Union. The Union party, par excellence, we can proscribe and crush. What miserable gulls the Union Democrats of the South find them, and I am inclined to think the Union Whigs will not fair much better. "Woodcocks caught in their own springs." Of both for the most part, it may be safely said, they were venal or timid-knaves or fools and most richly will they deserve disappointment and popular contempt. The Southern Rights men by remaining in full communion with the Democratic party will be at least prepared for two important objects-to inflict just retribution on deserters and traitors to sustain, it may be, reward friends and true men. I go for the States Rights men making themselves the Simon pures of Southern Democracy—the standard bearers and champions in the coming presidential fight.

Now as for the candidate. We must exclude Cass and every other such cats paw of Clay and the Union Whigs. We must have a candidate too who will carry the Middle States or rather on whom the Democracy of the Middle States will rally. Too many factions prevail in those states to allow any prominent man among them to unite all the Democracy. Besides they are peculiarly wanting in fit available men. It is rather farcical to be sure to those who know to insist on Douglas as most fit. The best man for the Presidency and yet I have for more than than [sic] a year thought it was coming to that absurdity. On many accounts I concur with you in believing he is our best chance and that we had better go in for him at once and decidedly, making our adhesion if we can [be] conclusive of the nomination. You know I have long thought better of his capacity than most of our friends, especially the Judge and he is at least as honest and more firm than any of his competitors. I should be disposed therefore to urge him.

As to the vice presidency, I am strongly inclined to urge the continued use of your name, unless your personal repugnance is insuperable. I can readily understand your present position to be more acceptable to your personal feelings. I think it the most agreeable position under the Government, but ought not other considerations to weigh seriously. There is the chance of the Presidency by vacancy, not much perhaps but still to be weighed. There is a certain niche in History to all time which to a man not destitute of ambition is an object. There is to your family the highest dignity and respect attached to the Vice Presidency in popular estimation. In this last point of view, is not something due too to your State. Southern States can hardly longer aspire to give Presidents. Whatever belated honors are to be cast on them must be through sub or direct stations and of these the Vice Presidency is the first.

These considerations I think should prevail and I suspect would, if some personal feelings reflected from the general estimate of your friends in regard to Douglas and a just estimate as I know and feel it of your own subornity did not make you revolt at a secondary position on his ticket. You may too fear that the influence and estimation of your character among the true men of the South might be impaired by this sort of a doubtful alliance with Northern politicians and schemers even of the most unobjectionable stamp. All these considerations are not without weight with me. I feel them to the full as much on your account as you can well do yourself, and yet I think they ought not to control. We must be practical as politicians and statesmen to be useful—a high position—good—a position of acknowledged influence and confessed participation in the administration ought not to be lost to the States Rights men from over refined scruples and feelings. As Vice President, I believe you could and would have great influence in the administration and that influence might prove of immense value to our cause in the South.

If however your objections personally are insuperable, I am too truly your friend to insist on their reliquishment. We must then look out for and obtain the next best of our school, who is available. I should not advise as you suggest J[ohn] Y. M[ason]. He is not strictly of us—is too flexible—too needy and too diplomatic to be fully relied upon. I fear we should have to go out of our State, unless Douglas could be content with Meade or with Goode himself. Bayly might have done but for his desertion, which has lost all old friends and gained none new. Jefferson Davis would be the best if he would accept. If not, what would be said to Gov[ernor] Chapman of Al[abam]a. He is I think a true man. Excuse an abrupt close. I have exhausted my only paper.

[P. S.] My best regards to the Judge and Mr. Mason. Write whenever you have a spare hour to bestow on a friend.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 136-9

Richard Rush to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, April 3, 1852

SYDENHAM NEAR PHILADELPHIA, [Pa.], April 3rd, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR: My thanks for your Report on a change in the coinage, which I have not failed to read. The subject, as it has always appeared to me, is not an easy one to manage. In reading upon it, I have sometimes been ready to give up; and the most skilled in it are, after all, prone to end in guess-work, which they prefer to call "approximation." You are aware of this I see, though handling the whole matter very well.

I fully go with you in your most material point, the proportion of currency to production. What harm can arise you ask (page 9) from any probable increase of the precious metals, if both are allowed to swell the volume of currency? Your just answer follows. To my view, your closing sentences of the paragraph on page 7 are equally sound. An enlightened manufacturer in England once said to me that England could supply the whole world with manufactures. China included I asked? Yes he replied, "and another planet toboot, as large as our globe, if we could only open a market in another. Markets are all we want." He assumed that modern machinery gave England a productive working power equal to a population of three hundred millions. This is about the calculation of the Prince Joinville in his novel pamphlet, when he said that steam would now give to one French sailor the power of twenty. If this be anything like good guess-work, production must be greatly ahead of currency in the world. I confess I should rather be disposed to say, (to go on a little with guess-work,) that if the yield, annually of the precious metals were five times greater than it is at present, or than it is all likely to be for years and years to come, it would still lag much behind. production, and therefore be insufficient to produce the best results upon the wealth comforts and prosperity of communities. I observe that our minister in London, Mr. Lawrence, no bad guesser I should think on such matters, appears under no apprehension of a surfeit of gold from California. Your bill may lead us to expect silver change enough for our present wants; and I hope that the principles of your well-matured and carefully drawn Report may lay the foundation of more extensive good, by helping to keep down, under the authority of such a senatorial document, all fears among us of the metalitic currency ever becoming too over-abundant, though the California mines, with those of Australia in addition, should yield far more than they have ever yet done.

I received your cordial acknowledgment of the 9th of February of one of my antiquated Treasury Reports. I always visit Washington with pleasure, being sure to meet with so many there to make it agreeable; but it seems to me that, just now, only two classes of persons have any business there; our Legislators and our President-makers!

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 139-40

Edmund W. Hubard* to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, May 8, 1852

SARATOGA, [VA.], May 8th, 1852.

DEAR HUNTER: I received your very able and valuable report on “a change in the coinage,” and was highly delighted with this, and other evidences contained in the proceedings of the Senate of the manner, as well as distinguished talents with which you discharge the various duties of your high station. I have often said, that intellectually as well as in points of character, I thought you more resembled Mr. Madison than any other person. In some respects I think you will prove his superior. Madison in the abstract was sound, but he lacked either the elevation of character or the firmness of purpose to carry out his convictions. He gave to expediency what was due to principle. Without going beyond my candid convictions I may add, that I deem you will prove him superior in this respect. If the health of my Family will permit I wish to attend the Baltimore Convention.

