SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, pp. 6-7
Friday, January 16, 2026
Cadet William T. Sherman to John Sherman, January 9, 1839
Cadet William T. Sherman to John Sherman, April 13, 1839
SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, pp. 7-8
Cadet William T. Sherman to John Sherman, August 31, 1839
The encampment (my last) is now over, and we are once more
in barracks and to-morrow will commence our studies, commencing with Civil
Engineering. This year's course of study is by far the most important of the
four, as well as the most interesting, embracing as it does Engineering both
Civil and Military, the construction of fortifications as well as the manner of
attacking and defending them, Mineralogy and Geology, Rhetoric, Moral
Philosophy, International and Common Law, Artillery and Infantry Tactics, as
well as many other minor studies, which the scientific officer requires. When
these shall have been completed, and the next nine months shall have passed
away, we will receive diplomas and commissions in the army, and I hope a
furlough along with them. Of course we look forward with no common pleasure to
so fruitful a time as that; indeed, every circumstance which marks its approach
is duly celebrated and remembered; instance, the last night of our last
encampment.
SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, pp. 8-9
Cadet William T. Sherman to John Sherman, January 14, 1840
SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, pp. 9-11
Cadet William T. Sherman to John Sherman, March 7, 1840
I acknowledged the receipt of your last in my letter to mother, since which time I have been waiting in hopes that something might turn up to write you about; but although the river has opened, and is alive with steamboats and sloops, still West Point appears as dull as ever; in fact, the only visitors we have had so far have been tailors, shoemakers, etc., etc., who prowl about us, knowing our inexperience and the necessity we are under of getting a full supply of clothing at their prices. The snow has entirely disappeared, and for the past three weeks the weather has been beautiful, and reminds me very much of sugar-making times at home, and I have no doubt, if your weather has been as fine as ours here, your farmers have not been idle in their camps. An evening at old Mr. Buchanan's or Wilson's sugar-camp would be great.
I presume the idea of your studying law has been decided upon by Mr. Reese and Taylor, so that it would be rather impertinent for me to object in the least; but for my part, it would be my last choice. Everybody studies law nowadays, and to be a lawyer without being exceedingly eminent — which it is to be hoped you will be some day — is not a sufficient equivalent for their risks and immense study and labor. However, if you decide upon anything, you should immediately commence to carry it into execution. As to me, I am already provided for. As soon as I graduate I am entitled by law to a commission in the army, and from my standing in the class to a choice of corps. To be stationed in the east or west, to be in the artillery, infantry, or dragoons, depends entirely on my choice. This choice will be, unless war breaks out with England, the Fifth Regiment of Infantry, because it is stationed on the northwest frontier, a country which I have always felt a strong inclination to see; and if it meets my ideas, formed from descriptions of travellers and officers, it must be the finest spot on this continent. Also it is probable that the Indians will break out again, in which case I should have an opportunity of seeing some active service. Should war, however, be the consequence of this Maine difficulty, I should prefer the artillery, for the reason that it is stationed east of the mountains, which would be the seat of war, and it is an arm of service which I would prefer in a war against a civilized people. But as there is scarce a possibility of this, I have concluded to go to the west, and have accordingly ordered an infantry uniform. Whether I remain in the army for life or not is doubtful; but one thing is certain, — that I will never study another profession. Should I resign, it would be to turn farmer, if ever I can raise enough to buy a good farm in Iowa. If I can spare money when I am at the city of New York, I intend to get one of Colt's patent rifles to shoot ten times in succession as fast as you can cock and pull the trigger. They cost from $40 to $60, more than, I fear, I can spare. I have been very well indeed all winter.
Thursday, January 15, 2026
Diary of Corporal Lawrence Van Alstyne: December 17, 1862
Have explored the
country up and down and back from the river to-day. Found much that is strange
to me but met with no startling adventures.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 74
Diary of Corporal Lawrence Van Alstyne: December 18, 1862
The officers gave a
dance in the upper part of the storehouse last night and the iron floor was
fine for dancing. All hands were invited to join in and all that felt able did.
