Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, April 7, 1863

April 7.

Some of you can imagine how heartily I enjoyed the morning gallop from station to station, to look after our soldiers. They endured the march well, but are not equal to whites. I believe the Colonel is more easily reconciled to this disparity of endurance, from the fact that it corroborates his theory that physical endurance and longevity are enhanced by civilization. Yesterday morning as we came through Beaufort I visited Gen'l Saxton and asked him to detail Dr. Hawks to take charge of the new General Hospital for colored soldiers instead of carrying out his plan to appoint Dr. whose treatment is open to criticism. Tonight I am glad to hear that all is going as I could wish, and that our men will not be neglected. Dr. Minor is here with me again.

At Seabrook, this morning, I saw the rebel pickets on the opposite shore. They often hail our men, but are never answered. The men chafe under this a little, but obey the Colonel's order. Charles Follen has charge of that plantation. I like him. There is a prospect of his joining our regiment. I heartily wish we might have all earnest, antislavery men for officers. Military training without moral help is not very valuable.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 387

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 24, 1863

March 24.

Tonight the Paul Jones has returned from Palatka, bringing a single contraband, and the intelligence that all the slaves have been run back into the interior. The fact is, if we are ever to get black soldiers, we must make a big hole through the rebel lines so that the blacks can run back to us. Every day of waiting here is a day of strength to our fortifications, but a day of weakness to our purpose. We need nothing so much as black recruits and it seems to me that if the proclamation of emancipation is ever to be anything more than a dead letter, it must be made so before many weeks. Were the North an anti-slavery unit I should not feel at all impatient, but I believe we have more to dread from traitors at home than from their friends who fight against us here. Possibly public opinion may not continue on its anti-slavery decline at home, but if today we had fifty thousand black troops, I should feel more certain of its returning to health. I am perfectly satisfied that there is nothing in this world so dreadful to the rebels as the enlistment of their slaves in the federal service. They will resort to every possible means to prevent our getting recruits.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 378

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 27, 1863

March 27, 1863.

This afternoon our eyes were gladdened by the sight of the Boston and Convoy steaming up the river, but when, instead of a cavalry force and light artillery to weigh them down, we perceived they came empty, we were filled with forebodings, till our hearts actually sank within us at the intelligence that an order from General Hunter had come for our forces to evacuate the town, to help those further north. This may be wisdom, but I fail to see anything but that fatal vacillation which has thus far cursed us in this war. We have planted ourselves here for the definite purpose of making this state free, and have already so fortified the city that a small force can hold it, while the boats are making such raids up the river as may seem best. Colonel Montgomery and his men have been off two days up the river and tonight, a steamer is dispatched to call them back. I hope it will take the John Adams a week to find the Gen. Meigs, for we cannot think of leaving without them. Unfortunately we are constantly expecting her back, though it would not surprise me if Colonel Montgomery had marched his men twenty miles inland, and confiscated all sorts of contrabands. He carefully avoided taking anything but hard bread, for he religiously believes we ought to live on the rebels.

Judge Stickney is exceedingly anxious to take the Convoy and go back to Hilton Head to ask for a reconsideration of the order. Among the officers there is a difference of opinion as to the rightfulness of such a delay. The order was peremptory and, were I General Hunter, I would cashier the officer who disobeyed it. At the same time I believe the only reason why General Hunter calls us back is, because he fears our black troops might be overpowered in the absence of the other regiments. There would be no danger of it. If our army ever should happen to do anything at Charleston we could be reinforced after that.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 381-2

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, March 30, 1863

March 30.

Late last evening we succeeded in getting a hundred men ashore and decently quartered in old houses. The wind blew a gale most of the night, the rain poured in torrents, while occasional thunder and lightning added interest to the scene. I enjoyed it much more than if part of our men had not gone on shore. The Captain of the Convoy insisted on my taking his berth, so that my quarters were very good. I would sooner have lain on the hurricane deck in the storm than have slept in the cabin. At this moment I am writing in the captain's room with a crowd of homeless women and children around me. One important testimony from them I am glad to record. They prefer to be here with the poorest accommodations, rather than on the Boston or Delaware with nice staterooms and a large saloon. And what do you suppose is the reason? Because black soldiers do not offer them insults, and they do not feel so secure with white ones. It is established beyond all controversy that black troops, with worthy commanders, are more controllable than white troops. What they would be with a less conscientious Colonel, I cannot say.

This morning the Major and I went on shore and designated quarters for every company on board and now they are all drying and rejoicing themselves before blazing fires.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 383-4

Official Reports of the Reoccupation of Jacksonville, Florida, by Union Forces, March 10, 1863: No. 2. — Report of Brig. Gen. Joseph Finegan, C. S. Army, commanding District of East Florida.

No. 2.

Report of Brig. Gen. Joseph Finegan, C. S. Army, commanding District of East Florida.

HDQRS. PROV. FORCES, DISTRICT EAST FLORIDA,        

Camp near Jacksonville, March 14, 1863.

GENERAL: 1 have the honor to report that on the 10th instant I received information from Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, commanding forces at Camp Finegan, of the arrival at Jacksonville of five gunboats and transports, and the landing of a large number of Abolition troops, said to be negroes. I immediately issued orders by telegraph and express trains for the concentration of all the troops which I could reach within the space of four or five days at the camp in the immediate vicinity of Jacksonville, prepared to check any movement of the enemy by land into the interior. To do this I am compelled to leave with entirely inadequate, protection many important points on the coast whence negroes may escape in large numbers to the enemy and where they have easy access to the interior.

On the same evening I proceeded to the camp, arriving there near midnight. I here found that the enemy had landed from five gunboats and transports, and he had occupied the town with so much celerity and secrecy as to have surrounded it with his pickets before the people generally were aware of his presence.

