Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: Sunday, May 11, 1862

Issued rations, slept and read Independent. Wrote to Fannie Andrews.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 14

Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: Monday, May 12, 1862

Major Miner arrived at three A. M. Major Purington left early to report under arrest at Fort Scott. Miner commenced a rigid discipline and introduced a new system. Quite an alarm from shooting at an ox. Companies turned out.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 15

Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: Tuesday, May 13, 1862

Issued four days' rations. Most all the horses were condemned for sore backs. Sent to mill for one day's ration of flour. Companies fell out several times from false alarms. I accidentally fired a gun while drilling with Reeve and Archie.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 15

Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: Wednesday, May 14, 1862

Left Carthage at 8. Most of the boys footed it. My horse was well enough but I thought I would fare as the rest did. Stopped to graze our horses at ten miles. I was very tired. Got my haversack and gave my horse into Tom's care. I went to a little bush and ate a lunch in sight of my horse. Soon fell asleep and when I awoke, could not find my horse. Baggage wagons were going on. One of the boys said he saw the horse go ahead. Hurried on to see. Tom rode all about the field and prairie vainly. I got a horse and another man and went back and searched thoroughly and vainly. Reached Lamar in the evening.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 15

Diary of Luman Harris Tenney: Thursday, May 15, 1862

Archie and I cooked a respectable meal. Took our ease until five P. M. Then we marched again. Reached East Drywood at midnight. Capt. Stanhope and Lt. Rush were ahead and were chased by thirty jay hawkers. Column halted. I went on with the advance two or three miles, no sign of any men.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 15

Bayard Taylor to Richard Henry Stoddard, April 23, 1862

Tuesday, April 23.

We are fast getting armed and organized here. An armed band of traitors has been within thirty-seven miles of us. We have night patrols (mine armed with my African swords and spears, in default of better weapons), and are preparing to defend our homes. Cedarcroft will make a good castle. I was out scouting yesterday, and I make patriotic addresses (extemporaneous) every night. To-day I am going into Delaware to stir them up. The people here have acted splendidly, — the women are heroes. Old Quaker women see their sons go, without a tear. One of my aunts yesterday was lamenting that her only boy was not old enough to fight. Money is poured out like water. All the old arms are hauled out and put in order, and ploughshares are beaten into swords. Yesterday we heard heavy cannon, probably at Baltimore. My brother W. is still there, and we can't hear a word from him. Mother is a model of courage and patriotism. She is as cheerful as ever. We feel more safe now than on Sunday, but we are still not beyond danger.

I still hope that I shall be able to go to New York on Thursday. I shall come back as soon as possible, however, for an important reverse of the national arms would very soon bring the enemy here. God bless New York! The country will be saved at last, but these days in which we live are very momentous.

Write to me as often as you can. Don't be alarmed, for in two or three days more we shall be so armed and organized as to be safe against surprise, at least. Love to L. and W. from all of us. The country is lovely.

SOURCE: Marie Hansen-Taylor and Horace E. Scudder, Editors, Life and Letters of Bayard Taylor, Volume 1, p. 376-7

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw Lowell, September 5, 1864 – 6 a.m.

6 A. M., September 5, 1864.

I stopped here because supper was ready, and then it was dark and the band played. Now I'm going to say Good morning,— it isn't real Good morning nor even a fresh one, it's a limp Good morning — five interruptions last night before one o'clock, and then a line from the General that he anticipated an offensive movement this A. M. from the enemy, and that we must be saddled, &c., at 3 A. M., So I had to order myself to be called at half past two, and after all had to wake the sentry, instead of his waking me. The consciousness that this would be the case cost me several wakes in between, — and that's the reason I'm not fresh, though I have been duly shaving and washing and brushing. Nothing “offensive” yet, — but I expect a fight during the day, as the two armies are face to face in sight of each other. It will be an affair of the infantry, however; the cavalry ended their work yesterday, when they got the Rebs into position and reported them there.

And now good-bye. I'm going to move my camp about half a mile, so as to make closer connection towards the left, — and it's raining, so I shan't be able to write there probably. This, is writ in a barn which is my Headquarters, — Headquarters Third Brigade, First Cavalry Division, — that's the official name of the barn.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 334-5

Major-General John Sedgwick to his Sister, September 4, 1862

Camp Near Washington,

September 4, 1862.