For various reasons I decidedly prefer Buchanan. In our section as far as I can learn he is the choice of more than 40 to 1. In our District Convention we thought it improper to express our preference or instruct our Delegates. But we adopted a resolution approving of the two thirds rule in making our presidential nomination. As an evidence of fairness, delegates were selected without reference to their personal preferences. All that was desired was that the popular will would be reflected, let that be as it might. Thos. S. Bocock was appointed and Wm. C. Flournoy and others not agreeing with a decided majority. I might add not with one in 20 in the District Convention. We are dead against Genl. Cass. He cannot be elected. We will take any other Democrat rather than him. He cannot carry V[irginia. Many leading Democrats declare they will not vote for him if nominated. He stands in the same relation to our party that Genl. Scott does to the Whig. He has talents, but with all is deemed more of a demagogue than statesman. His strong proclivity to ride both sides of a sapling argues unsoundness or over ambition—either way he is not trust worthy. Besides he has had his day. The Democrats will settle down in favor both of one Canvass and the one term principle for the Presidency. Besides I am opposed to taking Senatorial Candidates and wish the Baltimore Convention to adopt a resolution excluding all holding office, from the field of selection. We must go to private life positions for our candidates for President and vice too. If we go to Congress for our candidates as well as for instructions as to whom to cast our votes, why Congress will soon absorb all the powers as well as all the honors of our republic. This policy unless averted will corrupt and revolutionize our government. The Executive must in inception, election, and action be distinct from Congress. Let the Congress indicate Candidates, which is tantamount to an election, the next step will be for the President to humble himself to his real master. Thus the judiciary will also fall under the influence of Congress. Then a congressional majority will decide and continue the fate of the country. I am opposed to all this. I want the President in all respects independent of both branches of Congress. The country people are daily becoming more disgusted with Congressional President making. That man will stand highest in the public estimation who keeps above all such extra official dictation. While the South held all the high honors, in truth got all the benefits of our government, they have fattened and grown strong upon the substantials, while we are starving and growing weak upon honors. Now I am for a change. Give me sound and reliable Northern or free State men, and so far as I am concerned they may enjoy all the honors. We want the real solid benefits of government and if they have the honors, it will be the most powerful motive with their aspirants on both sides to keep down the slavery agitation and also to so make the machinery of government as to rebuild the south. I look upon high honors as incompatible with sectional aggrandizement. We cannot get both at once. When the south held the Posts of honor, she had to throw all the crumbs of government to conciliate distant support. Now give the free States the honors and then they will do justice to gain our confidence and support, for without the slave state vote in Congress no Executive can honorably or properly administer the government.

I had rather see Buchanan, Marcy, or Douglas, or Dallas, or R[ichard] Rush by a great deal than Cass, under the latter [I] look upon our defeat as certain. With either of the others we may succeed. Cass is too much mixed up with all this Kossuth movement, and too strongly inclined to elevate himself not only above all our Diplomats, but above the wise policy upon foreign affairs of Washington and Jefferson to be trusted at this juncture. I look upon our Foreign relations at this time, as the most important point to guard in making our selection of candidates. Democratic measures are in the general to obtain either under a Whig or Democratic rule. But justice to the slave states, and a wise and peaceful Foreign policy is what we need. On neither of these points am I willing to confide in Cass. As for the Union and the upstart constitutional expounders from Tennessee, they had better put things in the ascendant at home, before they assume the leadership for the Union. That is either a Whig State, or else the least sound of any of the Democratic slave states. The Union is a high toned Federal organ but unlike other Federal papers, it does not seem to be aware that it is so. Now the Democratic editor from Tennessee is but. little short of our former Globe editors from Kentucky. What one did for knavery, the other is doing for folly. I am opposed to being doctrinated by such chaps from the New States. The Union was clearly for Cass from the start, and all the time. Genl. Cass on a recent occasion went out of his way to laud Genl. Jackson and especially his proclamation. He is the advocate of compulsory democracy, and dead against the voluntary system. He would establish the inquisition, if the Union would suggest it, or the alien and sedition laws. Should he be elected the country might look out for the most high handed measures, all proved by the editor of the Union to be in accordance with the doctrines of Jefferson, Madison, and Jackson. May the Lord deliver our party from the hands of the quacks of Tennessee and Michigan.

To change the subject, I stick closely to my planting and farming, take no part except to vote in politics. We have a son and daughter which I shall train up for a match for some of your children. You and lady are as great favorites with my wife as your humble servant, and she often says she is in favor of Mr. Hunter over all others for the presidency. Of all things we would be most happy to see you and Mrs. H. and all the under fry here. The South Side Railroad passes by me as near as Farmville twelve miles distant. In about twelve months it will be open to Farmville and a few more months to Lynchburg. Then, my dear sir, there will be no valid excuse for your not visiting this part of the state. If you will come, I will take, or go with you any where here abouts. Pray give my best respects to Judge Butler, Atchison, Douglas and Mason and believe me as ever with highest regard and consideration.

_______________

* Representative in Congress from Virginia, 1841-1847; resided at Curdsville, Buckingham County.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 140-2

George H. Crosman, Major Of Volunteers, U. S. A., to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, May 21, 1852

PHILADELPHIA, [PA.], 21st May, 1852.

DEAR SIR: Although I have not the pleasure of your personal acquaintance, I cannot refrain from expressing the gratification I feel at the prospect of a reform in the settlement of Disbursing Officers' Accounts; which I infer from the recent Debates in the Senate upon this subject and from your remarks.

I have been a Disbursing officer of the army for about 25 years; most of which in the Q[uarte]r Master's Dep[artmen]t; and I call upon you, therefore, my dear Sir, from an intimate and practical experience, that the evils you are desirous of correcting, do not wholly or even chiefly lie in the direction you have been led to believe. The whole system requires re-modeling and reforming; and until that is thoroughly done, by proper legislation, neither Congress, the President, or the Disbursing Officers, can ever know correctly the Expenditures of the Government under any head of appropriation or balance their a [ccount]s.

Officers of the Army generally render their accounts with much promptness to the Treasury; but it is impossible, under the present system, for the Auditors and Comptrollers to be equally prompt in their settlement of them; and while the law is sufficiently stringent upon the neglects or omissions of the Disbursing officers, it takes no notice of the delays and omissions at the Treasury. I have, myself, had ac[count]s there, waiting settlement, for nearly three years; and frequently for one and two years at a time; much to my annoyance and regret. The death of the Disbursing officer, under such circumstances, is always attended with serious consequences to his family, and Bondsmen; for after such long delays, it is often impossible, and always difficult for his Executors and friends to get a settlement, by removing the objections of the Auditors by proper explanations, which the officer alone could do.