The next morning I made a reconnaissance in person, with the cavalry companies of Captains Stephens and Chambers, of the Second Florida Cavalry, under command of Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, of the same regiment, and directed Major Brevard, commanding First Battalion Partisan Rangers, with the companies of Captains Mays, Bird, J. Q. Stewart, and Asa Stewart, numbering 200 men, to advance to the immediate vicinity of the town, and cut off, capture, or kill their other pickets. The cavalry detachment under command of Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, which I accompanied, advanced into the suburbs of the town, where we found the enemy posted in strong picket force. We were fired upon by their first pickets without effect, except the disabling of 1 or 2 horses, and drove them into the town. Proceeding farther, we encountered a stronger force, which I estimated to be about two companies of infantry, drawn up in line of battle and advantageously posted. These opened on us unexpectedly, firing alternately by platoons and by file, with some degree of regularity. Our men, at great disadvantage of position, returned their fire with effect and drove them in haste and confusion from their position, killing 2 of whom we are certainly advised and wounding 4 or 5, and we have some reason to believe inflicting on them a severe loss. In this skirmish we lost a valuable life in Acting Surgeon Meredith, who accompanied the expedition, and was killed in the second skirmish with the enemy. At this point I had expected to meet the infantry detachment under command of Major Brevard, and with them to have retired from the town, capturing such pickets as were posted still farther out. The road taken was shorter than anticipated, and the two skirmishes with the enemy had accelerated our progress, so that we arrived at the place in advance of the infantry. Being under the range of the enemy's five gunboats and of his field pieces, we withdrew, bringing off the body of Surgeon Meredith.

Later in the day Major Brevard, commanding the infantry detachment, making his way into the suburbs of the town, encountered in the vicinity of the same place one or two companies of the enemy drawn up in line under cover of the trees and a house. Feeling the party with skirmishers, he then opened on them with his entire command, when they broke and fled in confusion, having first, however, returned his fire. Major Brevard then withdrew his command, and, although the enemy opened on them with shell from their gunboats, escaped without loss, having inflicted, as we believe, some loss on the enemy. We have ascertained from the reconnaissances and other sources of information that the enemy are certainly in large force in Jacksonville; that they are negroes, with white commissioned officers, company and field, and generally mulatto non-commissioned officers. From the best information that we can gather there may be 4,000 negroes now in the place, with perhaps one company of white troops. That they are expecting re-enforcements and have strongly fortified the place, having cut down all the trees, of which there were a great number, and made of them barricades and abatis; that they have posted field pieces in all the streets and covering the approaches, and have burned the houses from the river out beyond the suburbs of the town, so as to enable them to sweep with their heavy guns the whole country in rear and on either side of the place. They keep five boats with guns of long range in front and on the sides of the town, thus enabling them from the conformation of the ground to cover the country for several miles. The object of these formidable preparations, as we gather from our people who have been allowed to come out and as indicated by the probabilities of the case, is to hold the town of Jacksonville and then to advance up the Saint John's in their gunboats and establish another secure position higher up the river, whence they may entice the slaves. That the entire negro population of East Florida will be lost and the country ruined there cannot be a doubt, unless the means of holding the Saint John's River are immediately supplied. The next movement of the enemy will be to Palatka, and it may be to-day or to-morrow, and will necessitate the division of the force here concentrated. In a short time a similar landing may be effected in the vicinity of Fernandina and another division of the force required. It is impossible to do anything of importance unless I obtain the means asked for. All positions on the river, with the superior weight and number of the enemy's guns, are untenable with the means which I possess. I hope the commanding general will be able to supply me with the means absolutely necessary for the preservation of the people of this district. With the four siege guns asked for I can drive off the enemy's gunboats preparatory to an attack on the town.

I am to-day advised that the regiment of white troops in Saint Augustine have been ordered to re-enforce the enemy at Jacksonville. It is more probable, however, that they will proceed to Palatka, which is an easy march of 30 miles, through an open country, and there establish themselves. With the means at my command I shall not be able to prevent it.

To appreciate the danger of the permanent establishment of these posts of negro troops on the Saint John's River I respectfully submit to the commanding general that a consideration of the topography of the country will exhibit the fact that the entire planting interest of East Florida lies within easy communication of the river; that intercourse will immediately commence between negroes on the plantations and those in the enemy's service; that this intercourse will be conducted through swamps and under cover of the night, and cannot be prevented. A few weeks will suffice to corrupt the entire slave population of East Florida.

I herewith transmit a copy of an address which I deemed it my duty to publish to the people of the State, and which I trust will meet the approval of the commanding general; also a copy of general orders, complimentary to the conduct of officers and men of this command in the two skirmishes of the 11th instant.

The whole force which I am able to concentrate at this point, after leaving exposed many important points, will be less than 1,000 men (of all arms). I further beg leave to urge upon the commanding general the necessity of supplying me with 300 or 400 Enfield rifles and necessary ammunition for new recruits and new companies.

Respectfully, your obedient servant,

JOS. FINEGAN,        

Brigadier-General, Commanding District of Florida.

Brig. Gen. THOMAS JORDAN,
        Chief of Staff.

[Inclosure No. 1.]

HEADQUARTERS DISTRICT OF EAST FLORIDA,        

Camp near Jacksonville, Fla., March 13, 1863

I feel it my duty as brigadier-general commanding this district to inform the people of the district and of the State that our unscrupulous enemy has landed a large force of negroes, under command of white officers, at Jacksonville, under cover of gunboats. He is attempting to fortify the place so as to make it secure against attacks. The purpose of this movement is obvious and need not be mentioned in direct terms. It is sufficient to inspire the whole body of the people with a renewed and sterner purpose of resistance. I therefore call on such of the citizens as can possibly leave their homes to arm and organize themselves into companies without delay and to report to me. Ammunition, subsistence, and transportation will be furnished them while they remain in service. I further ask the zealous co-operation of the whole people in forcing into service all persons within the conscript age who yet remain out. With the blessing of the Almighty, the zealous support of the people and the Government, I doubt not that the detestable foe will soon be driven from their cover.

JOS. FINEGAN,        

Brigadier-General, Commanding.

[Inclosure No. 2.]

General ORDERS,} No.—,

HDQRS. DISTRICT OF EAST FLORIDA,        

Camp near Jacksonville, March 11, 1863.