Two men died yesterday, and last night another, all fever patients. Two were
from Company A, and the other from Company I. They were buried just back of the
quarters on hard ground, for this place. A catfish was caught by one of Company
A's men to-day, that looked just like our bullheads, only bigger. As he was
pulling him in over the mud the line broke, and I got the head for hitting him
with an axe before he got to the water. The head weighed 14½ lbs, and the whole
fish 52 lbs. A native that saw him said he was a big one, but not as big as
they sometimes grow. My family had a meal from the head and Company A had fish
for all their sick and part of the well ones.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 74
Diary of Corporal Lawrence Van Alstyne: December 19, 1862
Fifteen cases of
fever reported this morning. A dead man was taken out very early and buried in
a hurry. This has given rise to the story that small-pox has come, too. It
looks as if it might be so, for it's about the only thing we haven't got. Those
that seemed strongest are as likely to be taken now as the weakest. I have been
half sick through it all and yet I hold my own, and only for my sore
throat and this racking cough would enjoy every minute.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, pp. 74-5
Diary of Corporal Lawrence Van Alstyne: December 20, 1862
One day is so much
like another that the history of one will do for several. I think about
everything that can be done for our comfort is being done. There must be some reason
for our being kept here and it is probably because of so much sickness. It
would not do to take us where others would catch our diseases and yet it is
tough lines we are having. Chaplain Parker does everything he can to keep up
our spirits, even to playing boy with us. A new doctor has come to take the
place of one that died while we lay off Newport News.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 75
Diary of 5th Sergeant Lawrence Van Alstyne: December 21, 1862
Inspection of arms
to-day and a sermon by the chaplain. We are thinking and talking of the letters
we will get when we have a mail. Uncle Sam keeps track of us someway and sooner
or later finds us. We have a regimental postmaster, who is expected every day
from the city with a bag full. We have enough to fill him up on his return
trip. The Arago is unloading all our belongings, which looks as if we were to
stay here. Good-bye, Arago! I wish there was a kettle big enough to boil you
and your bugs in before you take on another load. So many are sick the well
ones are worked the harder for it. I still rank amoung the well ones and am
busy at something all the time. Just now I have been put in place of fifth
sergenat, who among other duties sees that the company has its fair share of
rations, and anything else that is going. I also attend sick call every morning,
which amounts to this. The sick call sounds and the sick of Company B fall in
line and I march them to the doctor's office, where they are examined. Some get
a dose of whiskey and quinine, some are ordered to the hospital and some are
told to report for duty again. Dr. Andrus and I play checkers every chance we
get. We neither play a scientific game, but are well matched and make some
games last a long time. He is helping my throat and my cough is not so bad
lately. Our quarters were turned into a smoke house to-day. An old stove
without a pipe is going and some stinking stuff is burning that nothing short
of a grayback can stand. It is expected to help our condition, and there is
lots of chance for it.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, pp. 75-6
Diary of 5th Sergeant Lawrence Van Alstyne: December 25, 1862
Nothing much out of
the ordinary has happened since I wrote last. A man went out hunting and got
lost in the tall weeds. He shouted until some others found him and then had
great stories to tell of narrow escapes, etc. Harrison Leroy died this morning.
He was half sick all the way here and did not rally after coming ashore. Dr.
Andrus poked a swab down my throat with something on it that burned and
strangled me terribly. But I am much the better for it. We have all been
vaccinated, and there is a marked improvement in the condition of those not in
the hospital. The chaplain preached a sermon and Colonel Cowles made a speech.
He thanked us for being such good soldiers under what he called the most trying
circumstances war can bring. Loads of soldiers go up the river nearly every
day. As the doctor allows them to pass the quarantine, I take it they are not
in the fix we are.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 76
Diary of 5th Sergeant Lawrence Van Alstyne: December 26, 1862
Leroy was buried
early this morning. My part in it was to form the company and march it by the
left flank to the grave. For fear this may not be plain I will add, that the
captain and orderly are always at the right of the line when the company is in
line for any purpose and that end of the line is the right flank. The tallest
men are on the right also and so on down to the shortest, which is Will
Hamilton and Charles Tweedy, who are on the left, or the left flank as it is called.
