Governor John A. Andrew to Caleb Cushing, April 27, 1861

April 27, 1861.

Hon. Caleb Cushing.

Sir, — Under the responsibilities of this hour, — remitted both as a man and a magistrate to the solemn judgment of conscience and honor, — I must remember only that great cause of constitutional liberty and of civilization itself referred to the dread arbitrament of arms. And I am bound to say that although our personal relations have always been agreeable to myself, and notwithstanding your many great qualities fitting you for usefulness; yet your relation to public affairs, your frequently avowed opinions touching the ideas and sentiments of Massachusetts; your intimacy of social, political and sympathetic intercourse with the leading secessionists of the Rebel States, maintained for years, and never (unless at this moment) discontinued, — forbid my finding you any place in the council or the camp. I am compelled sadly to declare that, were I to accept your offer, I should dishearten numerous good and loyal men, and tend to demoralize our military service. How gladly I would have made another reply to your note of the 25th inst., which I had the honor to receive yesterday, I need not declare, nor attempt to express the painful reluctance with which this is written.

Faithfully your obedient servant,

John A. Andrew, Governor.

SOURCE: Henry Greenleaf Pearson, The Life of John A. Andrew: Governor of Massachusetts, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 197-8

George L. Stearns to Mary Hall Stearns, May 7, 1863

[May 7, 1863.]

Yesterday at noon, I learned from Governor Andrew by telegram that he did not intend to raise another regiment. I was thunderstruck. My work for three months would nearly, or quite, fall to the ground. I telegraphed in reply: “You told me to take all the men I could get without regard to regiments. Have two hundred men on the way; what shall I do with them?” The reply came simultaneously with your letter: “Considering your telegraph and Wild's advice, another regiment may proceed; expecting it full in four weeks. Present want of troops will probably prevent my being opposed.” I replied: “I thank God for your telegram received this morning. You shall have the men in four weeks.” Now all is right.

If I had received a refusal to accept more men, my plans were all laid. I should have gone to Washington to-morrow morning, having recalled my transportation agent from the West to take my place here, and have presented a clean-cut plan to Stanton for raising colored regiments, North and South, which I have no doubt he would have accepted. Now I go on with my work again.

SOURCE: Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 291

Francis W. Bird to Governor John A. Andrew, January 31, 1861

Boston, Jan'y 31.

My Dear Governor, — I have just rec'd y'r kind — too kind letter. I am overwhelmed by its kindness and don't know what to say.

I did not intend to "criticize." You will recollect that I said I did not come to argue; only to ascertain if it was true that you recommended a measure which, two days before, you very strongly disapproved.

After hearing from you that you disapproved of sending Commissioners, we at once set to work to organize the defeat of the measure. I do not say that y'r original approval would; (it might) have silenced our opposition; but obtaining y'r disapproval very much inspired us to work. Undoubtedly, I exhibited, by looks and acts perhaps what no language at my command, could express, the pain and mortification and humiliation I felt when I came to realize that the thing was to be done, and you approved of it. God forbid that I should for one moment doubt the sincerity and unselfishness of y'r devotion to our Cause; nor have I any the less confidence in the infinite superiority of the soundness of y'r judgment over mine; but I cannot — I cannot, escape from my own deep convictions. They may not — probably should not govern or influence others; they must, me.

I feel that this is the first step downwards; if we stop before we reach the bottom, it will be the first time in the history of the triumphs of slavery.

Let me thank you again for the great kindness of y'r letter; and believe me,

Very truly and faithfully y’rs

F. W. BIRD

SOURCE: Henry Greenleaf Pearson, The Life of John A. Andrew: Governor of Massachusetts, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 158

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Governor John A. Andrew, April 23, 1861

Headquarters. Third Brigade Mass. Vol. Militia, ANNAPOLIS, Apr. 23, 1861

To His Excellency JoHN A. ANDREw, Com. in Chief

DEAR SIR: By telegraph I kept your Excellency advised of the movement of the 8th Regt. to Friday April 19, & so far as I thought it reliable of the sad mishaps & glorious action of the Sixth Regt. I also forwarded you a memorial of a proposed plan of action, which plan I have the honor to announce has been successfully carried out. Through the loyal exertions and generous sympathy of S. M. Felton, Esq. Pres. of Phil. and Wilmington R.R., I had the Steam Boat “Maryland,” which plied between Havre de Grace and Perryville, put fully at my disposal, and acting under the advice of the Major. We had learned that the bridges had been burned between Havre de Grace and Baltimore, and all means of communication through to Baltimore had been cut off. It occurred to me that the best method of opening communication between the Northern States for the loyal citizens and soldiers of the Union could be best through the city of Annapolis, that the Route that way would be but little if any longer in point of time than the more direct way through Baltimore, which required two transhipments of any considerable body of troops by the cars.