The brigadier-general commanding desires to notice in general orders the coolness and daring exhibited by the officers and men of this command of detachments of the companies of Capt. W. E. Chambers and Capt. Winston Stephens, of Second Florida Cavalry, and of the companies of Capts. S. W. Mays, P.B. Bird, J. Q. Stewart, and Asa Stewart, under the command of Maj. T. W. Brevard, First Battalion Partisan Rangers, in two separate skirmishes with the enemy in the suburbs of Jacksonville on this day, These troops advanced with steadfast bravery while within range of his gunboats and attacked and drove him from his cover. The brigadier-general commanding commends the gallant and meritorious conduct in this affair of Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, Second Florida Cavalry, commanding cavalry force, and Capts. W. E. Chambers and W. Stephens, of Second Cavalry, and their officers and men, and of Maj. T.W. Brevard, First Battalion Partisan Rangers, commanding infantry force, and his captains, S. W. Mays, P.B. Bird, J. Q. Stewart, and Asa Stewart, and their officers and men.

The command mourns the loss of Surgeon Meredith, who fell by nobly discharging his duty.

By order of Brigadier-General Finegan, commanding:

W. CALL,        

Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 14 (Serial No. 20), p. 226-9

Official Reports of the Reoccupation of Jacksonville, Florida, by Union Forces, March 10, 1863: No. 1. — Report of Brig. Gen. Rufus Saxton, U. S. Army.

No. 1.

Report of Brig. Gen. Rufus Saxton, U. S. Army.

BEAUFORT, S.C., March 14, 1863.

 SIR: I have the honor to report that the expedition which I sent up the Saint John's River, Florida, consisting of the First Regiment South Carolina Volunteers, Col. T. W. Higginson commanding, and a portion of the Second South Carolina Volunteers, under Colonel Montgomery, captured and took possession of the town of Jacksonville on Tuesday, the 10th instant. As I stated in my last report to you, the object of this expedition was to occupy Jacksonville and make it the base of operations for the arming of negroes and securing in this way possession of the entire State of Florida. It gives me pleasure to report that so far the objects of the expedition have been fully accomplished. The town is completely in our possession and many prisoners. There has been constant skirmishing going on for several days, and in every action the negro troops have behaved with the utmost bravery. Never in a single instance can I learn that they have flinched. It is my belief that scarcely an incident in this war has caused a greater panic throughout the whole Southern coat than this raid of the colored troops in Florida.

The negroes are collecting at Jacksonville from all quarters. There is a great scarcity of muskets in this department. I have endeavored to procure suitable ones for the troops under my command without success. If ample supplies of Springfield muskets, smooth bore, with buck-and-ball cartridges, could be obtained it would be of the greatest advantage for this peculiar service. I am convinced that the enemy will attempt to drive us from our position at Jacksonville. He can  only succeed by the failure of our ammunition. I was obliged to send the expedition with only 50 rounds of ammunition for its artillery, a limited supply, but I was unwilling to delay the expedition until supplies could be obtained from the North.

I beg leave respectfully to report that I have great difficulty in obtaining suitable arms from the ordnance depot in this department.

It would, in my humble opinion, be of great advantage to the service if an officer could be sent here to report for your information upon its condition.

I am, sir, with great respect, your obedient servant,

R. SAXTON,        

Brigadier-General of Volunteers.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 14 (Serial No. 20), p. 226

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 26, 1863

February 26.

Our visitors increase and I shall not be sorry when we are beyond the reach of those who “doubt the propriety” of arming the negroes. There is but one convincing argument and I don't care how soon it comes. I am sick of talking to men whose limited capacity renders it necessary for me to explain that humanity lies somewhat deeper than the integument of the human body.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 368

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864-January 23, 1865: No. 247. — Itinerary of Cheatham's Army Corps, October 31, 1864-January 17, 1865.*

October 31.—Reached Tuscumbia from bivouac at Town Creek; found the pontoon unfinished and no supplies; waited here nine days, and on the 10th of November, orders having been issued to cross the river, we commenced the movement, but the river having risen so as to necessitate the removal of a portion of the pontoon, the order was revoked, [and] our headquarters changed from Tuscumbia to Mr. Jackson's, near the river, where we remained until Sunday morning, November 13, when our corps commenced crossing, the bridge having been repaired. The infantry passed through Florence, with music, &c., and encamped beyond. Trains did not finish crossing until late at night, owing to break in bridge. Our headquarters at Mrs. Lawrence's house, half a mile from Florence.

November 21.—We left Florence in a snowstorm and marched some miles on the Waynesborough road. Headquarters at Mrs. Westmoreland's. Weather very cold, with snow.

November 22.—Still snowing, cold increasing. Made eighteen miles to day. Headquarters at deserted house fourteen miles from Waynesborough. Cold and clear at night.

Wednesday, November 23.—Made Waynesborough by 4 p.m.; town deserted. Our wagon broke down four miles back.

Thursday, November 24.—Left Waynesborough and marched fourteen miles to Mrs. Chambers' house, where we made our quarters.

Friday, November 25.—Marched eighteen miles to-day, quartering at Kennedy's house, two miles from the Columbia pike. Heard of the evacuation of Pulaski, and that General Thomas was concentrating at Columbia, nineteen or twenty miles distant; also, that a great fight had taken place in Virginia, in which Lee whipped the enemy badly.

Saturday, November 26.—Marched about same distance as yesterday, to within two and a half miles [of] Columbia. Rained all day. Thomas in Columbia, with two corps (15,000). Skirmishing going on between Forrest and enemy. Headquarters at Mrs. Wilson's.

Sunday, November 27.—The army took position around the town, Lee, extending to the river, on the left, and Cheatham to river above, on the right. Some little skirmishing; cavalry pickets relieved. Preparations made to cross the river above the town, but our pontoon trains did not come up. Headquarters changed to Mrs. Francis'.

Monday, November 28.—The enemy having evicted Columbia during the night, we took possession of the place at daylight. Some of the troops behaved most shamefully in pillaging the citizens.