In France they have the proper system for settling military accounts. An Auditor, called "Commissary of ac[count]s" always accompanies the Head Quarters of an Army, in the field; and the accounts and vouchers of all the Disbursing officers are promptly audited on the spot, under the eye of the Com[man]d[in]g Gen[erall. The Disbursing officer can, then, meet the enemy next day, with no pecuniary cases upon his mind. Not so with us; why lie, I have been all day engaged in chasing Indians, in Florida (and we caught some of them too) with $90,000 worth of "Mr. Haguer's Poetry," suspended vouchers of mine, in my saddle Bags; and then Vouchers, (all of which were suspended for mere informality, requiring, perhaps, evidence on some of them that Mr. A. B., or Book keeper and Clerk in the House of Messrs. C. D., was legally authorised to sign a receipt and receive money for the firm) had actually accrued two or three years previous, upon the frontiers of Missouri Arkansas and Louisiana—more than a 1,000 miles distant. Judge, then, my dear Sir, with what feelings I entered the swamps in pursuit of the enemy the following day! Here was $90,000 we suspended, in the settlement of my ac[count]s at the Treasury; and without long explanations, which I alone could give, would never be passed to my credit. In a moment that power might be taken forever from me; and with a beggared family, and ruined Bondsmen, and perhaps, even a tarnished reputation, my military career would thus have ended most ingloriously. In the name of Humanity and Justice then let this State of things cease and determine. Enquire into this matter, and you will find many such cases as I have here suffered.

I have, myself, disburned Williams of the public money; but, from the causes I have stated, always with fear and trembling for the settlement, which I knew would be so long postponed. Unless yourself and other gentlemen examine one of our long complex Quarter Master's ac[count]s, you can have little knowledge of the difficulties in the way of their prompt settlement under the present system.

I hope, most earnestly, that a Committee of Congress will be appointed to examine thoroughly, and report upon the present mode of settling ac[count]s at the Treasury. Let the facts appear, that the public may know where the fault lies. If a Disbursing Officer has neglected or violated his duty, in any respect, let his name appear, and he be brought to trial. But I fancy the fault, mainly, will be traced to a vicious system, and incompetent Clerks in the Treasury Department. Young gentlemen of political influence have too often usurped the places of men [of] clerical ability—practical working Clerks, who understood their business, and did it faithfully and steadily.

I beg you to excuse the liberty I have taken, in writing to you this long letter, and attribute it to the real and sincere interest I feel in the subject; and the anxiety I share, in common with my brother Officers, for some "radical reforms in this respect. As the Chairman of the Committee on Finance of the Senate, and the attention you have evidently given to this matter, it is confidently hoped and believed you will be able to bring forward some adequate remedies for the present evils, and the vicious system of settling ac[count]s at the Treasury of Army officers at least.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 142-4

George Booker to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, June 7, 1852

BALTIMORE, [MD.], June 7th, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR: I am very sorry I had it not in my power to have seen you before I returned home, but it was impossible for me to leave this place sooner, and now my engagements compel me to go home immediately.

Last evening I had an interview with Wise and said among other things "Wise have you been speaking unkindly of Hunter? What is the matter? No. did you say you would not vote for Hunter for President? Geo. Booker I would crawl on my hands and knees to make Hunter President." I shall say no more for the present. You know the man and his manner.

I have thought it proper to say this much because circumstances and the zeal of some of your friends might have given to this matter a very different coloring. You and Wise shall not quarrel if my feeble voice can prevent it. Listen to no idle rumor. Wise is your friend. I know the fact.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 144-5

A Southerner to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, June 14, 1852

(Private.)

RICHMOND, [Va.], June 14th [1852].

DEAR SIR: I beg to call your attention, to that portion of Judge Conrad's speech in the Anti-Fillmore Convention of New York, which is enclosed. (You will find the whole speech in N. Y. Herald of 13th.)

I write to you as a true friend of the South, to know what is the South to do. Are her statesmen looking ahead and preparing for contingencies? As this letter is anonymous, you are not bound, I admit, to treat it with any consideration. I ask only to free my own mind of thoughts which press painfully upon it, and to leave them with those who can best judge whether they are of any value or practicable. The question is this—Cannot the South form an alliance, either with England, or some foreign country, which will protect her from the threatened aggression of the North? Look ahead, and do you not see a storm coming from the North which must dissolve the Union? Ought we not then to look ahead, ought not the Southern leaders to meet together and confer, and sound the governments of England, or other foreign powers, to see what can be done in such a contingency? You are one of the few men, I believe, not eaten up with selfish ambition. Strike a blow, then, I entreat you for the safety of the South. Would to Heaven that the South would stop talking and go to acting. Imitate the forecast, the practical character, and (as it has become necessary to fight the devil with fire) the subtlety of our sectional enemies. It strikes me, that it would be a good stroke of policy, and a most holy and righteous retribution, if we could form a treaty with England, giving her certain privileges in the cotton trade and vast navigation, in return for which, she could stand by the South, and crush the Free Soilers between Canada and the South States.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 145

Senator Daniel Webster to Robert C. Winthrop, Sunday Morning, June [possibly 9,] 1850

Sunday morning, June, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—I truly lament that my arrangements for the week prevent my acceptance of your invitation for Tuesday, to meet what I am sure will be a most agreeable party of friends.

Mr. Edward Curtis and myself, with Mrs. Curtis and Mrs. Webster, propose to leave the city as early as Monday evening or Tuesday morning, for a short journey into Virginia, to occupy the expected days of recess of the Senate.

As long as I have passed a great part of every year here, I never yet saw the "passage of the Potomac through the Blue Ridge." We propose to go by the railroad to Harper's Ferry, thence to Winchester or further up the valley, and to return by the way of Charlottesville.

I assure you it gives me pain to miss the opportunity of seeing, at your house, the distinguished strangers mentioned in your note. Yours always truly,

DANIEL WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 372

Senator Daniel Webster to Edward Curtis, Tuesday, June [possibly 18,] 1850—8 a.m.

Astor House, Tuesday morning, eight o'clock.

MY DEAR SIR,—You are quite right. I advise you to let neither business nor pleasure, friend nor foe, principalities nor powers, separate you from that devotion to your own health which the case requires. I love you so much, that I thought a day spent together, in the quiet of Carmans,¹ would be like a good drink of stolen waters. But nothing, after all, connected with yourself, satisfies me so well, as to know that you are taking care of your health.

Mrs. Webster and I came in town last evening. She looks for a wedding on Thursday. I may stay for it. I may stay for it. On the other hand, I may get a summons to Washington forthwith.

Where is "South Orange?"² Could a body find it? Mrs. Webster will be most happy to see Mrs. Curtis, and not more than I shall, if she should be this way before I leave. Don't be surprised if I borrow some "Traveller's guide," and find my way to South Orange, if I should not be off for Washington immediately.

With the truest affection for you both, yours.

D. W.

_______________

¹ A trouting-place on Long Island.

² A water-cure establishment in New Jersey.

 

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 373

Senator Daniel Webster to Edward Curtis, June 16, 1850—6 a.m.

Monday [sic] morning, six o'clock, June 16, 1850.¹

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your communication in whole and half sheets, yesterday. The most important part told a story of which I was not aware. I shall be delighted beyond measure, if Dr. Cox shall succeed as well as present appearances lead to expect.

Washington is very still, and very few people in it. There is little doing in my department, and I believe not much in any other. The President goes to Old Point Comfort and Norfolk, about Friday. Some of the gentlemen go with him, and I stay behind. Mr. Corwin sets off for Ohio to-day or to-morrow. I intend to make a desperate effort to leave Washington, as soon as the President returns, and to get to New Hampshire for a day, and Marshfield for another. I am warmly pressed to pass through Concord, before the last day of the month. Things appear to be going on well in Massachusetts.