The passage from Perryville to Annapolis being but six hours, and the passage from Baltimore being four, besides the time for the passage by horse-cars across the city; and the distance from Washington being 40 miles against 46 via Baltimore, — acting under the advice of S. M. Felton and other gentlemen who feared that the Eighth Regiment was too small a force for such an undertaking, I waited at Philadelphia six hours for the N.Y.V. under Col. Lefferts to come up. But fearing lest the Ferry Steamer, which was all important to our enterprise, might be seized upon by the enemies of the country, I detailed Capt. Devereaux’, Co. of Salem, and Capt. Briggs’, Co. of Pittsfield, for the special duty of proceeding forward by train and seizing the Ferry Boat at one o’clock Friday. Their march was successfully made to place where they found Col. Lefferts' Regt. had arrived, but he declined to take part in the expedition, therefore they did not go forward to seize the boat. At eight o’clock in the morning, after telegraphing for Maj. (Cook's) Battery, which I am happy to inform your Excellency arrived at Annapolis on the morning of 25, & is now drilling on the grounds of the Academy, I put forward the 8 Regt. in position and got on towards the cars at Phil. at 10 o’clock. After waiting two hours time in a vain attempt to induce Col. Lefferts to accompany us, we determined to go on alone. On our Route to Perryville we heard at various stations that 1800 of a Baltimore mob were waiting at Perryville for the purpose of disputing with us the passage of the Susquehanna. This information was one of the thousand exaggerated rumors which reached us and undoubtedly reached you, & is only mentioned here for the purpose of showing to your Excellency and people of Commonwealth how the men under my command behaved themselves in firm belief of its truth. During the passage from Phil. to Perryville the Regt. prepared itself for the attack. Ammunition, 10 rounds to each man was distributed, & our muskets were carefully inspected and loaded. About 100 men who know nothing about the use of arms were furnished by me at Phil. with axes, pickaxes, & other intrenching tools. Arriving within a mile of Perryville, and not intending to be caught in the cars by a mob as had been the 6th Regt., we left the cars and made our dispositions for the purpose of forcing a passage to the Boat. Capt. Devereaux's command were thrown out in advance as skirmishers, to occupy both sides of the Road supported by Capt. Briggs’ Co. one hundred paces in the rear. He was immediately followed by a detachment of our axe and hatchet men, who were instructed to rush upon any barrier and cut it down, while covered by the fire of our skirmishers. The rest of the Regt. we formed in solid columns, 50 paces in the rear with orders to march steadily forward & throw themselves into the boat by the weight of the column. The Company then marched steadily forward, not a man blanched or faltered, – indeed the prospect of meeting those in battle who had murdered our brothers in Baltimore seemed to give them pleasure, so that I can hardly say that, when in reaching the Boat we found there was no foe to oppose us, the surprise was more agreeable than disagreeable. I can assure your Excellency, however, that to myself it was most agreeable, for it relieved me from a great weight & a fearful responsibility.

The embarkation was immediately effected, & the boat steamed down the bay at six o'clock in the evening. At this time we had scarcely two days’ rations with us, — the men exhausted by the night march from Boston of Thursday night and Friday, the incessant preparation of Friday night at Phil. threw themselves upon their blankets on the deck of the boat and were soon buried in the profoundest slumber, — so profound, indeed, that when it became necessary, in the course of official duties, to go about the Boat among them, I found myself literally stepping upon them without breaking their slumbers.

We arrived off the bar at Annapolis about 12 at night, and instead of finding that quiet old town buried in repose (great care having been taken that our destination should not be known), we were surprised to find our approach signaled by rockets, lights dancing on the shore, and that we were evidently expected. In the uncertainty of a descent upon the shore by night we came to anchor some two miles below the town. Soon after a boat came alongside, and Lieut. Mathews, a gentleman of the U.S. Naval Academy, announced himself as the bearer of a dispatch from his Exc'y the gov. of Maryland, which is as follows – to wit¹ . . . & detailed Capt. Haggerty of my staff to accompany Lieut. Mathews to the Gov. of Maryland. While Capt. Haggerty was absent — being uncertain as to the good faith of those dispatches of the state of things in the town — I sent my brother, Col. Andrew J. Butler of California (who happened to be with me on a visit) in plain clothes in a boat belonging to the Steamer to make a reconnaissance of the town, & to report as to the best place & manner of landing the troops. About daybreak Capt. Haggerty returned, bringing with him Capt. Blake of the U.S. Navy, Superintendent of the Naval School at Annapolis, to whom for his loyalty to the Union, untiring efforts to aid us in our enterprise, & his kindness & attention to our wants, too much praise cannot be given. If Mass. at this unhappy junction, could separate herself from the Union in so far as to give a reward for well-doing in an officer of the U.S. I know of no one who would deserve it more than Capt. Blake.