Tuesday, November 29.—Crossed the river above town with Cheatham's and Stewart's corps and moved toward Spring Hill to cut the enemy off; came up with him late in the afternoon, but no attack was made. He slipped by in the night, but finding his flank threatened by Forrest, destroyed a wagon train and cars of supplies and stores.

Wednesday, November 30.—A memorable day. Pursuing briskly as soon as it was light, we passed through Spring Hill about 7 a.m., and at 1 or 2 p.m. had again struck his rear about two and a half miles from Franklin. Driving in his advanced skirmishers we developed his position around the town. Cheatham and Stewart were at once put in position and moved on his works, Lee being held in reserve; order of battle from right to left—Forrest, Stewart, Cheatham—Cleburne, Brown, and Bate being the order of the divisions in the latter corps.

Thursday, December 1.—To-day spent in burying the dead, caring for the wounded, and reorganizing the remains of our corps. Lee and Stewart moved forward in the direction of Nashville, Forrest occupying Brentwood Station after a little brush.

Friday, December 2.—Our corps moved forward this morning on the Nashville pike, and bivouacked within five miles of the city on Mr. Regan's place.

Saturday, December 3.—To-day was spent in locating our lines. Some little skirmishing, the enemy opening on us briskly with artillery from their forts.

Sunday, December 4.—Nothing of importance transpired. The army fortifying.

Monday, December 5.—The enemy advanced on our extreme right, driving our pickets from an abandoned line of works, but were in turn driven back and our former line re-established. News from Forrest and Bate; both captured block-houses between this and Murfreesborough.

Tuesday, December 6.—Everything quiet.

Wednesday, Thursday, Friday, Saturday, and Sunday, December 7, 8, 9, 10, and 11.—Nothing worthy of mention occurring save a few very weak demonstrations on our right by a brigade of negroes. Bate withdrawn from Murfreesborough and arrived at Antioch, seven miles distant, on yesterday.

Monday, Tuesday, and Wednesday, December 12, 13, and 14.—Nothing of interest.

Thursday and Friday, December 15 and 16.—The battle of Nashville, followed by our retreat. On the night of the 16th we reached Franklin.

Saturday, December 17.—We continued our retreat and reached the vicinity of Spring Hill that night.

Sunday, December 18.—We started from Spring Hill, and our corps formed line of battle about two and a half miles from the town, where we skirmished with the Yankee cavalry an hour or so. Moving on we crossed Rutherford's Creek, and bivouacked on the south bank.

Monday, December 19.—Fought the enemy nearly all day on the creek, withdrawing in the afternoon and crossing Duck River, leaving Stewart on the north bank, who, however, also withdrew that night and crossed.

Tuesday, December 20.—Marched to Lynnville, twenty-three miles south of Columbia.

Wednesday, December 21.—Made Pulaski.

Thursday, December 22.—Left Pulaski and moved out five miles.

Friday, December 23.—Marched about twenty miles on the Lewisburg road.

Saturday, December 24.—Marched fourteen miles to-day, leaving ten miles to make to the river.

Sunday, December 25.—Moving at daylight we soon reached Shoal Creek, two miles from the river. After great difficulty, on account of the high water and rough ford, we succeeded in crossing, and bivouacked between the creek and river. This corps was at once put in position, and built works that night to protect the bridge in case the enemy should move on us from below, which was thought not improbable. Heard the gun-boats all day in the direction of Florence.

Monday, December 26.—The pontoon across the river was completed this morning after working on it all night, General Cheatham supervising in person, and about sunrise the trains began to cross. By night most of our wagons and artillery had crossed. Leaving orders for his troops to move across at 3 o'clock the next morning, General C[heatham] came over about 7 o'clock at night and slept some two miles from Bainbridge. Two gun-boats came up the river in the afternoon to within two or three miles of the bridge, but were driven back by our batteries.

Tuesday December 27.—The army having nearly all crossed, we moved on through Tuscumbia, and bivouacked in the mud that night in the vicinity of Cane Creek, ten miles from Tuscumbia.

Wednesday, December 28.—Marched from Cane Creek, through Barton Station, to Bear Creek, a distance of sixteen miles; our quarters two miles this side of the bridge, at Henri's. Bear Creek swimming; have to pontoon it.

Thursday, December 29.—Spent in preparing timbers for the pontoon. Crossed some wagons on the railroad bridge.

Friday, December 30.—Left Head's at daylight and went to railroad bridge to see the corps across the creek. It being impossible to procure the boats, General C[heatham] determined to cross on the railroad; accomplished it by 2 p.m., and marched in the direction of Iuka, through which town we passed and bivouacked three miles beyond and five miles from Burnsville, making a march of twelve miles.

Saturday, December 31.—Passed through Burnsville and made Corinth, fourteen miles from Burnsville, that night.

January 1 to 9, 1865.—Spent in Corinth.

Tuesday, January 10.—We started from Corinth at daylight, the troops moving down the railroad, and made our quarters at Rienzi, fifteen miles distant, that night.

January 11 to 13.—Spent on the road to Tupelo. Owing to the impassable condition of the roads we were compelled to take a very circuitous route with the wagons and horses. At Saltillo, on the 13th, we parted with the wagons, they going around by Verona and we coming through the swamp around Tupelo, reaching that place about 3 p.m.

January 14 to 17.—Remained at Tupelo.

_______________

*From journal kept by Maj. Henry Hampton, acting assistant adjutant-general.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 730-2

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 16, 1863

February 16, 1863.

Our Colonel [General] has been down to Hilton Head today and reported Brig. Gen. Stephenson under arrest and to be sent to Washington for asserting that he would rather the Union cause should be lost than be saved by black soldiers. I should like to see the gentleman this evening. Everything may go against us in the present, but these little episodes are refreshing.¹

My heart is lightened by the return of usual health to our camp. It is pleasant to find every one looking up instead of down. Some of the replies to medical questions are quite unique, as, for instance, “I feel jail-bound an' cough powerful.” “I've got misery all de way down from de top ob de head to de sole ob de foot.”