In regard to my own movements, when hot weather arrives, three things present themselves. First, The talked-of voyage; second, a trip to Nova Scotia, New Brunswick, and Canada; third, a trial of the Virginia Springs.

In case this was resorted to, Mrs. Webster could go with me, and perhaps you and Mrs. Curtis might join us.

I understand the water has no lime in it; that the mountain air is delicious, and the scenery beautiful, and the living scant and poor. If on trial, this should be found to do no good, I might still go North. I much prefer the voyage, but the drawbacks are, the expense, and the necessity of rushing into high company. Then there is one other consideration, namely, where is it best for me to be, if there is to be a real campaign?

Yours,

D. W.

_______________

¹ This letter could either be June 16^th, which was a Sunday or June 17^th, which was a Monday.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 373-4

Senator Daniel Webster to Franklin Haven, June 19, 1850

(PRIVATE.)

Washington, June 19, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—I verily believe our prospects brighten. It is certainly now the opinion at the White House, that the bill will pass. There is one difficulty yet to be got over, namely, the amount to be given to Texas. I hope, however, we shall agree on something.

It keeps us hard at work. We are obliged to have frequent conferences and agreements, and then we have something to do in debate; and then again, as you will see, I have become like an old school-book called the "Complete Letter-Writer."

The Senate adjourns from Thursday to Monday. I believe I shall try to get a little air in the mountains, or go to some cool place, down the river. My health is good, uncommonly good, and I feel pretty able to fight through this contest. When the bill shall be put on its passage, if it shall ever reach that step, I must make a speech as good as I can.

Yours,

D. W.

P. S. I have no time to write to our good friend Harvey. Please show him this.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 374-5

Senator Daniel Webster to Fletcher Webster, June [possibly 23,] 1850—10:30

Sunday, half-past ten o'clock, June, 1850.

DEAR FLETCHER,—After writing you this morning, I received two letters from you, for which I thank you. I shall now go to Marshfield before I go to New Hampshire, and will push right off for Marshpee, Waquoit, Red Brook, or elsewhere in those foreign parts.

This morning, after breakfast, and before church, that is, between half-past seven and eleven o'clock, I struck out the whole frame and substance of my address for the Fourth of July. I propose to write it all out, which I can do in three hours, and to read it, and to give correct copies at once to the printers.

So, if I find a trout stream in Virginia, I shall not have to be thinking out, "Venerable men."

Your mother wrote Caroline yesterday, and sends you her love to-day.

Yours affectionately,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 375

Senator Daniel Webster to Franklin Haven, Thursday Morning, July 11, 1850—8:00 a.m.

Washington, July 11, 1850. Thursday morning, eight o'clock.

MY DEAR SIR,—It is not easy to say what will be the extent of the changes in consequence of General Taylor's death, and Mr. Fillmore's accession. It is at this moment supposed that there will be an entirely new Cabinet. Certainly not more than one or two can remain. Who will succeed to the vacant places, I have no means of saying with any certainty. One thing I feel sure of, and that is that they will be sound men. The President is a sensible man, and a conservative Whig, and is not likely to be in favor of any "isms," such as have votaries at the present day.

I believe Mr. Fillmore favors the Compromise, and there is no doubt that recent events have increased the probability of the passage of that measure. Nothing will be done in congress this week. The funeral ceremonies will take all that remains of it.

P. S. Two o'clock.—I am rather confirmed in the expectation of a total change. Beyond this I know little, and nothing which I can communicate. The idea is now general that the Compromise will go through. I have a few words to say on Monday or Tuesday.

Yours truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 376

Senator Daniel Webster to Franklin Haven, Friday Morning, July 12, 1850

Washington, July 12, 1850. Friday morning.

MY DEAR SIR,—You will hear various rumors respecting appointments to the Cabinet, but none of them will deserve credit any further than they rest on general probability. Nothing is decided as yet. The present Cabinet have all tendered their resignations, but they will not be answered till after the funeral.

The three important departments are State, Treasury, and Interior. I have no doubt some man known to be thoroughly sound in revenue matters, will be appointed to the Treasury. As to the State Department, I have no idea who will have it, although, if the power were with me, I think I could find a man¹ without going out of Massachusetts, who has talent enough, and knowledge enough; but whether he is at this moment so fresh in the minds of the people that his appointment would strike the public mind favorably, may be a doubt. Nobody can well be Secretary of State who has not fortune, unless he be a bachelor. The Secretary of State is the head of the administration, and he must have a house, sometimes to receive guests in. He is of course necessarily in daily communication with the diplomatic corps, which I believe is twice as numerous now as it was twenty years ago.

My dear Sir, you see the spirit of good-will which is manifesting itself here. This is the golden hour of opportunity, be assured. The opposition gentlemen are determined, all the conservative part of them at least, to give the administration fair play; and Mr. Fillmore is well-intentioned and discreet. He will meet with annoyances from the rather overbearing spirit of a certain quarter, but I hope he will stand stiff. If he is successful in forming his administration, I verily believe a prospect is before us for a better state of things than we have enjoyed for twenty years. Yours truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

_______________

¹ Mr. Everett.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 376-7

Senator Daniel Webster to Franklin Haven, Tuesday Morning, July 16, 1850

July 16, 1850. Tuesday morning.

MY DEAR SIR,—The President goes slow, but I trust will come out well. He will undoubtedly have a sound Cabinet, and one acceptable to all good Whigs. How able he may make it, 1 cannot say. As yet, I believe he has not committed himself.

I hope we shall at last finish this so long protracted measure in the Senate. The story yesterday was that the extreme South would join the extreme North, and lay the bill on the table, judging it the less evil, in their opinion, to let California come in at once, and the territorial bills go over.

Yours, truly,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 377

Senator Daniel Webster to Peter Harvey, Sunday, July 21, 1850

(PRIVATE AND CONFIDENTIAL.)

Sunday, July 21, 1850.

MY DEAR SIR,—Yours came to hand yesterday, together with one from Mr. Mills, and one from Mr. Haven. I yielded to what has been suggested from so many sides, and gave up my own wishes to the wishes and opinions of my friends. I must leave myself in their hands. There is work enough before me, and anxious duties in plenty; but if I can preserve my health, I will toil through a hot summer here, though I confess it does seem hard, that at my age I cannot enjoy the comforts of my own home. I was persuaded to think it was my duty, in the present crisis, to accept a seat in the cabinet,¹ but it made my heart ache to think of it.

Yours, truly always,

DAN'L WEBSTER.

_______________

¹ Two days later Webster would become the 19^th United States Secretary of State.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 378

Senator Henry Clay to Daniel Ullman, September 26, 1851

ASHLAND, September 26, 1851.