This arrangement brings the officers in the rear going to the grave, but when
all is over the captain takes command and marches the company back by the
right. I got through without a break and feel as if I was an old soldier
instead of a new one. But it is a solemn affair. Leroy was a favorite with us
and his death and this, our first military funeral, has had a quieting effect
on all. Last night the chaplain and some officers, good singers all, came in
and we almost raised the roof singing patriotic songs. Speeches were made and
we ended up with three cheers that must have waked the alligators out in the
swamp. Sweet potatoes and other things are beginning to come in and as they
sell for most nothing we are living high. But we are in bad shape as a whole.
Mumps have appeared and twenty-four new cases were found to-day. Colonel Smith,
our lieutenant-colonel, has been up the river to try and find out if better
quarters could not be had and has not succeeded. He is mad clear through, and
when asked where we were to go, said to hell, for all he could find out.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, pp. 76-7
Diary of 5th Sergeant Lawrence Van Alstyne: December 28, 1862
We have had a rain
and the hard ground made the softest kind of mud. It sticks to our feet and
clothes, and everybody is cross and crabbed. The sun came out, however, and our
spirits began to rise as the mud dried up. There was preaching and prayer
meeting both to-day.
Our chaplain's
courage is something wonderful and many of us attend the services out of
respect to him when we had much rather lie and rest our aching bones. The
captain of the Arago sent word he will be along to-night on his way to New York
and would stop for letters. He will find some, judging from the writing that
has been going on.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 77
Diary of 5th Sergeant Lawrence Van Alstyne: December 29, 1862
John Van Hoovenburg,
another Company B boy, is about gone. The men are getting discouraged and to
keep their minds from themselves it is said drilling is to begin to-morrow. The
seed sown on the Arago is bearing fruit now. Something to do is no doubt the
best medicine for us. I know I should die if I laid around and talked and
thought of nothing but my own miserable self.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 77-8
Diary of Gideon Welles, Thursday, June 21, 1866
Senator Doolittle
took tea with me. He wished me to go with him to the President, where some
friends were to assemble to consider and decide in relation to the proposed
call for a national convention. Senator Cowan, Browning,1 Randall,2
and three other persons whom I did not know, but who seemed attachés of Randall,
and who, I understood, belonged to the National Union Johnson Club, composed
the sitting. The call, which had been modified in slight respects, still
omitted any allusion to the Constitutional changes, the really important
question before the country. This I thought a great and radical defect, and
Cowan and Browning concurred with me, as did McCulloch. Randall, who is
flattered and used by Seward, opposed this, and his principal reason was that
he would leave something for the convention to do. I asked why the convention
was called, if not on this great issue which stood prominent beyond any other.
"Well," he said, "it would hasten the calling of the State
Legislatures to pass upon it." That, I told him, if properly used might be
made to weaken them and strengthen us, we would demand an expression of popular
sentiment through the instrumentality of an election, and thereby expose the
recent hasty action which was intended to stifle public opinion.
Much of the
conversation between eight and eleven o'clock was on this point, during which I
became satisfied that Randall was prompted by Seward and unwittingly used for
party purposes of Weed and Seward. The President evidently was with me in his
convictions but forbore taking an active part. My impressions are that Seward
has, in his way, indicated objections to making the Constitutional question a
part of the call; that it would prevent Raymond and others from uniting in the
movement. Finally, Browning and then McCulloch and Cowan yielded. They probably
saw, as I did, that it was a foregone conclusion, was predetermined, that the
meeting had been cunningly contrived and pushed by Randall.
Doolittle stated his
purpose of having the members of the Cabinet sign the call. Both McCulloch and
myself had doubts of its expediency and effect. The President, without
expressing an opinion, showed that he concurred in Doolittle's suggestion.
McCulloch asked if
Seward would put his name to it, and two or three undertook to vouch for him. I
expressed my readiness to unite in what would be best for the Administration
and the cause. If it was to have official significance, a proclamation I
thought best. Seward, I am satisfied, would not sign it if the Constitutional
point was presented, and I doubt if he will under any circumstances.