If I had not promised you freedom from individual histories in the future, I should try to write out the history of my head hospital nurse. Mr. Spaulding is a very superior man. He was kept in the stocks three weeks in the winter and his legs have not since been as strong as before. He is averse to speaking of himself. I trust his integrity, tenderness and natural ability as I would trust those qualities in John Milton Earle. He is a prince in the department and commands the respect of all.

_______________

1 The incident is mentioned in "Letters from Port Royal, written at the Time of the Civil War," edited by Elizabeth Ware Pearson, 163.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 364-5

Diary of Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes: December 2, 1865

The Ohio members generally dined with General H. B. Banning of Mount Vernon at his headquarters at Alexandria. Visited the soldiers' cemetery with its three thousand graves, neatly arranged, and its rustic gothic building. A fine specimen of the work. Pine with the bark on the lumber.

Fort Rogers with its two hundred-pound rifled Parrotts and its fifteen-inch columbiad attracted our attention.

The general caucus [of Republican members] tonight a pleasant thing. Mr. Morrill of Vermont, an intelligent merchant who put the vote, "Contrary-minded will say no," presided. Thad Stevens made the important motions. A committee of seven reported resolutions to be submitted to the Senate and House, providing for the appointment of a Joint Committee of Fifteen, nine for the House, six for the Senate, to report as to the status of the Rebel States and whether they were in a condition to be represented; and in the meantime all members from those States to be kept out.

Colfax, McPherson, and ——— nominated by acclamation for their present places viz., Speaker, Clerk, ———. Then for doorkeeper, Goodenow [sic] of New York, and Hawkins Taylor, of Iowa or Kansas, stood sixty-six to fifty-seven. Bad for the West, was the feeling of our men. King, of Minnesota (nominally, really New York), the present incumbent was named [for postmaster], also others, all having printed tickets. Here we seemed caught; we had no tickets ready. Spalding nominated Colonel Given in a proper speech, Roscoe Conkling sustained King in a speech delivered in a distinct, clear tone, with great deliberation and in language fitted to print. Spalding's best point was that Colonel Given was a soldier. Phelps, of Maryland, nominated a soldier an officer of colored troops of his State, one of two who from that State led black men, who lost a leg at the mine at Petersburg. Phelps is young, did his part well. The best speech, best delivered and all, was by our Mr. Delano (in favor of Colonel Given).

[The caucus] adopted, on a test vote the Ohio idea. Stevens angry, resisted, threatened to leave the caucus. Finally carried his point as stated, viz., a Joint Committee of fifteen.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 7-8

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864-January 23, 1865: No. 240. — Report of Maj. Gen. Henry D. Clayton, C. S. Army, commanding division, of operations November 20-December 27, 1864.

No. 240.

Report of Maj. Gen. Henry D. Clayton, C. S. Army,

commanding division, of operations November 20-December 27, 1864.

MAJOR: I have the honor to submit the following, being a report of the operations of this division in the campaign north of the Tennessee River, embracing a period from the 20th of November to the 27th of December:

On the 20th of November the line of march was taken up from Florence, Ala., in the direction of Nashville. The division reached Columbia on the 27th without incident worthy of mention, except the usual bad roads and bad weather incident to the season of the year. Here the enemy, having massed his forces from Pulaski and other neighboring points, was found strongly intrenched.

On the 29th, the enemy having withdrawn across Duck River, the balance of the army was moved to the right, leaving Stevenson's division and my own to confront him at this point. Preparations were made for crossing the river, which was accomplished on the evening of the 29th and the morning of the 30th of November. Moving rapidly up the road to Franklin we came up with the balance of the army at Spring Hill, and all soon moved on to Franklin, which was reached late in the afternoon of that day. We found that bloody and disastrous engagement begun, and were put in position to attack, but night mercifully interposed to save us from the terrible scourge which our brave companions had suffered.

On the following morning this division, being in front, resumed the march to Nashville, where it arrived in front of the enemy's works on the 1st of December, and, driving in his vedettes, took position, which was established as line of battle of the whole army. From this time until the morning of the 15th was spent in almost incessant work upon lines of intrenchments, of which four were constructed by this division.

Upon the morning of the 15th the engagement was begun by the enemy, who attacked the extreme right and left of the army and demonstrated along my front. It becoming necessary to send re-enforcements to the left, my line was extended in that direction until Stovall's and Holtzclaw's brigades were deployed to cover the whole front occupied by the corps in the morning, and Gibson's brigade, which was upon the left, was taken out of the trenches and thrown back perpendicularly to check the advance of the enemy, who was sweeping down the lines from the left. This maneuver and night stopped the farther progress of the enemy. About midnight this division was moved back and took position on what is known as the Overton Hill, four miles from the city, upon the extreme right of the army, conforming to the position already taken by the left. Here breast-works were constructed.