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your favor of the 19th instant, with the memorial inclosed. On the subject of the next Presidency, my opinions and views have undergone no change since I last wrote to you. Should I be able, as I now hope to be, from my slowly improving health, to attend the next session of the Senate, we will confer more freely on that subject. In the mean time, I am glad that my friends in New York have foreborne to present my name as a candidate.

I have looked at the list of events and subjects which are proposed to be inscribed on the medal. I have made out and sent herewith a more comprehensive list, embracing most of the important matters, as to which I had any agency, during my service in the National councils. As to the Cumberland Road, no year can be properly fixed. Appropriations for it were made from year to year, for a series of years, which were violently opposed, and the support of which chiefly devolved on me. So in regard to Spanish America, the first movement was made by me in 1818, and my exertions were continued from year to year, until the measure of recognition was finally completed in 1822.

The list now sent may be too large for inscription on the medal. Of course it is my wish that it should be dealt with, by abridgment, or omission as may be thought proper. The two reports, made by me in the Senate, which gave me much credit and reputation were, 1st. That which proposed an equal distribution among the States of the proceeds of the public domain; and 2d. That which averted General Jackson's meditated war against France, on account of her failure to pay the indemnity. I carried both measures against the whole weight of Jackson; but he pocketed the Land Distribution bill, which was not finally passed until 1841. He could not, however, make war against France, without the concurrence of Congress, and my report preserved the peace of the two countries.

My Panama instructions were the most elaborate (and if I may be allowed to speak of them), the ablest State paper that I composed while I was in the Department of State. They contain an exposition of liberal principles, regulating Maritime War, Neutral Rights, etc., which will command the approbation of enlightened men and of posterity.

I was glad to see that you were nominated for Attorney-General at Syracuse, and I heartily wish for your election.

The address to me from New York, although published in the papers, has not been received officially by me. What is intended? I have had some correspondence about it with Mr. James D. P. Ogden, who sent me a copy informally. I can not venture to encounter the scenes of excitement which would attend me, if I were to go to New York; but in anticipation of the reception of the address I have prepared a pretty long answer, in which I treat of Secession, the state of the country, in regard to the Slavery question, etc. If this answer be capable of doing any good, the sooner it is published the better.

[The medal alluded to in the foregoing letter, was presented to Mr. Clay the 9th of February, 1852, and is described as follows:1

It is of pure California gold, massive and weighty, and is inclosed in a silver case, which opens with a hinge in the manner of a hunting-watch. On the face of the medal is a fine head of Mr. Clay, most felicitous in the likeness, and conveying the characteristic impression of his features in a higher degree than any of the busts or medallions usually seen. The relief is very high, and must have required a pressure of immense power to give it its fullness, sharpness, and delicacy of outline. The reverse exhibits the following inscription:

SENATE,

1806.

SPEAKER, 1811.

WAR OF 1812 WITH GREAT BRITAIN.

GHENT, 1814.

SPANISH AMERICA, 1822.

MISSOURI COMPROMISE, 1821.

AMERICAN SYSTEM, 1824.

GREECE, 1824.

SECRETARY OF STATE, 1825.

PANAMA INSTRUCTIONS, 1826.

TARIFF COMPROMISE,

1833.

PUBLIC DOMAIN, 1833-1841.

PEACE WITH FRANCE PRESERVED, 1835.

COMPROMISE, 1850.

The lines are supported on either hand by tasteful wreaths, in which the six chief American staples—wheat, corn, cotton, tobacco, rice, and hemp-are very happily intertwined.

On the silver case is represented on one side a view of the Capitol (with its contemplated additional wings fully displayed); and on the other in two distinct compartments above, an elevation of the great commemorative monument on the Cumberland road; below, a view of Ashland and its mansion.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 620-2

Senator Henry Clay to Mrs. Mary Mentelle Clay,* September 26, 1851

WASHINGTON, December 25, 1851.

MY DEAR MARY,—I received to-day your letter of the 19th instant, and I was very glad to get the details contained in it about yourself, your family, and affairs at Ashland. And I am under very great obligations to you and to Thomas for the kind offer which you have made, to come either one or both of you to Washington, to attend me during my present illness. If there were the least occasion for it, I should with pleasure accept the offer; but there is not. Every want, every wish, every attention which I need, is supplied. The hotel at which I stay has a bill of fare of some thirty or forty articles every day, from which, I can select any for which I have a relish, and if I want any thing which is not on the bill of fare, it is promptly procured for me. The state of my case may be told in a few words. If I can get rid of this distressing cough, or can materially reduce it, I may yet be restored to a comfortable condition. That is the present aim of my physicians, and I have some hope that it has abated a little within the last few days. But if the cough can not be stopped or considerably reduced, it will go on until it accomplishes its work. When that may be, it is impossible to say, with any sort of certainty. I may linger for some months, long enough possibly to reach home once more. At all events, there is no prospect at present of immediate dissolution. Under these circumstances, I have no desire to bring any member of my family from home, when there is not the least necessity for it. With regard to the rumors which reach you from time to time, and afflict you, you must bear with them, and rest assured of what I have already communicated to your mother, that if my case should take a fatal turn, the telegraph shall communicate the fact. I occupy two excellent rooms, the temperature of which is kept up during the day at about 70°. The greatest inconvenience I feel is from the bad weather, which has confined me nearly a fortnight to my room, and I can take no exercise until the weather changes. My love to Thomas and all your children, to your mother, and to all others at Ashland.

_______________

* Wife of Clay’s son, Thomas Hart Clay

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 623

Senator Henry Clay to Thomas H. Clay, January 10, 1852

WASHINGTON, January 10, 1852.

MY DEAR THOMAS,—I received two or three letters from you since I came here, and should have answered them with pleasure if my strength and health would have admitted of it. You observe now I am obliged to employ the pen of a friend. I was very thankful for the kind offer of yourself and Mary to come here and nurse me. I should have promptly accepted, if it had been necessary, but it was not. Every want and wish that I have are kindly attended to. I am surrounded by good friends, who are ready and willing to serve me; and you and Mary yourselves could not have been more assiduous in your attentions than are my friends the Calverts.

The state of my health has not very materially altered. Within the last eight or ten days there has been some improvement; not so great as my friends persuade themselves, but still some improvement. The solution of the problem of my recovery depends upon the distressing cough which I have, and I think that it is a little diminished. I am embargoed here by the severity of the winter, which has confined me to the house for the last three weeks. I hope to derive some benefit when I shall be again able to drive out in the open air. You must continue to write me without regard to my ability to reply. It is a source of great comfort to me to hear, and to hear fully, from Ashland and Mansfield. John has been very kind in writing very frequently to me. Give my love to Mary and all the children.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 624-5

Theodore Frelinghuysen to Senator Henry Clay, January 19, 1852

NEW BRUNSWICK, January 19, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR,—I have heard with great interest and anxiety of your continued feeble health, and that it had rather been more feeble since your decided testimony in behalf of Washington's foreign policy. I was rejoiced to hear your words of soberness and truth on the exciting question of Hungarian politics; and I trust that a divine blessing will follow your counsels.