Something was said
respecting Thurlow Weed, and the President remarked that Weed would be here
to-morrow, but he knew Weed approved this movement and would sign the call. All
this pained me. Seward and Weed are manifestly controlling the whole thing in
an underhand way; they have possession of the President and are using the
Administration for themselves and party rather than the President and country.
They have eviscerated the call and will dissect and, I fear, destroy the effect
of this move. Randall is a man of lax political morality, and I think his
influence with the President is not always in the right direction. Seward knows
his influence and intimacy in that quarter and has captured him, probably
without R.'s being aware of it. The President finds that R. agrees with Seward,
and it carries him in that direction. While R. means to reflect the President's
wishes, he is really the tool of Seward and Weed, and is doing harm to the
cause and to the President himself. But this matter cannot be corrected and
will, I fear, prove ruinous.
I left soon after
eleven and came home, desponding and unhappy. The cause is in bad and over-cunning
if not treacherous hands, I fear. The proposed convention has no basis of
principles. It will be denounced as a mere union with Rebels.
_______________
1 O. H. Browning, who shortly succeeded Harlan
as Secretary of the Interior.
2 A. W. Randall, soon to succeed Dennison as
Postmaster-General.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 533-5
Diary of Gideon Welles, Friday, June 22, 1866
When I went to
Cabinet-meeting only Seward was there with the President. I was prompt to time;
Seward was in advance. Directly on entering, the President handed me a message
which he had prepared, with an accompanying letter from Seward, relative to the
proposed Constitutional changes which Congress had requested him to forward to
the State Executives. The whole was very well done. As Seward had sent off
authenticated copies to the Governors, the ready, officious act was very well
gotten over by a declaration in the message that it was a ministerial act which
was not to be understood as giving the sanction of the Executive or of the
Cabinet to the proceeding.
I made a
complimentary remark on the message, with my regret that there had not been
more time and consideration in sending off copies to the States. Seward was
annoyed by the remark and said he had followed the precedent of 1865, but the
President was, I saw, not at all displeased with my criticism.
Subsequently, when
all the Cabinet were present except Stanton and Speed, the message and papers
were read. McCulloch expressed his approval of the message and said he should
have been glad to have had it more full and explicit. In this I concurred.
Dennison took
exception, which served to show that he had been consulted by the Radicals and
had advised or consented to the course previously adopted. He and Seward each
made some remarks, and Dennison showed much indignation because Seward had used
the word "trick" on the part of Congress in sending this resolution
to the President. Seward disclaimed the word and denied he had used it. I was
not aware he had done so.
Dennison proceeded
to say that Bingham had introduced, or been the means of introducing, the
resolution; had consulted with him; that his object was pure; that he approved
it; that although the proposed Amendment was not in the precise shape he
wished, he, nevertheless, gave it his support; that it had been approved by the
Republicans of Ohio, and were he at home in October, he should vote for
candidates who favored it.
I assured him that
therein he and I differed, for that I would not vote for the Amendment, nor
knowingly vote for any man who supported it.
Seward said he had
no doubt that the Republicans of the Auburn district would oppose it very
generally, and that if he was at home in November he expected to vote for men
who would oppose it.
I took higher
ground. I cared not what parties favored or what parties opposed it, my
convictions and opinions were in my own keeping, and I would vote for no man of
any party who favored that Amendment.
Dennison said that
with the explanations of Mr. Seward he took no exceptions, but he expected to
act with the Union Party of Ohio.
Harlan said he
thought the views of each would be reconciled. I doubted if we were a unit.
Party seemed to have a stronger hold than country.
When the others had
left, the President told McCulloch and myself that he had struck from the
message the concurrence of his Cabinet. This I regretted, but he said
Dennison's assent, even with his explanation, was not full and gave him an
opportunity to evade, if convenient hereafter; he, therefore, chose to stand uncommitted,
or trammeled by others. Before sending off the message, which he had done while
we were there, he had erased the words referred to.