The enemy made their appearance early on the morning of the 16th, and soon developed along our whole line. Having placed several batteries in position along my front with concentrated fire upon the Overton Hill, which was mainly occupied by Stovall's brigade, the enemy opened a terrible fire, which did considerable damage to that brigade and very materially injured Stanford's battery, which was in position on the left of Stovall's and right of Holtzclaw's brigades. At 1 p.m. the enemy, having driven in the skirmish line, made a vigorous assault upon portions of Gibson's and Holtzclaw's brigades, which was subsequently renewed twice along my whole front, except the extreme right of Stovall's brigade. One of these charges was made by negro troops. In these assaults the enemy suffered great slaughter, their loss being estimated at 1,500 or 2,000 killed and wounded. It was with difficulty that the enthusiasm of the troops could be repressed so as to keep them from going over the works in pursuit of the enemy. Five color-bearers with their colors were shot down in a few steps of the works, one of which, having inscribed on its folds "Eighteenth Regiment U.S. Colored Infantry; presented by the colored ladies of Murfreesborough," was brought in. About 4 p.m., while the division was thus in the highest state of enthusiasm, I received a message from the lieutenant-general commanding corps, through Lieutenant Hunter, aide-de-camp, that he would expect me to bring off my division in order. I inquired when, what was going on upon the left, and whether I should do so at once, but could get no information. I turned to a staff officer and directed the batteries to be ready to limber up, and ordered Brigadier-General Stovall, who was standing by, to be in readiness to move out in order, but to wait until I could make an effort to bring off Stanford's battery. I then saw the troops on my left flying in disorder, and it having been reported to me that Stanford's battery was so disabled as to make it impossible to bring it off, I ordered the Eufaula Light Artillery to withdraw, and so soon as it had begun to move directed the same orders to be given to the several brigade commanders. The whole army--except this division, Pettus' brigade, of Stevenson's division, and the Thirty-ninth Georgia Regiment, of Cumming's brigade, also of Stevenson's division, which had a short time before been sent to me as a support and held in reserve—was then in complete rout. Some confusion existed even in these commands, though scarcely perceptible in Stovall's brigade and the Thirty-ninth Georgia Regiment, above referred to, which latter deserves great credit for the manner in which it responded to my appeal to halt and check the advance of the enemy's skirmish line, which had then reached the top of the hill. Having gone about half a mile I found' the Eufaula Light Artillery about to move off from a position in which it had been halted. Halting the Thirty-ninth Georgia Regiment as a support to the battery, I ordered it to continue the firing. Sending my staff to halt the division, and Lieutenant Jones, aide-de-camp, especially to Brigadier-General Stovall to halt his brigade and put it in position, I soon after ordered the battery and regiment supporting it to withdraw, and rode off to take command of the division. Too much praise cannot be awarded the officers and men of this battery for the coolness and deliberation with which they managed their guns under these trying circumstances. Upon coming up with the division, being unable to find Brigadier-General Stovall, I ordered Col. A. Johnson, the senior colonel, to take the command and halt it in a position which I indicated. In a few moments the whole division and Pettus' brigade were in line. This occurred in about one mile of the breast-works. Night soon coming on, Holtzclaw's brigade was placed across the road, with skirmishers in front, and the balance of the command moved off toward Franklin. About 2 o'clock at night it was halted seven miles from Franklin and bivouacked until 5 o'clock. Daylight on the morning of the 17th found us in position at Hollow Tree Gap, five miles from Franklin, Stovall's brigade and a section of Bledsoe's battery being upon the right and Pettus' brigade upon the left of the road, and the other two brigades in rear. About 8 a.m. the enemy's cavalry made their appearance, driving in our own cavalry in a most shameful manner, a few pursuing them even through the line of infantry and cutting with their sabers right and left. A few shots from the infantry, however, drove them back, with the loss of a stand of colors. About 9 a.m. they again advanced upon this position, when we succeeded in capturing about 100 men, with their horses, and another stand of colors. At about 10 a.m. we were withdrawn from this position and crossed Harpeth River a few miles from this place. After some slight skirmishing we were relieved by Major-General Stevenson's division. For the particulars of the capture of seventy-five officers and men of Holtzclaw's brigade, and a like number from Gibson's brigade, I refer to the reports of their respective brigade commanders. For this occurrence I think no one to blame but our cavalry, who, all the day long, behaved in a most cowardly manner. It is proper, however, that I should make one bright exception to this general remark: I refer to the case of Colonel Falconnet, commanding a brigade, who, when about to cross the Harpeth River, seeing the enemy charging upon Gibson's brigade, drew his revolver, and gathering less than 100 brave followers, dashed upon the enemy, more than twenty times his number. After having been relieved, as above stated, by General Stevenson, the division was moved on slowly, halting occasionally so as to keep within a short distance of his command. Six miles south of Franklin, the division being at a halt in the road, I learned that the enemy were moving around General Stevenson. I immediately placed my command across the road, Stovall's brigade, Col. R. J. Henderson commanding, on the right, Gibson's in the center, and Holtzclaw's, Col. Bushrod Jones commanding, upon the left. Hearing considerable firing in the rear I ordered Colonel Jones to move Holtzclaw's brigade forward in line of battle, keeping his right resting on the pike, so as to render any assistance that might be necessary to General Stevenson. Having given some general instructions to General Gibson as to keeping out skirmishers and scouts, I directed him to take command of the two brigades, and with my staff rode up the pike to communicate with General Stevenson. Upon coming up with Colonel Jones I learned that the enemy in large force was forming upon his left as if for the purpose of charging. I then rode forward and informed General Pettus, whose brigade was near by, of the disposition I had made for his support, and started back to where I had left General Gibson with the two brigades; when in about 100 yards of the left of General Gibson's command, which rested upon the pike, I saw a column of cavalry moving obliquely and just entering the road a few paces in my front. An infantry soldier of my command, recognizing me (it being then quite dark), ran up to me and whispered, "They are Yankees." Turning my horse to the left, so as to avoid them, I moved rapidly to the right of General Gibson's line, and after narrowly escaping being killed by several shots fired at me through mistake, I communicated the information to General Gibson, who promptly wheeled his brigade to the left and delivered a volley which scattered the enemy, killing many of them. I then, at the suggestion of General Gibson, moved back these two brigades behind a fence, in order to better resist a charge and also for greater security against firing into our own men. This position was scarcely taken when the enemy again began to move from the left upon the pike in our immediate front. Demanding to know who they were, I was promptly answered, "Federal troops," which was replied to by a volley, killing several and again driving them off, leaving a stand of colors, which was secured. The enemy having finally retired and the firing having ceased, I communicated my intentions to General Stevenson and moved off my command.

In this affair, so trying to both officers and men, all behaved in the best possible manner. While I cheerfully concede all that is due to General Stevenson's division in checking the advance of the enemy and thus helping to save the army, without entering into anything further than the above brief recital of facts, I believe it is not claiming too much to say that this division, by preventing the enemy from massing in his rear, saved that division.

I tender to Brigadier-General Gibson especially my cordial thanks for the part performed by him on this occasion, and also to Colonels Henderson and Jones, of whose brigade commanders I may say, without reflecting upon them, that their commands lost nothing by their absence on this trying occasion.