In this time of impaired health, and sometimes trying despondency that ensues, it must be refreshing to look away to Him who is a helper near in trouble, and able and willing to sustain and comfort you. This blessed Gospel, that reveals the riches of God's grace in Jesus Christ, is a wonderful remedy: so suited to our condition and character, and so full of inexpressible consolation to us, as sinners needing mercy. His blood cleansing us from the guilt of sin, His Spirit purifying our hearts, and restoring us to God's image and favor. May you, my dear friend, largely partake of its comforts, and leaning all your hopes on the Almighty Saviour's arm, hold on your way, for life and for death, for time and eternity, in His name and strength.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 625-6

William McLain to Senator Henry Clay, February 9, 1852

COLONIZATION ROOMS, WASHINGTON CITY, February 9, 1852.

DEAR SIR, —At the recent annual meeting of the American Colonization Society, the following resolution was unanimously adopted:

Resolved, That we deeply sympathize with our venerable President, the Hon. Henry Clay, in his present protracted illness, by which we are deprived of his presence and able counsels at this annual meeting of our Society, to which he has, from its foundation, devoted himself with signal ability and unwavering fidelity; and that we hold him in affectionate and grateful remembrance for the distinguished services he has rendered in the prosecution of the great scheme of African colonization.

I take great pleasure, my dear sir, in furnishing you with the foregoing resolution.

Hoping, that you may be restored to health, and that this Society may continue to have the honor of your name and influence as its President, I remain, etc.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 626

Senator Henry Clay to Mrs. Susan Jacob Clay,* February 12, 1852

WASHINGTON, February 12, 1852.

MY DEAR SUSAN,—I received your letter of the 27th ultimo, and I had received that of James' of the 1st. I write now so uncomfortably and so slow, that I take up my pen with great repugnance. I was very glad to receive both of your letters, and was delighted to contemplate the picture of your domestic happiness with your husband and children. As the world recedes from me, I feel my affections more than ever concentrated on my children, and theirs.

My health has improved a little within the last few weeks, but the cough still hangs on, and unless I can get rid of it, or greatly diminish it, I can not look for a radical cure. The winter has been excessively rigorous, and I have not been out of the house for eight weeks. You must not believe all you see in the newspapers, favorable or unfavorable, about my health.

I hope you and James will continue to write to me, whether you receive regular replies or not. How has the dairy got through the winter?

My love to James and all my dear grandchildren.

_______________

* Wife of Clay’s son James Brown Clay

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 626-7

Senator Henry Clay to James B. Clay, February 24, 1852

WASHINGTON, February 24, 1852.

MY DEAR SON,—I received your letter of the 10th. I should have written you oftener, but I am so feeble, and write with so little comfort, that I take up the pen reluctantly. I hope that you and Susan, notwithstanding my apparent delinquency, will write me frequently, giving me full details of all your plans, improvements, and business. There is nothing now that interests me so much as to receive full accounts from the members of my family frequently. Although you have got more in debt than I could have wished, you ought to be very happy. In dear Susan you have an excellent wife, and you have a fine parcel of promising children, and you have ample means of support.

I gave my deposition in your case with Miller week before the last, and it was sent to Lexington. It proved all that was expected of me.

My health continues very delicate. I have not been out of the house for upward of two months. I can not recognize any encouraging change. My cough still hangs on, although I sometimes hope that it is a little abated. If I can not get rid of it, or at least greatly diminish it, I think it must prove fatal. But I may linger for months to come. I should be glad to get home once more.

My love to Susan, and kisses for all the children. I would be glad to write more, but you can not conceive how this little letter has exhausted me.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 627

Senator Henry Clay to Daniel Ullman, March 6, 1852

WASHINGTON, March 6, 1852.

MY DEAR SIR,—I received your favor transmitting an engrossed copy of the address which you did me the honor to make to me on the occasion of presenting the medal which my New York friends had offered me. I thank you for this corrected copy of the address which is very beautifully engrossed.

The medal has been in the possession of the goldsmiths of this place, who desired the custody of it to gratify public curiosity. You wish it returned that a more accurate impression may be made by striking another. I examined it to see if I could discern the defect in the letters to which you refer, and I confess I could not. If to strike it again will occasion any trouble or expense to my friends, I think it might well be avoided, but if you persist in your desire to have it done, I will have it sent to you by Adams' Express next week.

You rightly understood me in expressing a preference for Mr. Fillmore as the Whig candidate for the Presidency. This I did before I left home, and have frequently here in private intercourse, since my arrival at Washington. I care not how generally the fact may be known, but I should not deem it right to publish any formal avowal of that preference under my own signature in the newspapers. Such a course would subject me to the imputation of supposing that my opinions possessed more weight with the public than I apprehend they do. The foundation of my preference is, that Mr. Fillmore has administered the Executive Government with signal success and ability. He has been tried and found true, faithful, honest, and conscientious. I wish to say nothing in derogation from his eminent competitors, they have both rendered great services to their country; the one in the field, the other in the Cabinet. They might possibly administer the Government as well as Mr. Fillmore has done. But then neither of them has been tried; he has been tried in the elevated position he now holds, and I think that prudence and wisdom had better restrain us from making any change without a necessity for it, the existence of which I do not perceive.

SOURCE: Calvin Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 628

Senator John C. Calhoun to Andrew Pickens Calhoun, July 24, 1849

Fort Hill 24th July 1849

MY DEAR ANDREW, I sent you a Messenger, containing a copy of my communication in reference to Benton's Speech. I hope you have received it; and trust it will be extensively circulated in the South West. It will be published in all our papers.

It is high time the South should begin to prepare. I see no hope of bringing the North to a sense of justice, but by our united action, and for that purpose, a Convention of the South is indispensable. To that point our efforts should be directed. The first step towards it is to put an end to the old party divisions, which might be effected by an understanding between a few prominent leaders on both sides, and short and well written Articles through the leading presses of both parties, showing the folly and danger of continuing our party warfare when our existence is at Stake. The next step is an organization of all the Southern States as has been done in this State. The Convention ought to be held before the meeting of Congress, but that, I take it, is impracticable. It ought to be called before the Year ends, to meet next summer. The call ought to be addressed to the people of the South, who are desirous of saving the Union and themselves, if the former be possible; but who at the same time are prepared, should [the] alternative be forced on us, to resist rather than submit. Such a call could not fail to secure a large delegation from every Southern State, and what is important, a harmonious one, on the essential point. The call might be made by the members of the Legislatures of one or more Southern States, or by the members of Congress from the South, when they meet in Washington. The call itself would have a powerful effect on Congress. Could not Alabama be induced to make the call? Atlanta would be a good point for the meeting.