From him I learned that there was this special cause of anxiety. The Frigate “Constitution,” in use as a practice ship for the Naval Academy, lay at her mooring in Annapolis with a crew of less than 30 men to take care of her, & the Secessionists were ready to erect a battery on the opposite side of the river to command her. He expressed great anxiety lest she could not be got off, and informed me that the Confederate States had determined to take her and to raise upon old “Iron Sides” their flag.

Capt. Blake inquired of me if my instructions would permit me to put my boat alongside her, take out of her her guns, and tow her into the outer harbor & to detail a sufficient guard for her to prevent a sudden surprise. To this I replied that your Excy's instructions left me a latitude for the exercise of my discretion, & I thought it indispensable to save the “Constitution,” whether the ship or form of Govt., from the enemies of the country; & that I would coöperate with him for the purpose of cutting her out. I immediately lay our steamer alongside & commenced to lighten her by taking her heavy guns on board our boat. One hundred fifty workmen of my command were detailed to assist the crew in getting off the ship, and in this service the men of Marblehead were conspicuous for their strength and alacrity. At half past two in the afternoon we had the pleasure of seeing the good Frigate towed down the bay, safe beyond the reach of her enemies. On the morning of Tuesday the 21st the Brig. order was issued which I herewith submit to your Exc'y’s inspection.

In the afternoon, as we were towing the “Constitution,” our boat ran aground in endeavouring to save the life of a man who had fallen overboard, and remained there hard and fast until the following Tuesday morning at one o’clock, when she was got off and brought up to this city and the men on board landed.

On Monday morning I received a communication from His Excellency the Gov. of Maryland which is herewith submitted, together with my reply. On Monday morning the Steamer “Boston” appeared off the bay, having on board Col. Lefferts’ Regiment. Before he had spoken to us I had issued the enclosed order. Finding it impossible to get the steamer off after several efforts, I went on board the “Boston” and proceeded to effect a landing with Col. Lefferts' Reg’t, but before landing I had addressed the enclosed communication to Gov. Hicks, the only reply to which was a protest against my landing my troops at all. After I got ashore I met Gov. Hicks and city authorities at the office of the Supt. of the Naval Academy. I was informed by Gov. Hicks that the State of Maryland would make no interference with my landing, but said I must march my troops three or more miles out of the city.

In this request he was joined by the Mayor and city authorities, who said that at a meeting of the corporation it had been voted that I should not be molested, but that there were bad men in the place and others might come from Baltimore and other places whom they could not control, therefore it was better that I should march out of town, that if I remained in town their people were much excited, and they were afraid they would not be able to control them. I asked, as I was in need of supplies, if they would furnish me if I would march. To that they replied they would not, nor allow me to buy anything in the city. I asked if I could be furnished with means of transportation to Washington, to that they replied I could not, there were not five horses in the place, and that the Railroad Co. had taken up their tracks to prevent the troops from passing over it. To all this I replied in substance that without supplies I could not march, that I could not put three or four miles between me and my boats, which were the basis of my operations, when the alleged reason why I should march was that in marching I should leave between myself and boats so very excited a mob that the city authorities were not able to control it, and that my troops from Massachusetts were also very much excited because of the murder of their brothers at Baltimore by a mob. But therein I had this advantage, that we could not only control our own excitement, but could also control and suppress the excitement of others, but that I proposed to stay as long as convenient at Annapolis, and march when it was convenient, that if we were attacked we would repel the attack, and that there were none that we should be more happy to see than a representation of the murderers of Baltimore whenever and wherever they should choose to visit us, and that while we staid at Annapolis, if the citizens chose not to have any collision with us, there must be on their part neither stray bricks, nor fugitive shots, thrown at us, and whoever should attempt would find it an unsafe operation.

During the night the Eighth Regiment occupied the Naval Academy. On the following morning Lieut. Hinks, having under his command Capt. Newhall’s Co. of Lynn, having with them an Engineer party of eighty under Lieut. Hodges, proceeded and took possession of the Rail Road, where we found the rolling stock disabled, and the rails taken up. They went forward on the track about four miles where they encamped for the night. The next morning the 8th Regt. went forward, and were followed by the 7th N.Y. Regiment.

I should have stated, before this, that I had detailed Capt. Devereaux Co. & Capt. Briggs’ Co. to go on board the “Constitution,” to defend her against surprise, so that they did not march with the Regiment.

On the morning of Thursday large bodies of troops, including the 5th Regt. 3 Batt., Rifles, and Cook's battery arrived here, and were safely landed.

As soon as preparations could be made I forwarded the 5th regiment with three days’ rations for Washington. They marched last evening at 8 o’clock. I have retained the Rifles and Cook's battery to defend this post, which I am ordered to hold and fortify by Genl. Scott.