Dennison has
evidently been tampered with and has made up his mind to go with his party,
though aware that the party organization is being committed against measures of
the Administration. He certainly does not yet anticipate leaving the Cabinet on
that account, but will soon come to it. How the President is to get along with
such a Cabinet I do not see. McCulloch spoke of it and said there were four in
opposition. "Yes," said the President, "from what we now see of
Dennison, and if we count Stanton after his patched-up speech; but it is
uncertain where he wishes to place himself." There is no uncertainty on
the part of any but the President. Speed and Harlan should, from a sense of
propriety and decent self-respect, resign. This the President has repeated to
me many times. Why he should cling to Stanton, who is working insidiously
against him, and to Seward, who works with and shields Stanton, either doing
more against him than the two feeble men of whom he speaks so freely, I do not
understand. Stanton he knows is not in accord with him, though he does not avow
it, and if Seward is presumably friendly, the fact that all the influence which
he can exercise is dumb or hostile is notorious.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 535-8
Diary of Gideon Welles, Saturday, June 23, 1866
The President sent
me a note this A.M. to call upon him this evening at eight. Although under the
doctor's care and ordered to remain perfectly quiet, I rode over at the time.
Doolittle called and went with me. Seward soon came in, followed by McCulloch,
Cowan, Browning, and Randall. We went into the library, where the proposed call
for a national convention was finished up. Seward, who, with Weed and Raymond,
drew up or arranged this call which Doolittle fathers, now suggested two or
three verbal alterations, most of which were adopted. It is intended that these
"suggestions" shall cover up Weed's tracks.
In all that was said
and done Seward fully agreed. He intends to keep within the movement, which has
become a New York scheme, in order to control it. His belief is that the
Republicans, of New York at least, will respond promptly to the call and make
the President's cause, which he means shall be his and the old Whigs', their
own. How this is to be done, and the course of the Senators and Representatives
of that State be sustained by the Administration, he does not disclose. The
Democrats, who in their way are the chief supporters of the President's
measures, are snubbed. I perceive Seward is satisfied with both the President's
and his and Weed's positions. The President, I think, is aware of this
discrepancy, yet tries to believe all is right.
Seward remarked that
McCulloch and myself had been uneasy because there had not been an earlier
demonstration made and the President's policy distinctly stated, but he had
been satisfied it was best to delay. I said that by the delay many of our
friends had got committed against us, particularly on those Constitutional
changes, — men whom we could by a plain, frank course have kept with us. He
said they would come right, but we must give Congress an opportunity to show
its hand. They had had seven months and had done nothing that they were
satisfied with themselves. We have done nothing which it was our duty to have
done, and are we and sound principles benefited by the Seward policy of delay?
Throughout the
preliminary proceeding of this call there was a disinclination to make the
proposed Constitutional changes an issue, yet it is the real question. This
shirking from an open, honest course I can trace chiefly to Seward, though others
have become complicated with him. Even the President himself has incautiously
and without sufficient consideration used some expression in relation to the
basis of representation which embarrasses him; and so of Doolittle and some
others. Seward's confidants are fully committed, and hence he and they cannot
act freely; consequently the great and important question is omitted in the
call, which should have made the invasion of organic law prominent above all
other points. He also, whilst conforming to the President's policy, strives to
preserve Stanton as an ally, who intrigues with the Radicals.