I am making good progress in the work I have on hand. I have finished the Discourse on the elementary principles of Govt. and have made considerable advance in the Discourse on our system of Govt. The work will hit the lines both here and in Europe; and, I think, cannot fail to make a deep impression. I hope to have it completed before I leave home; and intend to take it with me to put to press in New York, early next year. I would be glad to show it to you and have your opinion on it before I publish.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 769

 

Senator John C. Calhoun to Abraham W. Venable,* August 1849

Fort Hill August 1849

MY DEAR SIR, I have read your letter with much interest, and congratulate you and the great cause on your triumphant success. Under all circumstances, it is a great victory for both; and shows what can be done by honesty and boldness in a good cause. Had the other republican members from the state acted with you, the party would have achieved a decided victory in the state in the election. Even as it is, much has been done to restore it to power. Your position is now a commanding one. You are placed by your course and victory at the head of the party in the state. North Carolina has long stood in need of an able, bold and honest man to take the lead in bring[ing] the state into her true position. You can do it.

I am glad to learn your health is good. Mine is as good as I could expect, and I trust sufficiently so to take me through the next session. It will be an eventful one. We must force the issue on the North, so as to know where we are to stand. The sooner it is done, the better for all concerned. I wish to board on Capitol Hill and near the capitol, and would be glad to have you of the Mess, and hope your arrangements will be made accordingly. I am busily engaged on my work, and hope to have it ready for the press before the commencement of the session; so that I can take it with me to Washington. I hear from Missouri, that Benton's days are numbered. Atcheson¹ and Green say, that he has as good a chance to be made Pope, as to be elected Senator.

My kind regards to your Son.

_____________

* Original lent by Rev. S. T. Martin of Dublin, Va. Abraham W. Venable was member of Congress from North Carolina from 1847 to 1853.

¹ David R. Atchison, Senator from Missouri, 1843-1855. Benton was in fact defeated, after forty ballots.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 770

Senator John C. Calhoun to Duff Green,* August 4, 1849

Fort Hill 4th Augt 1849

MY DEAR SIR, You are right, as to the source, whence Benton draws his support. He has bribed the papers at the seat of Government by jobs at the publick expense; and the only way to put down the corruption is the one you indicate. An Independent Press at Washington has long been a desideratum, but it is difficult to establish, or to maintain such an one there, against the joint influence and power of the publick plunderers, who have got possession of the organs of publick opinion and the machinery of parties.

I am glad to learn that your contract promises so well and hope it will equal your most sanguine hopes. Should you succeed as well as you expect it will give you a commanding position.

With kind respects to Mrs Green and your family I remain

_______________

* Original lent by Mr. R. P. Maynard.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 771

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, August 24, 1849

Fort Hill 24th Augt 1849

MY DEAR SIR, Politically I have nothing good to write. The appearance is, that Taylor's administration will prove a failure. I fear he is in the hands of the Northern Whigs, exclusively. In the meane time, the alienation between North and South is daily progressing. Benton and Clay are both playing for the North. I enclose in pamphlet form my notice of his¹ assault on me. I would have sent it earlier, but only received it in that form, a few days since. It is, as far as I have heard regarded as triumphant. It is said, that he will not be able to sustain himself in Missouri. His colleague, Genl Atchison, says he has no chance to be reelected.

We are all anxious about the fate of Hungary, and the future condition of Europe. Write me in your next fully, what is your impression and the intelligent portion of Europe in reference to both. If Hungary should be able to maintain herself, the condition of Russia will become critical. What is to become of Germany and France?

_______________

¹ Benton's. See the letter of June 23, 1849.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 771-2

Congressman Jefferson Davis on the War with Mexico, May 12, 1846

(From Port-Gibson Correspondent, June 3, 1846.)

Washington, May 12, 1846.

The Oregon controversy will scarcely be settled, by negotiation, and when the joint convention shall be abrogated conflicts with England will probably ensue. Before that time we ought to close all questions with Mexico, and have the ship overhauled for action on a larger scale. Let the treaty of peace be made at the city of Mexico, and by an Ambassador who cannot be refused a hearing—but who will speak with that which levels walls and opens gates—American cannon.

I signified to our friend John Willis that in the event of war I should like to command a Warren Regiment. My position here forces upon me the recollection of all which is due to those who sent me here. Yet I look to the movements of our forces on our Mexican border with a strong desire to be a part of them. My education and former practice would, I think, enable me to be of service to Mississippians who take the field. If they wish it, I will join them as soon as possible, wherever they may be.

JEFFERSON DAVIS.

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, p. 46

John Tyler to James Buchanan, Saturday Evening, February 9, 1861

Saturday evening, February 9, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR: I communicated to Governor Pickens what passed between us as to Mr. Holt's letter, and I am happy to say that the reply, received a moment ago, leaves me no ground to fear any early disturbance. The whole subject is referred to the convention at Montgomery, as I plainly infer. The conclusion is in these words: "Everything which can be done consistently with the honor and safety of this State, to avoid collision and bloodshed, has been and will be the purpose of the authorities here."

Thus, my dear sir, the inquietude you expressed may be dismissed.

Very truly and faithfully yours,

JOHN TYLER.

SOURCES: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 612; John Bassett Moore, Editor, The Works of James Buchanan: Comprising His Speeches, State Papers and Private Correspondence, Vol. 11: 1860-1868, p. 142

Julia Gardiner Tyler to Juliana MacLachlan Gardiner, February 13, 1861

BROWN'S HOTEL, WASHINGTON, February 13, 1861.

I have a moment to myself just before tea, and I may have time to write you in haste something of the doings here. Since I last wrote, I have not been allowed a moment's leisure. When within the hotel it has been an incessant stream of company, and then I have had visits to return, the Capitol to visit, etc., etc. Last night I attended, with the President, the party of Senator Douglas, and I met in the throng my old friend, Mrs. Dixon, who, by the way, looked so well that the President thought her the handsomest person in the room. She had early called, but I was out, as was the case with her when I called. She was, of course, charmed to meet me again. We are all the time surrounded, and had greetings from old, and introductions to new acquaintances without number. People turned up, and recalled themselves to me that I certainly never expected to have met again. I saw and shook hands with two Messrs. Griswold. Mr. Bancroft (the historian) claimed relationship with me through the Chandlers, who married a Miss Gardiner, of Gardiner's Island. I paraded the rooms with the handsomest man here, Governor Morehead, of Kentucky—one of the best likenesses of Papa you ever saw in appearance, voice, laugh, and manner. I suppose I may conclude that I looked quite well. No attempts at entertainments have succeeded before, I was told, this winter, and to the hopes that are placed upon the efforts of this Peace Convention is to be attributed the success of this.