I have received information from Fortress Monroe. Col. Wardrop's and Col. Packard’s Regts. are in good health. Col. Wardrop's Regt. made a dashing attack on Norfolk Navy Yard, burning and destroying it, so that it could be of no use to the enemies of the country. Col. Jones’ Regt. is in Washington, the men fast recovering from their wounds & bruises, and in the enjoyment of good health. It is now ten days since the Mass. troops were first called into the field, and their operations may be summed up thus: Two Regts. have relieved Fortress Monroe and put it beyond danger of attack; one, Col. Jones’, marched to the aid of the Federal Capitol through Baltimore, and were baptized in blood; another, the 8th, has rescued the Frigate “Constitution” and put her on the side of law and order, has taken possession of Annapolis and of the Railroad, building it as they went, and together with their brethren of the 5th have marched to the Capital & thereby opened a communication through which thousands of troops are now passing. The two battalions are now guarding this depot of troops. Are not these sufficient deeds for a campaign of many months?

At a future day, as soon as communications are freely opened, I shall have the honor to report in full detail the state and condition of the men under my command; the present disturbed state of things renders that nearly impossible. There is one subject, however, I desire to press upon your Excellency’s most serious attention, — it is the necessity of a light uniform for the troops. I would suggest a blue light flannel, similar to that worn by the Rhode Island troops, to be made plain and serviceable without ornament or tinsel. There is needed at this moment four thousand such uniforms to supply the troops in the field. The form or shape should be that of a short “round about,” or a jacket like an undress in the Army. Let the cloth be bought at once and the swift, sympathetic fingers of our sisters and sweethearts be employed in making it up. These are practical suggestions, and I will have no doubt meet your Excellency's views. I have the honor

to be

Very Respectfully, Your obedient servant,

BENJ. F. BUTLER

_______________

¹ It was General Butler's habit to prepare the drafts of his letters by his own hand, leaving quotations, references, etc. to be inserted by his secretary. It is, therefore, sometimes difficult to identify the addenda referred to. In the present instance, undoubtedly, the reference is to the letter from Governor Hicks on page 18.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 43-9

George L. Stearns to Samuel Gridley Howe, December 23, 1860

[December 23, 1860.]

Dear Friend:

Yours of 20th is at hand. I will see the persons you have named and be ready to report as soon as I have returned home. Stone, I have no doubt, will be an acquisition of great value, but we shall want an editor of equal ability. Some persons here say that we must have $10,000 pledged to secure success, and my present plan is to pay a manager and editor each a moderate salary and one-half the profits, the other half to go to the guaranty fund, or be used in extending the paper. To succeed we must play a bold game. Andrew appears as well as usual. We are having a right good time. You will see all the Washington gossip in the papers before this reaches you, and I shall only give the impression it has made on me, which is that if any Republican members vote for concession or compromise they are politically dead. If a majority of the party vote for it, the party is dead. I have to-day seen a number of leading men and all their talk was a resolution for the impeachment of the President.

We are told Lincoln says no friend of his will propose either dissolution or concession. Wilson says: “They meet us with long faces, and we laugh at them and tell them to go.” In the Senate Committee of Thirteen, all the Republicans voted against the compromises; which, as there would be no compromise without them, was understood to be fatal. When they came to the Fugitive Slave Law, Wade told them that, as they were going out of the Union, there was no need of voting on that, for it would then die of itself. If this goes on much further I think we may expect the immediate abolition of slavery, even if it requires an ocean of blood. If war with the Cotton States comes, I am sure of it.

Yours faithfully,

George L. Stearns.

SOURCE: Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 237-8

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to a Louisa Storrow Higginson, October 27,1859

Worcester, October 27,1859

Dearest Mother:

While you are dreaming of me in this alarming manner, I am placidly laying out a new bed of crocuses and tulips for the spring, and buying at auction a second-hand tapestry Brussels, quite handsome, for seventy cents a yard, to put in the study. This afternoon an African brother visits us, not for insurrectionary purposes, but to aid in putting down the same on the study floor.

Of course I think enough about Brown, though I don't feel sure that his acquittal or rescue would do half as much good as his being executed; so strong is the personal sympathy with him. We have done what we could for him by sending counsel and in other ways that must be nameless. By we I mean Dr. Howe, W. Phillips, J. A. Andrew, and myself. If the trial lasts into next week, it is possible to make some further arrangements for his legal protection. But beyond this no way seems open for anything; there is (as far as one can say such a thing) no chance for forcible assistance, and next to none for stratagem. Never was there a case which seemed more perfectly impracticable: and so far as any service on the spot is concerned, there are others who could perform it better than I. Had I been a lawyer, however, I should probably have gone on at once, to act at least temporarily as his Counsel. A young man from Boston named Hoyt has gone on for this, and probably Montgomery Blair, of Washington, will be there to-day, to conduct the case.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 85-6

John A. Andrew to George L. Stearns, Monday [October 24, 1859]

My Dear Sir:

I went over the subject last evening, canvassing the books and cases with great care, occupying some four hours. Enclosed is my conclusion. I see no possible way in which any one can have done anything in Massachusetts for which he can be carried to any other state. I know nothing for which you could be tried even here.