After moving back a few miles the division bivouacked for the night and resumed the march on the following day for the Tennessee River, which it reached at Bainbridge on the 25th of December, after a most painful march, characterized by more suffering than it had ever before been my misfortune to witness.

H. D. CLAYTON,        

Major-General.

Maj. J. W. RATCHFORD,
        Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 697-700

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: August 17, 1864

Cloudy, and slight showers. In the afternoon dark clouds going round.

We have nothing from below but vague rumors, except that we repulsed the enemy yesterday, slaughtering the negro troops thrust in front.

From Atlanta, it is said the enemy have measurably ceased artillery firing, and it is inferred that their ammunition is low, and perhaps their communications cut.

The President and Secretary of War were in council all the morning, it is said, on appointments and promotions in the army.

The President rode out toward the battle-field at 21 P.M. There have been no guns heard to-day.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 265

Brigadier-General Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, Sunday, February 12, 1865

CAMP HASTINGS, Sunday, February 12, 1865.

DEAREST:— We reached here after a pleasant journey Thursday evening on time. No important changes here. The remnant of the unlucky Thirty-fourth is now in my camp to be consolidated with the Thirty-sixth. General Duval is quite unwell, and will go to Cincinnati to be treated for troubles affecting his hearing. General Crook has had a ball. I send you a ticket. He inquired after you all, particularly Webb and George. He is in fine health and spirits. He has become a convert to negro soldiers thinks them better than a great part of the sort we are now getting

It is cold, windy, and snowy. My tent groans, squeaks, and flaps. The sleeping is not so comfortable as in a house these days, but is more refreshing and invigorating. The Shenandoah army is all gone. Part of Nineteenth Corps is at Savannah; the Sixth at Richmond and the most of ours. I had a brigade drill yesterday. The regiments are full, and in fine condition. The First Veterans (Twenty-third Regiment) are rather the crack men in appearance. Major Carey has resigned.

Mrs. Comly is here, that is, in town. I have not yet seen her. The cars upset with her near Newark, but she kept on this way instead of going back home. Good stuff. — Love to all.

Affectionately ever,

R.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 557

Major-General Ulysses S. Grant too Brigadier-General Elias S. Dennis, June 11, 1863

NEAR VICKSBURG, MISS., June 11, 1863.

Brig. Gen. E. S. DENNIS

        Commanding District of Northeastern Louisiana:

In view of present danger of attack upon your command, it is advisable that every precaution should be taken to hold all government stores, and the troops at least secure from capture. If the government farms can be held, they should be held also, but not at the expense of sacrificing government troops and stores first, and the plantations afterwards in detail. Not being on the ground myself, I cannot say exactly how your troops should be located. A general direction, I would say occupy and fortify three points. One of these should be Lake Providence and one Millikens Bend. At Lake Providence direct Gen’l Reid to fortify close to the river, where he can protect his troops and public stores, at least until he can notify you of his necessities for more troops. All the Black troops should be got as much to themselves as possible, and required to fortify. Millikens Bend will be the proper place for them. You want to keep Youngs Point and the road across the point perfectly protected. This can be done with a very small force, the distance across being short, and Gun boats at both ends of the road. Gen'l Mowers Brigade was sent to you merely for an emergency. As soon as the emergency ceases, I want them returned to their Division. With the Cavalry you have, the mounted men Gen'l Reid has, and by mounting part of one negro Regiment, they can scout out every road from Lake Providence to Youngs Point so as to keep you advised of the approach of any force in time to prepare for them. Have you learned what has become of the force that attacked you a few days since? They should not be allowed to remain about Richmond.

U. S. GRANT.

SOURCES: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 353-4; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 403-4

Major-General Ulysses S. Grant too Brigadier-General Elias S. Dennis, June 15, 1863

NEAR VICKSBURG, Miss., June 15, 1863.

Brig. Gen. E. S. DENNIS, Comdg. Dist. Northeast Louisiana:

My letter to you was not intended as an order, but simply advisory on my part, as to the points you should garrison.

In speaking of fortifying three points, Young's Point was not included. I merely spoke of that, as a point that must be held for military purposes. There being always transient troops passing, and gunboats on both sides of the point, no troops are necessary there, except as a guard for public property. The three points, then, to be fortified are from Milliken's Bend to Lake Providence.

It seems to me Lake Providence, Milliken's Bend, and an intermediate point, should be the places to fortify. You, however, as commander of the district, must exercise your own judgment as to where troops should be stationed, and how used.

I repeat what was before given as instructions: public property must be protected first; after that, all the protection you can give to plantations leased by Government must be given.

Negro troops should be kept aloof from white troops, especially in their camps, as much as possible. Wherever the movements of the enemy require a concentration of your forces, bring them together without regard to color.

U.S. GRANT.

SOURCES: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 374-5; The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 411-2

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 23, 1864

Clear and warm.

The news of the capture of 1600 Federals, 4 guns, etc., yesterday at Petersburg, has put the people here in better humor, which has been bad enough, made so by reported rapes perpetrated by negro soldiers on young ladies in Westmoreland County. There has been talk of vengeance, and no doubt such atrocities cause many more to perish than otherwise would die.

A Mr. Sale, in the West, sends on an extract from a letter from Col. —— proposing to the government to sell cotton on the Mississippi River for sterling exchange in London, and indicating that in this manner he has large sums to his own credit there, besides $100,000 worth of cotton in this country. Col. —— is a commissary, against whom grave charges have been made frequently, of speculation, etc., but was defended by the Commissary-General.

Mr. Harvey [sic], president Danville Railroad, telegraphs to Gen. Bragg to send troops without delay, or the road will be ruined by the raiders. Bragg sends the paper to the Secretary of War, saying there are no troops but those in the army of Gen. Lee, and the reserves, the latter now being called out. Ten days ago, Mr. Secretary Seddon had fair warning about this road.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 236

Lieutenant-Colonel John A Rawlins to Major-General Edward O. C. Ord, June 19, 1863

[June 19, 1863]

There is a partially organized regiment of Colored troops in your corps. Please order them together with their women and children to proceed at once to Chickasaw Bayou Landing, where they will go into Camp and furnish such details for fatigue duty as may be required in the Commissary, Ordnance and Quartermaster's Department at that place; and at the same time complete their organization.