People are catching at straws as a relief to their pressing anxieties, and look to the Peace Commissioners, as if they possessed some divine power to restore order and harmony. Here you can realize more than anywhere else the distracted state of the country. In the Peace Conference a committee are engaged (one from each State) in the preparation of a plan of adjustment, and when they report, which will be on Friday, the end I suppose can be foreseen. In the meantime all is suspense, from the President down. The New York and Massachusetts delegation will no doubt perform all the mischief they can; and it may be, will defeat this patriotic effort at pacification. But whether it succeeds or not, Virginia will have sustained her reputation, and in the latter event will retire with dignity from the field to join without loss of time her more Southern sisters; the rest of the slave Border States will follow her lead, and very likely she will be able to draw off, which would be glorious, a couple of Northern States. It is to be hoped that this state of suspense, which is bringing disaster to trade everywhere, will soon be removed in one way or another.

The President has hundreds of letters of the enclosed description, which I enclose you because it is from Mr. Beeckman's son-in-law.

Mr. Buchanan (the President) spent the evening in our parlor evening before last. I suppose it is the first visit he has paid since being the nation's chief. He first wrote the President a letter full of gratitude for the relief he had afforded him in probably preventing, through his influence at Charleston, the attack on Fort Sumter. Miss Lane and Miss Ellis called upon me yesterday. If the President is detained here indefinitely, I shall run home. I want to be with my children. Probably I shall go on Friday, unless I hear from home in the meantime to my satisfaction. Old Mrs. Hilliard, of Troy, called upon me this morning; she spoke of Miss Mary Gardiner, of Gardiner's Island, having been at her school. Mrs. Catron is quite sick; but I must conclude. I have so much to say of persons and events, and no time to say it in. . . . With love to all.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 612-3

John Tyler to James Buchanan, Tuesday, February 19, 1861

TUESDAY, February 19, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR: I do not believe a word of it. My last dispatch from Judge Robertson is wholly different. I am at the moment so engaged that I cannot hasten to you. I will as soon as I can.

Respectfully your friend,

JOHN TYLER.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 613

John Tyler to James Buchanan, Wednesday, February 20, 1861

WEDNESDAY, February 20, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR: I dispatched the telegram at about five o'clock. No answer yet. Perhaps it was referred to Montgomery, or time may not have been given to respond before the close of the office. A consultation of cabinet may have been required. In short, many things of a similar nature may have occurred. General Davis will be written to to-day. No attack can be made without orders from Montgomery.

Yours truly,

JOHN TYLER.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 614

John Tyler to James Buchanan, February 20, 1861—2 p.m.

TWO O'CLOCK P. M., February 20, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR: I have this moment received a telegram from Charleston. The Governor says: Received your message; know nothing about the report you spoke of; no one is authorized to speak for me; things must stand without any movement in force." I would send the dispatch, but the latter part of it relates to another matter.

Truly and sincerely your friend,

JOHN TYLER.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 614

John Tyler to James Buchanan, February 24, 1861

BROWN'S HOTEL, February 24, 1861.

MY DEAR SIR: I think you may rely upon tranquillity at the South. Since you left me I have made particular inquiries. General Davis has been written to. He is advised to send a commissioner, and to go to Charleston himself to represent and quiet all things. In fact, from information from one directly from Richmond, and who travelled with merchants from the South going North, the probability is that he is now in Charleston. The fact may probably be announced in the papers to-morrow. Every one that I have seen, secessionists and others, concur with myself in the improbability of any movement until a commissioner shall come on here, and a failure in the mission.

Truly and faithfully yours,

JOHN TYLER.

SOURCE: Lyon Gardiner Tyler, The Letters and Times of the Tylers, Volume 2, p. 614

Diary of Private Louis Leon: January 8, 1864

It has been snowing, and is very cold. Some of the boys have formed a dramatic company, and I went to see them play "Toodles." There were two men shot in our brigade for desertion to-day. Nothing of interest until 11th.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 56

Diary of Private Louis Leon: January 11, 1864

Left our camp at sun-up, got five miles and halted in the woods. We have been detailed to run two sawmills, and we are now putting up winter quarters there.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 56

Diary of Private Louis Leon: January 16, 1864

Nothing more until to-day. W. R. Berryhill has got the smallpox. Quite a number of us were in the same quarters with him, but none of us caught the disease. I was detailed to work at the mills, and therefore I am learning a new trade. Live and learn.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 56

Diary of Private Louis Leon: January 20, 1864

Hard work until to-day, when we were sent out to lay a plank road. While at work General Lee and his daughter rode by us, and soon after a courier came from his headquarters and gave us some woolen socks and gloves—sent to us from his daughter. Nothing more worth recording this month.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 56

Diary of Private Louis Leon: February 2, 1864

While hard at work in the woods, hauling stocks for the mill, my furlough came, for eighteen days. So I was relieved. On the 3d I left camp and got home on the morning of the 6th. It took me several days to get accustomed to living as a civilian, as I have been in camp for two years at a stretch. I had a very good time, and will always be grateful for the kindness shown me by every one while at home.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 56-7

Diary of Private Louis Leon: February 23, 1864

Reached camp to-day, and found that my regiment had marched once since I left. This was the first I missed since my regiment was formed. Nothing more this month.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 57

Diary of Private Louis Leon: March 1, 1864

Raining hard. Left camp at 9 this morning, halted at dark nine miles from Madison Court House. Snowing to-night. We had a hard road to travel, and when we got to our destination the enemy had gone.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 57

Diary of Private Louis Leon: March 2, 1864

Started back to camp. The weather was clear and cold. Got there at 7 in the evening, and I stiff from walking. We marched eighteen miles today.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 57

Diary of Private Louis Leon: March 3, 1864

Left camp at 8 this morning to intercept General Kilpatrick, who is scouting in our lines. We formed in line of battle, had all the roads guarded, when we found out that he was already on his way to the peninsula, so we returned to camp. Twenty miles to-day.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 57

Diary of Private Louis Leon: March 4, 1864

I am as stiff as an old man this morning from yesterday's march on the plank road.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 57

Diary of Private Louis Leon: March 5, 1864

We left the mills this morning and returned to our brigade, a distance of five miles. Nothing more up to the 17th.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 58

Diary of Private Louis Leon: March 17, 1864

An order was read out at dress parade that all troops in the army would be held until the end of the war. This was nothing of importance to us, as we enlisted for that time. It is raining and snowing very hard, and almost every day. Our regiment is not in winter quarters, for we expect to move when the bad weather stops. We had a snowball fight—our regiment with the 43d North Carolina. Then our brigade with Battle's Brigade. It was lots of fun. Nothing more until the 26th.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 58

Diary of Private Louis Leon: March 26, 1864

We were visited to-day by our Governor, Zeb Vance, who made us a speech of two and a half hour's duration. With him on the platform was General Lee, General Ewell and several others.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 58

Diary of Private Louis Leon: March 28, 1864

We were reviewed to-day by our Governor. When I say reviewed, I mean all the North Carolina troops in our corps. After the review we went to Ramseur's Brigade, where he spoke again. So did Generals Early, Rodes and Stewart. That is all that is worth recording this month.

SOURCE: Louis Leon, Diary of a Tar Heel Confederate Soldier, p. 58