My dear sister:

I received your two last letters yesterday. Just as I had finished my last letter to you we received orders to march to the relief of Pope. We made a forward march, one which for its length and rapidity has not been equalled in this war; in thirty-six hours we made fifty miles, and after a rest of a few hours twenty-five miles more. The army are now around Washington, occupying nearly the same positions they did last winter. The enemy have out-generalled us. Their hearts are in the cause; our men are perfectly indifferent, think of nothing but marauding and plundering, and the officers are worse than the men. The few officers that are disposed to do their duty, from a sense of doing it, are so outnumbered by the vicious that they can do but little. You cannot imagine how perfectly shameless people who are decent when at home become out here. Governors of States, instead of filling up the old regiments, some of which are reduced to two hundred and two hundred and fifty men, organize new regiments for the patronage it gives, and make the most shameless appointments. I am in despair of our seeing a termination of the war till some great change is made. On our part it has been a war of politicians; on theirs it has been one conducted by a despot and carried out by able Generals. I look upon a division as certain; the only question is where the line is to run. No one would have dared to think of this a few weeks since, but it is in the mouths of many now; it is lamentable to look on, but it may come to it. I cannot see when I can come home. I hope some time this winter. I have worked hard and incessantly in bringing up my division, and it is now equal to any in the service, I hope.

With love to all,

Yours affectionately,

J. S.

SOURCES: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 79-81

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Sunday, December 29, 1861

Camp Union, Fayetteville, Virginia. — Major Comly (J. M.) with five companies marched today to occupy Raleigh twenty-five miles south of here. Companies F and G, Twenty-third, two companies of Thirtieth, and one company, Twenty-sixth. Weather, bright and clear; ground, frozen hard; roads, good. Success attend them! Company inspection.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 170-1

Francis Lieber to Senator Charles Sumner, January 8, 1863

New York, January 8,1863.

My Dear Sumner, — This will be, indeed, a trial of your temper. If you have not smitten me in your heart, you are a good, kind-hearted fellow. I am just now excessively busy with a number of widely different subjects. You know how this rags the mind. Excuse me; it is all I can say for the past, and for the additional request, which I fear you will call impudent, — to try to get a copy of Mr. Read's MS. for me. Would the author give me one, if applied to? You ask me what I think of it. I will simply state what I still think of the suspension of the Habeas Corpus in our country, and at the present juncture.

First. The analogy between the crown of England and our Executive, regarding the suspension of the Habeas Corpus, does not exist and never existed.

Second. Although there exists in England a division of powers, and clearly has existed there earlier than in any other country, yet Parliament, combining the three estates, has absolute and sovereign power, unstinted and unlimited. It can suspend and does suspend Habeas Corpus.

Third. Our Constitution prohibits this emphatically. Neither Congress nor Executive (the latter is not included in Congress as the King is in Parliament) shall suspend it, forevermore, except,

Fourth. In cases of insurrection or rebellion. Who, then, shall have the right to suspend the Habeas Corpus?

Fifth. Every one who maintains that it can be proved with absolute certainty that the framers of the Constitution meant that Congress alone should have the power, and in all cases of insurrection, &c, is in error. There is doubt —  twofold doubt. It cannot mathematically be proved from the Constitution itself, or from analogy which does not exist, or from the debates, or history.

Sixth. The Constitution most clearly does not contemplate a state of things such as exists now. No framer ever thought of such a thing, or could have thought of it.

Seventh. If the power belongs to Congress alone, all it can do in cases of great emergency is the general grant of suspension to the Executive. Congress cannot enact the suspension in each case. It would amount to hardly anything more than the Congressional right to declare whether there is a rebellion or not, for the court has already declared that if there be an insurrection, it may be suspended.

Eighth. What is to be done if an insurrection takes place while Congress is not sitting, as was the case in the present Civil War, or when Congress cannot be assembled? This case may be readily imagined.

Ninth. I defy any assemblage of as stout lovers of liberty as I am, as patriotic as William the Silent, and as calm and unselfish as Washington, to say that a country can be saved in her last extremity, when the ship of state is drifting toward breakers, without the Executive's possession of the power to make arrests, disregarding the ever-glorious bars with which Anglican civicism has hedged in each citizen. This is dangerous; who does not know it? but all things of high import, all truths of elementary or highest character are dangerous. All medicine, all power, all civilization, all food, — all are dangerous.

Tenth. But this power in the Executive is less dangerous in the United States than in other countries; and no more dangerous in the Executive than in the Legislature, because responsibility centres, in the Executive, in an individual. Who can impeach a Congress? You can do it as little as you can try a people. God alone can do that, and does it severely, too.