Yours very truly,

J. A. Andrew.

SOURCES: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 462; Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 187-8

Edwin M. Stanton to Governor Andrew G. Curtin, May 25, 1862

WAR DEPARTMENT,

Washington, D. C., May 25, 1862.

Governor CURTIN,

Harrisburg:

Send all the troops forward that you can immediately. Banks is completely routed. The enemy are in large force advancing upon Harper's Ferry.

EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary.

(Same to Governor Andrew, Boston, and to Governor Sprague, Providence.)

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 70

Proclamation of Governor John A. Andrew, Sunday, May 25, 1862 – 11 p.m.

Men of Massachusetts! — The wily and barbarous horde of traitors to the people, to the Government, to our country, and to liberty, menace again the national capital. They have attacked and routed Maj.-Gen. Banks, are advancing on Harper's Ferry, and are marching on Washington. The President calls on Massachusetts to rise once more for its rescue and defence.

The whole active militia will be summoned by a general order, issued from the office of the Adjutant-General, to report on Boston Common to-morrow; they will march to relieve and avenge their brethren and friends, and to oppose with fierce zeal and courageous patriotism the progress of the foe.

May God encourage their hearts and strengthen their arms, and may lie inspire the Government and all the people!

Given at Headquarters, Boston, 11 o'clock, this (Sunday) evening, May 25, 1862.

JOHN A. ANDREW.

SOURCE: Appletons’ Annual Cyclopedia and Register of Important Events of the Year 1862, Volume 2, p. 108

Congressman Samuel Hooper to Governor John A. Andrew, May 28, 1862

WASHINGTON, May 28, 1862.

Governor JOHN A. ANDREW,

Boston, Mass.:

I am authorized by the President to say, in reply to your telegram, the order for the militia and three-months’ men was made by the President himself upon deliberate consultation with the Secretary of War and other members of his Cabinet and his military advisers. You are requested not to make any public use of this.

S. HOOPER.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 94

Speech of Senator Charles Sumner in the United States Senate, December 18, 1861

Some days ago I called the attention of the Senate to abuses in Missouri with reference to fugitive slaves. Since then I have received a great many communications from that State showing very great interest in the question, some of them in the nature of protest against the system which has been adopted there. One of these purports to come from a slave owner, himself educated in a slave State, and he speaks with great bitterness of the indignity that has been put upon the Army there, and of the injury that it has done to the cause of the Union. Another letter from another person contains a passage which I shall read:

“I wish to say in addition that I have lived twenty-four years in Missouri, that I know the people well, have served them in various offices, and let me assure you it is nonsense to try to save Missouri to the Union and the institution of slavery also. We must give up one or the other. Slavery ought to fall and Missouri be saved. Frémont's army struck terror into the secessionists. He made them feel it by taking their goods and chattels. Let our armies proclaim freedom to the slaves of the secessionists, and the rebellion will soon close. We can take care of the free negroes at a future day. Give General Lane ten thousand men, and he would establish peace in Missouri in thirty days.”

But, sir, my especial object now is not to call attention to this abuse in Missouri, but to call attention to this abuse here near at home. Brigadier General Stone, the well-known commander at Ball's Bluff, is now adding to his achievements there by engaging ably and actively in the work of surrendering fugitive slaves. He does this, sir, most successfully. He is victorious when the simple question is whether a fugitive slave shall be surrendered to a rebel.

Sir, besides my general interest in this question, besides my interest in the honor of the national Army, I have a special interest at this moment because Brigadier General Stone has seen fit to impose this vile and unconstitutional duty upon Massachusetts troops. The Governor of my State has charged me with a communication to the Secretary of War on this subject, complaining of this outrage, treating it as an indignity to the men, and as an act unworthy of our national flag. I agree with the Governor of Massachusetts; and when I call attention to this abuse now, I make myself his representative, as also the representative of my own opinions.

But there are others besides the Governor of Massachusetts who complain. There are two German companies in one of the Massachusetts regiments who, when they enlisted, entered into the public service with the positive understanding that they should not be put to any such discreditable and unconstitutional service. Sir, they complain, and with them their own immediate fellow-citizens at home, the German population generally throughout the country.

Nor is this all. The complaint extends to other quarters. I have here a letter from a citizen of Philadelphia, from which I shall read a short extract. The writer says:

“I have but one son, and he fought at Ball's Bluff, in the California regiment, where his bravery brought him into notice. He escaped, wounded, after dark. He protests against being made to return fugitive slaves, and if ordered to that duty will refuse obedience and take the consequences. I ask, sir, shall our sons, who are offering their lives for the preservation of our institutions, be degraded to slave-catchers for any persons, loyal or disloyal? If such is the policy of the Government, I shall urge my son to shed no more blood for its preservation.”