This movement is an
important one, and it has annoyed and pained me that there should have been a
sacrifice of principle to gratify any one. If it proves a failure, which I do
not mean to anticipate, it will be mainly attributable to the intrigues by
which Seward and Weed have been brought into it and finally controlled or
shaped proceedings. The intrigue has been cunningly and artfully managed by
them. They have mainly shaped the call, although it is in all respects not what
they wished. The President, I think, flatters himself that he has arranged to
bring them in, whereas the truth is, he would have found it difficult to keep
them out. Their aim and purpose are to remain with the old Republican
organization, of which the Radicals, or old Whigs, have possession, but which,
by the assistance of the President's patronage and the hocus-pocus of New York
politics, Seward and Weed will work into their own schemes in that State. I am
apprehensive that this movement in the cause of the Administration will by
their intrigues and deceptions be made secondary to their purpose.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 538-40
Diary of Gideon Welles, Monday, June 25, 1866
For two or three
days I have been prostrated by a severe attack of indigestion, yet against the
remonstrance of Dr. H. I went to the President's Saturday evening. What took
place and subsequent reflection while prostrated on my lounge have disquieted
and greatly disturbed me. It is a lost opportunity. The President fails to
comprehend the true condition of affairs and the schemes of prominent men
around him, or hesitates to grapple with them. In either case he is deceived
and fatally wrong. He must, and evidently expects to, rely on the Democrats to
overcome the Radicals who are conspiring against him and the Constitution. But
the Democrats have no confidence in Seward and will not fellowship with him.
Seward knows that, if the President does not. This call for a national Union
convention which has been gotten up is perverted into a Seward call; the party
is to be Seward's party, and it cannot, therefore, be Democratic. The President
is, consequently, purchasing or retaining Seward and his followers at too high
a price, too great a sacrifice. Enough Republicans may rally with this call to
defeat the Radicals, but cannot themselves become a formidable and distinct
power. If, however, the movement defeats the reckless plans of the Radicals, it
will accomplish a great good. I have my doubts if the flimsy expedient will do
much good.
Our President has
been too forbearing, has wasted his strength and opportunities, and without
some thorough changes will find himself, I apprehend, the victim of his own
yielding policy in this regard. I do not see how it is possible to sustain
himself with Seward on his shoulders.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 540-1
Diary of Gideon Welles, Tuesday, June 26, 1866
We had not a
protracted Cabinet meeting nor any specially interesting topic. I had thought
the subject of the call for the convention, which appeared in this morning's
paper, might be alluded to either before or after the business session, but it
was as studiously avoided as if we had been in a Quaker meeting. There is no
free interchange nor concurrence of views. Stanton is insincere, more false
than Seward, who relies on expedients. Blair tells me he likes the call and
thinks it will be effective. This inspires me with more confidence, for I had
doubted whether he and men of his traits and views would acquiesce in it,
particularly in its omissions. He does not apprehend the difficulty from Seward
and Weed which has troubled me, for he says the President will cast Seward off
and Stanton also. I had long seen that this was a necessity, but continued
delay has disheartened expectation. Whether Blair has any fact to authorize his
assertion, I know not. I can suppose it certain as an alternative. Stanton is
unfaithful and acting secretly with the Radicals. He has gone. Either Seward
must be discarded or the people will discard both him and the President. The
latter does not realize that he is the victim of a double game, adapted to New
York intrigues.
The papers state
that the Senate of Connecticut adopted the Constitutional Amendment at midnight
yesterday. This does not surprise me, yet had the President showed his hand
earlier, the result might have been different in that State. But Seward, Weed,
Raymond, and company are satisfied with this Radical Amendment. The latter
voted for it. Weed has given it a quasi indorsement, and I do
not remember to have heard Seward say a word against it. He hastened off a
notice to Connecticut and the other States as the Radicals wished, without
consulting the President or any member of the Cabinet. There has not been in
Connecticut, or elsewhere, any deliberate, enlightened, intelligent, or
comprehensive discussion of this measure, but a paltry, narrow, superficial
talk or rant, all of the shallowest and meanest partisan character.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 541-2
Tuesday, January 13, 2026
Diary of Gideon Welles, Wednesday, June 27, 1866
Had some
conversation with Senator Grimes respecting the legislation of this Congress,
which is passing acts of corporations, special privileges, and grants ad libitum.
Members of Congress have the reputation of being largely interested in many of
their legislative favors. I think Grimes is not. Among other things a proposition
to create a Department of Education is pending, not a Bureau, which would be
bad enough, but a Department. Grimes, I see, did not favor it and in the course
of his remarks said the high pressure for an extreme and almost prohibitory
tariff was fast driving him into free trade. This is the natural result of
extreme measures, — pushed too far they cause a reaction.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 542