Eleventh. If, in such a state of things as indicated in ninth, the Executive has not the power alluded to, that will happen which always happens — it must arrogate it; and usurpation is a greater danger still.

Twelfth. This whole question must not be arrogated by lawyers as a subject belonging to them alone, — or, I should say, to the lawyer alone. It is a question to be argued, weighed, and disposed of by the citizen and patriot within each of us, and by the statesman, in the loftiest sense. No party platitude or wheel-rattling of favorite theories, no special pleading of the keenest one-sidedness, no oratory of the finest flight, no insisting on the pound of flesh, can decide this question. . . .

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 328-30

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 17, 1861

Hurlbut has been released from prison. Mr. Hunter has a letter (intercepted) from Raymond, editor of the New York Times, addressed to him since the battle of Manassas.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 85

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: January 15, 1864

What a day the Kentuckians have had! Mrs. Webb gave them a breakfast; from there they proceeded en masse to General Lawton's dinner, and then came straight here, all of which seems equal to one of Stonewall's forced marches. General Lawton took me in to supper. In spite of his dinner he had misgivings. “My heart is heavy,” said he, “even here. All seems too light, too careless, for such terrible times. It seems out of place here in battle-scarred Richmond.” “I have heard something of that kind at home,” I replied. “Hope and fear are both gone, and it is distraction or death with us. I do not see how sadness and despondency would help us. If it would do any good, we would be sad enough.”

We laughed at General Hood. General Lawton thought him better fitted for gallantry on the battle-field than playing a lute in my lady's chamber. When Miss Giles was electrifying the audience as the Fair Penitent, some one said: “Oh, that is so pretty!” Hood cried out with stern reproachfulness: “That is not pretty; it is elegant.”

Not only had my house been rifled for theatrical properties, but as the play went on they came for my black velvet cloak. When it was over, I thought I should never get away, my cloak was so hard to find. But it gave me an opportunity to witness many things behind the scenes — that cloak hunt did. Behind the scenes! I know a little what that means now.

General Jeb Stuart was at Mrs. Randolph's in his cavalry jacket and high boots. He was devoted to Hetty Cary. Constance Cary said to me, pointing to his stars, “Hetty likes them that way, you know — gilt-edged and with stars.”

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 276-7

Diary of Judith Brockenbrough McGuire: October 19, 1862

Ashland. — We are now snugly fixed in Ashland. Our mess consists of Bishop J. and family, Major J. and wife, Lieutenant J. J. and wife (our daughter,) Mrs. S. and daughter, of Chantilly, Mr. –––, myself, and our two young daughters — a goodly number for a cottage with eight small rooms; but we are very comfortable. All from one neighbourhood, all refugees, and none able to do better, we are determined to take every thing cheerfully. Many remarks are jestingly made suggestive of unpleasant collisions among so many families in one house; but we anticipate no evils of that kind; each has her own place, and her own duties to perform; the young married ladies of the establishment are by common consent to have the housekeeping troubles; their husbands are to be masters, with the onerous duties of caterers, treasurers, etc. We old ladies have promised to give our sage advice and experience, whenever it is desired. The girls will assist their sisters, with their nimble fingers, in cases of emergency; and the clerical gentlemen are to have their own way, and to do their own work without let or hindrance. All that is required of them is, that they shall be household chaplains, and that Mr. ––– shall have service every Sunday at the neglected village church. With these discreet regulations, we confidently expect a most pleasant and harmonious establishment. Our young gentlemen are officers stationed in Richmond. Mr. and themselves go in every morning in the cars, after an early breakfast, and return to dinner at five o'clock. Julia Johns and myself have free tickets to go on the cars to attend to our hospital duties. I go in twice a week for that purpose.

A dispatch just received from General Bragg, claiming a signal victory at Perryville; but in consequence of the arrival of large reinforcements to the enemy, he had fallen back to Cumberland Gap. These victories without permanent results do us no good, and so much blood is spilled. There seems to be a revolution going on at the North. Ohio, Indiana, and Pennsylvania have given the Democrats a large majority for Congress! So may it be!

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 168-9

Charlotte Cross Wigfall to Louise Wigfall March 29, 1861

Richmond., March 29, 1861.