With these communications which I have received, some of an official character and others of a private character, I have felt that I should not do my duty if I did not call the attention of the Senate to this outrage. It must be arrested. I am glad to know that my friend and colleague, the chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, promises us at once a bill to meet this grievance. It ought to be introduced promptly, and to be passed at once. Our troops ought to be saved from this shame.

SOURCE: John C. Rives, The Congressional Globe: Containing the Debates and Proceedings of the Second Session of the Thirty-Seventh Congress, p. 130

Senator Charles Sumner to Governor John A. Andrew, January 26, 1861

Washington, January 26, 1861.

My Dear Andrew, — Yesterday I was with the Attorney-General,¹ an able, experienced, Northern Democratic lawyer, with the instincts of our profession on the relation of cause and effect. He drew me into his room, but there were clerks there; opening the door into another room, there were clerks there, too; and then traversing five different rooms, he found them all occupied by clerks; when, opening the door into the entry, he told me he was “surrounded by Secessionists,” who would report in an hour to the newspapers any interview between us, — that he must see me at some other time and place, — that everything was bad as could be, — that Virginia would certainly secede,—that the conspiracy there was the most wide-spread and perfect, — that all efforts to arrest it by offers of compromise, or by the circulation of Clemens's speech, were no more than that (snapping his fingers), — that Kentucky would surely follow, and Maryland, too. “Stop, Mr. Attorney,” said I, “not so fast. I agree with you to this point, — Maryland would go, except for the complication of the National Capital, which the North will hold, and also the road to it.”

Of course you will keep Massachusetts out of all these schemes. If you notice the proposition for a commission, say that it is summoned to make conditions which contemplate nothing less than surrender of cherished principles, so that she can have nothing to do with it.

My opinion has been fixed for a long time. All the Slave States will go, except Delaware, and perhaps Maryland and Missouri, — to remain with us Free States.

The mistake of many persons comes from this, — they do not see that we are in the midst of a revolution, where reason is dethroned, and passion rules instead. If this were a mere party contest, then the circulation of speeches and a few resolutions might do good. But what are such things in a revolution? As well attempt to hold a man-of-war in a tempest by a little anchor borrowed from Jamaica Pond; and this is what I told the Boston Committee with regard to their petition .

I have but one prayer: Stand firm, keep every safeguard of Human Rights on our statute-book, and save Massachusetts glorious and true.

Ever yours,

Charles Sumner.

_______________

¹ Hon. Edwin M. Stanton.

SOURCE: Charles Sumner; His Complete Works, Volume 7, p. 191-3

Senator Charles Sumner to Governor John A. Andrew, January 28, 1861

Senate Chamber, January 28, 1861.

My Dear Andrew, — I did not unite with the delegation yesterday in recommending commissioners, and I think they signed without much reflection, certainly without any general conference.

My disposition in any matter not involving principle is to keep the delegation a Unit, and I certainly would not stand in the way now. Two things have been pressed, both entitled to consideration: first, in the absence of commissioners duly appointed, certain “Union-savers” from Massachusetts, accidentally here, will work into the Convention, and undertake to represent Massachusetts; and, secondly, it is important that Massachusetts should not be kept insulated. Both you can judge, and I shall defer to your judgment.

Preston King concurred with me as to the true policy of our States; but he did not think it worth while to interfere positively by writing to the Governor of New York.

Should you conclude to move, let two things be guarded: first, the principles, by having it known that Massachusetts has taken no step towards any acceptance of the resolutions which are made the implied basis of the proposed Convention; and, secondly, the men, by designating only the firmest, in whom there is no possibility of concession or compromise, like —, —, —, —, —, —; but you know the men better than I do.

Last evening the Attorney-General was with me for a long time, till after midnight. I know from him what I cannot communicate. Suffice it to say, he does not think it probable — hardly possible — that we shall be here on the 4th of March. The President has been wrong again, and a scene has taken place which will be historic, but which I know in sacred confidence. General Scott is very anxious. It is feared that the department will be seized and occupied as forts. What then can be done by the General, surgeons, and flying artillery?

Ever yours,

Charles Sumner.

SOURCE: Charles Sumner; His Complete Works, Volume 7, p. 193-4

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 20, 1863

It has got out that the President intends to dispense with the services of Mr. Myers, the Jew Quartermaster-General, and Mr. Miles, member of Congress from South Carolina, who happens to be his friend, is characteristically doing the part of friend for his retention. But he gives the President some severe raps for alleged contempt of the wishes of Congress, that body having passed a bill (vetoed by the President) conferring on Col M. the rank and pay of brigadier-general.