SOURCE: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 398

Major-General Edward O. C. Ord to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, June 19, 1863

[June 19, 1863— 8.30 p.m.]

Capt Haines reports that the fourth Miss Col Ourd is very necessary working by day in the trenches Cannot I keep them for that work a few days longer & thus save the men of other regts

SOURCE: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 398

Rev. John Eaton Jr. to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, July 23, 1863

[Washington, July 23, 1863]

I have had one interview with the Secy of War & two with the President. Every one in the Gove't & many out of it appear to be thinking strongly towards this subject but as yet it seems likely to be accomplished only by pieces, &, in the Secy's office there would appear to be lack of well defined system in what has already been undertaken. The Secy understands that he has an officer to attend to such subjects but the office does not understand that his instructions embrace them:—simply the organisation of colored troops:—yet all matters connected with these organisations in you Dept. are now determined by Ajt. Genl. Thomas—refered to him as they arrive. His health though better is such that he is kept away at lighter duty. It would have gratified me could I have placed before Mr. Stanton a more general & comprehensive view of the facts in the Dept in regard to these people. He asked me who appointed me to the charge of these people as if he did [not] know anything had been done for them save through the Commissioners. He is evidently well disposed towards you. Bothe interviews with the Prest. were full of interest—the last very lengthy. He spoke with great freedom of his difficulties, so much so as to charge me with silence & perhaps as I send this by the customary mail, I had better omit the details. He remarked that it gratified him to know the observation of so many facts in your Dept. had suggested plans which agreed in the main with the outline ideas in his own mind. He is pleased that you have made them so useful to the army, and that your management of them meets present exigencies without attempting to determine impossibilities. He has heard that Mr. Dana has said that you had remarked that you could not have taken Vicksburg had it not been for the proclamation; but as he was not assured that Mr. Dana had said it he doubted somewhat whether you made so strong a statement. The order that you prepared to issue I am confident will give satisfaction here. I think the President would prefer these people should be called freed-men or freed people though he is not so particular as Mr. Chase who said to me he would not read a doccument that had the term contraband in it. It appears several prominent gentlemen have been directed to gather matter upon the whole subject of the management of these people & the Prest. has directed me to go to N. York & see two of them Hon. Messrs. Owen & McKay. Mr. Lincoln with every body of loyal sentiments is taking great satisfaction in the issue of your operations. He was full of it, repeated your last despatches, laughed over your capture of cattle, read his letter to you. He had a map of your operations on a tripod in his room. Those who made such effort to interfere with you, now are ashamed to aver it. Mr. Washburne's course in support of you is greatly commended. Genl. Sherman is being strongly vindicated. At Cincin. I met the two Societies that have been furnishing us supplies; at Columbus among others Ex Gov. Dennison, Gov. Todd, Ajt Genl. Hill, Judge Swayne—every where I am unable to say enough. I hope my visit will not only result in good at W. but in various ways in other directions—I enclose some of the many straws which indicate how the wind blows. Hoping your health is good & that your efforts will be crowned with every success.

[John Eaton Jr.]

SOURCE: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 343-4

Dr. Seth Rogers to his daughter Dolly, February 5, 1863

February 5.

Lieut. [James B.] O'Neil informed me today that during the eight years of his military life in Texas, Utah and in the present war, he had never been engaged in anything half so daring as our trip up the St. Mary's River, He is one of our best officers and has seen much service.

I would very much like to go to Alberti's Mills again, with flat-boats enough to bring away lumber etc. and then set fire to what we could not take. There is not enough rebel force in that neighborhood to capture us.

If they should block the passage by felling trees across the river, our boys would have the opportunity to do what they so much crave, meet their old masters in “de clar field.” They besought me over and over, to ask “de Cunnel to let we spill out on de sho' [shore] an’ meet dem fellers in de brush.” There would have been bush whacking of a startling nature and I have no doubt we could have brought off some of those cavalry horses hitched in the rear.

But the Colonel is pretty economical of human life when no great object is at stake.

I have noticed that twenty eight boxes of goods await my order at Hilton Head and that the Flora will bring them up and land them at our camp, if I wish. This looks as if the day of honoring requisitions in this department had arrived. Meanwhile, during my absence, my requisition on the Purveyor in New York was honored, and I found eighteen boxes of the very best material awaiting my return. The Soldiers Relief Association of Norwich, Ct. has shipped a goodly supply of bedding, towels, flannel shirts etc. to us. These things were offered by Miss G. the very efficient agent. Gen. Saxton has given me the upper part of the Smith mansion for another hospital, so we shall have twenty-four beds as comfortably arranged and as well cared for as any in the department.

Robert Sutton has quite recovered from his wounds. He told me that the flesh was healthy, and I have found it so and the bone did not get involved. I never look at Robert Sutton without feeling certain that his father must have been a great Nubian king. I have rarely reverenced a man more than I do him. His manners are exceedingly simple, unaffected and dignified, without the slightest touch of haughtiness.

Voice, low, soft and flooding, as if his thoughts were choking him. He is tall straight and brawny muscled. His face is all of Africa in feeling and in control of expression. By this I do not mean cunning, but manly control. Ile seems to me kingly, and oh! I wish he could read and write. He ought to be a leader, a general, instead of a corporal. I fancy he is like Toussaint l’Ouverture and it would not surprise me if some great occasion should make him a deliverer of his people from bondage. Prince Rivers, — just as black as Robert Sutton, has a peculiar fineness of texture of skin that gives the most cleanly look. He is agile and fleet, like a deer, in his speed and like a panther in his tread. His features are not very African and his eye is so bright that it must “shine at night, when de moon am gone away.”

His manners are not surpassed on this globe. I feel my awkwardness when I meet him. This because an officer ought to be as polite as a soldier.

SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 356-7