We got here Tuesday . . . and are staying at the Spotswood House. Mr. McCulloch is here to buy arms for Texas, and your father is assisting him in making the arrangements necessary.  . . . I see by today's paper that the Senate has adjourned and what is more is that Sumter has not yet been evacuated. I don't believe Jeff Davis will allow them to trifle with him much longer, and should not be surprised at any time to hear that he was preparing to take it.  . . . I attended the Convention yesterday.  . . . The friends of secession seem confident that Virginia will join the South, but differ about the time. We went to an elegant dinner yesterday given to us by Mr. & Mrs. Lyons. The party was composed of twenty, and among them were Mr. Tyler, Mr. McCulloch, etc. Mrs. Lyons is one of the loveliest people I have seen in a long time. Mr. Lyons told me that the people here would never allow the removal of the guns that have been ordered to be sent to Fortress Monroe. He said there were about fifty of them, and it was fully determined that the order should not be executed. I think they are some miles from this city and would have to pass through here to get to Old Point. This is a fine looking old place, and reminds me of Charleston.

SOURCE: Louise Wigfall Wright, A Southern Girl in ’61, p. 34-5

Diary of Sarah Morgan: March 9, 1862

Baton Rouge, Louisiana.

March 9th, 1862.

Here I am, at your service, Madame Idleness, waiting for any suggestion it may please you to put in my weary brain, as a means to pass this dull, cloudy Sunday afternoon; for the great Pike clock over the way has this instant struck only half-past three; and if a rain is added to the high wind that has been blowing ever since the month commenced, and prevents my going to Mrs. Brunot's before dark, I fear I shall fall a victim to “the blues” for the first time in my life. Indeed it is dull. Miriam went to Linewood with Lydia yesterday, and I miss them beyond all expression. Miriam is so funny! She says she cannot live without me, and yet she can go away, and stay for months without missing me in the slightest degree. Extremely funny! And I — well, it is absurd to fancy myself alive without Miriam. She would rather not visit with me, and yet, be it for an hour or a month, I never halfway enjoy myself without her, away from home. Miriam is my “Rock ahead” in life; I'll founder on her yet. It's a grand sight for people out of reach, who will not come in contact with the breakers, but it is quite another thing to me, perpetually dancing on those sharp points in my little cockleshell that forms so ludicrous a contrast to the grand scene around. I am sure to founder!

I hold that every family has at heart one genius, in some line, no matter what — except in our family, where each is a genius, in his own way. Hem! And Miriam has a genius for the piano. Now I never could bear to compete with any one, knowing that it is the law of my being to be inferior to others, consequently to fail, and failure is so humiliating to me. So it is, that people may force me to abandon any pursuit by competing with me; for knowing that failure is inevitable, rather than fight against destiny I give up de bonne grâce. Originally, I was said to have a talent for the piano, as well as Miriam. Sister and Miss Isabella said I would make a better musician than she, having more patience and perseverance. However, I took hardly six months' lessons to her ever so many years; heard how well she played, got disgusted with myself, and gave up the piano at fourteen, with spasmodic fits of playing every year or so. At sixteen, Harry gave me a guitar. Here was a new field where I would have no competitors. I knew no one who played on it; so I set to work, and taught myself to manage it, mother only teaching me how to tune it. But Miriam took a fancy to it, and I taught her all I knew; but as she gained, I lost my relish, and if she had not soon abandoned it, I would know nothing of it now. She does not know half that I do about it; they tell me I play much better than she; yet they let her play on it in company before me, and I cannot pretend to play after. Why is it? It is not vanity, or I would play, confident of excelling her. It is not jealousy, for I love to see her show her talents. It is not selfishness; I love her too much to be selfish to her. What is it then? “Simply lack of self-esteem” I would say if there was no phrenologist near to correct me, and point out that well-developed hump at the extreme southern and heavenward portion of my Morgan head. Self-esteem or not, Mr. Phrenologist, the result is, that Miriam is by far the best performer in Baton Rouge, and I would rank forty-third even in the delectable village of Jackson.

And yet I must have some ear for music. To “know as many songs as Sarah” is a family proverb; not very difficult songs, or very beautiful ones, to be sure, besides being very indifferently sung; but the tunes will run in my head, and it must take some ear to catch them. People say to me, “Of course you play?” to which I invariably respond, "Oh, no, but Miriam plays beautifully!" "You sing, I believe?" "Not at all — except for father" (that is what I used to say) — “and the children. But Miriam sings.” “You are fond of dancing?” “Very; but I cannot dance as well as Miriam.” “Of course, you are fond of society?” “No, indeed! Miriam is, and she goes to all the parties and returns all the visits for me.” The consequence is, that if the person who questions is a stranger, he goes off satisfied that “that Miriam must be a great girl; but that little sister of hers—! Well! a prig, to say the least!”