The operations of Gen. Lee have relieved the depot here, which was nearly empty. Since the capture of Winchester and Martinsburg, only about 1500 bushels of corn are sent to the army daily whereas 5000 were sent before, and there were rarely more than day's supply on hand.

To-day, about one o'clock, the city was thrown into a state of joyful excitement, by the reception of news from the North. From this source it was ascertained, what had hitherto been only a matter of conjecture, that a portion of our forces, the same that captured Winchester and Martinsburg, were in Pennsylvania! Gen. Jenkins, with his cavalry, had taken Chambersburg on the 16th inst — and the North, from the line of Pennsylvania to the lakes, am from the seaboard to the western prairies, was stricken with consternation. These are some of the dispatches, as copied from Northern papers:

“The Governor of Ohio calls for 30,000 troops. The Governor of Pennsylvania calls for 50,000, to prevent the invasion of each State.

“Washington, June 15th.—Lincoln has issued a proclamation for 100,000 men, to repel the invasion of Maryland, Northern Virginia, Pennsylvania, and Ohio.

“Harrisburg, June 15th.—Dispatches from Chambersburg and Hagerstown state that the rebel cavalry are at Berryville and Martinsburg. A dispatch dated 14th, says that hard fighting is going on. The rebels had driven Reynolds from Berryville, and were advancing on the capital. The towns and cities throughout Pennsylvania are in danger.

“later. — Private dispatches state that on the 16th the rebels were at Chambersburg in force. .The Federals were removing the railroad machinery, stock, and stores. Great excitement and alarm pervaded the entire country.”

In the “hard fighting,” Gen. Lee reports our loss as “one killed and two wounded.” Here's the second dispatch:

“Shelbyville, Tenn., June 18th.—Nashville papers of the 17th inst. have been received here. They contain Lincoln's proclamation, calling for 100,000 militia, for six months' service, and the following highly interesting telegrams:

“loudon, Pa., June 16th.—The rebels are in heavy force in the Cumberland Valley.

“bedford, Pa., June 16th. — Scouts report 6000 rebels at Cumberland, Maryland. The inhabitants are flying for safety from Harper's Ferry.

“Harrisburg, June 16th. — Business is suspended here. All the important documents have been removed from the capital.

“Milroy telegraphs officially his repulse from the fortifications at Winchester by 15,000 rebels, with the loss of 2900 men.

“Governor Curtin calls upon the people of Pennsylvania to defend the State, saying that Philadelphia has not responded, while the enemy are in Chambersburg. He reproaches Pennsylvania for sniffling about the length of service when the exigency exists.

“Dispatches state that everything looks gloomy, and there is no saving the country south of the Susquehanna.

“baltimore, June 16th. — Governor Bradford calls on the people to rally to the defense of Maryland.

“Providence, R. I., June 16th.—Governor Smith convenes the Legislature on Thursday for the purpose of raising troops.

“philadelphia, June 16th.—The Mayor has issued a proclamation closing the stores in order that the occupants may join military organizations to defend the city.

“new York, June 16th. — All the regiments are getting ready under arms. The Brooklyn bells were rung at midnight, summoning the men to the regiments, which were to leave immediately for Philadelphia.

“Governor Andrews, of Massachusetts, tenders Lincoln all the available force of militia from that State.”

Milroy's statement in relation to the number of prisoners taken by us is pretty fair, when compared with Hooker's official statements on similar occasions. Some of the prisoners will probably arrive in Richmond to-day—and the Agent of Exchange has been notified that 7000 would be sent on. So Gen. Milroy told nearly half the truth.

Again:

THIRD DISPATCH.

“Shelbyville, June 19th. — Other dispatches in the Nashville papers say that the rebels advanced six miles beyond Chambersburg. On the 16th Gen. Taylor telegraphs officially his retreat, and the capture of the Federal forces at Winchester.”

Later in the day the New York Herald of the 17th inst. was received by the flag of truce boat. I now quote from it:

“Fortifications are being rapidly erected all along the north bank of the Susquehanna, and Gen. McClellan or Gen. Franklin has been called for to head the State troops.

REPORTS FROM HARRISBURG.

“harrisburg, Pa., June 16th. — Midnight. — Rebel cavalry today occupied Littletown, eleven miles from Gettysburg, but at last accounts had not advanced beyond that point.

“The rebel officers at Chambersburg stated that they were only waiting for infantry to move forward. The authorities are inclined to believe, however, that they will not move farther North.

“The farmers in the valley are sending their horses and cattle into the mountains.

“The rebels are gathering up all the negroes that can be found.

“Private property has been respected.

“They burned the railroad bridge across Scotland Creek, six miles this side of Chambersburg. Harper's Ferry Invested.

“baltimore, June 16th. — Fugitives from Hagerstown report the rebels picketing all the roads and not permitting any one to pass.