So it is Miriam catches all my fish — and so it is, too, that it is not raining, and I'm off.

SOURCE: Sarah Morgan Dawson, A Confederate Girl's Diary, p. 1-4

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Friday, September 9, 1864

It is clear and quite warm. The constant shifting of the sick and wounded men makes a great deal of work for the convalescents here. They are planning to close the hospitals here as soon as possible and the hospital equipment will be shipped either to Chattanooga or Nashville until needed. The field hospital at Atlanta is all that will be needed

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 214

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Saturday, December 28, 1861

Cold very, but still and clear — good weather. Warm in the afternoon. Rode with Colonel Scammon to the different works. They are well done as works, not very necessary, and not perhaps in the very best localities, but well enough. They are, I suspect, creditable to Colonel Scammon as military earthworks of no great pretension. Attended the funeral of another man of Company B. Sad and solemn. The lively music after all is over offends my taste. — A good, lively drill.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 170

Francis Lieber to Edward Bates, April 8, 1862

New York, April 8, 1862.

Sorry as I was to see your note of the 5th instead of yourself, I was nevertheless glad to hear once more from you. I agree with you regarding the absolute necessity of having the Mississippi. From the very beginning of the Civil War I have been convinced that the two main problems immediately to be solved were the possession of the whole Mississippi, and the conquest of Virginia and North Carolina. That done, the rest of the military work would soon and naturally follow. When I was lately in the West in search of one of my sons, wounded in the capture of Fort Donelson, I found the spirit of the soldiers excellent. The idea that the Mississippi belongs to them, in the fullest sense of the term, pervaded all, officer and private; and every one seemed fully to rely on General Halleck for the execution of that great work. General Halleck is a man. Why, however, every one asks, can we not keep step with the Western people? It would have been delightful to me to be able to converse with you on some points not belonging to the military portion of the history of this war, but not the less important, perhaps far more important. But it was not to be. Have you observed that I am attacked on the Habeas Corpus topic? Mr. Binney informs me that he is going very shortly to publish his No. II. on the suspension of the Habeas Corpus privilege. Many pamphlets have been published against him. I do not know whether he wishes this to be known, but the pamphlet will soon be out. My son Hamilton lost his left arm at Fort Donelson; and you may have observed that General Halleck has nominated him aid on his staff, with the rank of captain, for distinguished services in the capture of Fort Donelson, in which he was twice wounded. . . .

. . . His bravery is very highly spoken of. Of course his wound is not yet healed, but he does well. I have written to Mr. Childs to send me, if he can, a copy of the article “Lieber” in the forthcoming volume of Dr. Allibone's Dictionary. It contains a pretty full list of my works, for which you inquire in your letter. As soon as I receive it, it will be sent to you. The great question, what is to be done after we shall have taken possession of the revolted portions of our country, must present itself daily more seriously to the mind of the President, and to all his advisers. I have told my friend Charles Sumner that I cannot agree with his first position; there is too much State Rights Doctrine in it for me. But I am far from agreeing with those who seem to think that a revolted State, after such a catastrophe, may Jump back into the old state of things, like that famous old man, you will remember, who

. . . jumped into a bramble bush

And scratched out both his eyes;

And when he saw his eyes were out,

With all his might and main

He jumped into another bush,

And seratched them in again.

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 326-8

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 16, 1861

Col. M. applied to me to-day for a passport to Maryland, bringing a strong letter from Mr. Hunter, and also a note from Col. Bledsoe, Chief of the Bureau of War. He seemed thunderstruck when I informed him that Gen. Winder had obtained an order from the Secretary of War to detain him. A few moments after Gen. Winder came with a couple of his detectives (all from Baltimore) and arrested him. Subsequently he was released on parole of honor, not to leave the city without Gen. Winder's permission. I apprehend bad consequences from this proceeding. It may prevent other high-toned Marylanders from espousing our side of this contest.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 85

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: January 14, 1864

Gave Mrs. White twenty-three dollars for a turkey. Came home wondering all the way why she did not ask twenty-five; two more dollars could not have made me balk at the bargain, and twenty-three sounds odd.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 276