“The force that passed through were all cavalry, under Jenkins and Imboden, and did not exceed 2500.

“All was quiet at Frederick up to five o'clock this evening, though the people were greatly excited and hundreds were leaving.

“Harrisburg, June 17th. — The aspect of affairs, so far as can be judged by the reports from the border, seems to be this:

“The rebel force occupy Hagerstown and such other points as leave them free to operate either against Harrisburg or Baltimore.

“Apprehensions are entertained by the people of Altoona and other points on the line of the Pennsylvania Railroad, that the rebels will strike for the West, and then go back to their own soil by way of Pittsburg and Wheeling.

“The fortifications constructed on the hills opposite Harrisburg are considered sufficient protection for the city, and an offensive movement on our part is not unlikely."

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 354-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, August 15, 1863

Certain persons in Boston have an innate conviction that they can improve the administration of the Navy Department. They are never united among themselves as to how this is to be effected, but all are fond of criticism. They always claim that they expected this thing would fail or that would succeed after the event occurred. I must do them the justice to say, however, that with all their grumbling and faultfinding they have generally given me a fair support. In special cases, where I have been lectured, I have invariably found there was an axe to grind, a purpose to be accomplished. Some one, or more, important personage has had suggestions to make, and for a consideration — never omitting that — would consent to help along the work of putting down the Rebellion. These have been the captious ones.

A man by the name of Weld has written a long letter to Governor Andrew. He wants the Governor to aid the Navy Department by writing to the President to form a Naval Board in Massachusetts, with authority to build vessels, fast steamers, such as Massachusetts can build, steamers which will capture or destroy the Alabama, and allow the Massachusetts Board to commission the officers. If there is no appropriation, says good Mr. Weld, take the necessary funds from the Secret Service money. Mr. Weld informs Governor Andrew he is ready to be employed. Governor Andrew indorses over the letter. He also indorses Mr. Weld, who is, he says, one of the most eminent shipbuilders in Massachusetts, and he (Governor A.) is ready to cooperate with Mr. Weld in his patriotic suggestions, etc., etc., etc. This is Boston all over. I have had it from the beginning and periodically. The Welds, etc., from the commencement of hostilities, have prompted and promised almost anything, only requiring the Government to give them power and foot the bills.

I had to-day a very full and interesting account of the campaign and fall of Vicksburg from General F. P. Blair, who has done good service in the field and in politics also. He was a fearless pioneer in the great cause of the Union and breasted the storm in stormy Missouri with a bold front. Of the factions and feuds in St. Louis I pretend to no accurate knowledge, and am no partisan of or for either. Frank is as bold in words as in deeds, fearless in his utterances as in his fights; is uncalculating, — impolitic, it would be said, — rash, without doubt, but sincere and patriotic to the core. I detect in his conversation to-day a determination to free himself from personal and local complications, and if possible to reconcile differences. It is honorable on his part, but I apprehend he has materials to deal with that he cannot master.

G. W. Blunt came to see me. Ridicules Barney and all the government officials in New York but Wakeman. Says old General Wool made himself ridiculous in the mob difficulties. Calls him a weak old man. If weak, it is from age, for there is no one more patriotic. At eighty he was not the proper man to quell an outbreak. Blunt and others are sore over the removal of General Harvey Brown. He is earnest to have the draft go forward, but says it will be followed by incendiarism. It may be so. Blunt is ardent, impulsive, earnest, and one-sided.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 404-6

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Governor John A. Andrew, May 9, 1861

Department of Annapolis, Headquarters,

ANNAPOLIS, May 9, 1861

To his Excellency, JOHN A. ANDREW, Governor and Commander-in-Chief

SIR: I have delayed replying to your excellency's despatch of the 25th of April in my other despatches, because, as it involved disapprobation of an act done, couched in the kindest language, I suppose the interests of the country could not suffer in the delay; and incessant labor up to the present moment has prevented me giving full consideration to the topic. Temporary illness which forbids bodily activity gives me now a moment's pause.

The telegraph, with more than usual accuracy, has rightly informed your excellency that I had offered the services of the Massachusetts troops under my command to aid the authorities in Maryland in suppressing the threatened slave insurrection. Fortunately for us all the rumor of such an outbreak was without a substantial foundation. Assuming, as your excellency does in your despatch, that I was carrying on military operations in an enemy's country when a war a l'outrance was to be waged, my act might be an act of discussion. And in that view, acting in the light of the Baltimore murders and the apparent hostile position of Maryland, your excellency might, without mature reflection, have come to the conclusion of disapprobation expressed in your despatch. But the facts, especially as now aided by their results, will entirely justify my act and reinstate me in your excellency’s good opinion.

True, I landed on the soil of Maryland against the formal protest of its governor and of the corporate authorities of Annapolis, and expecting opposition only from insurgents assembled in riotous contempt of the laws of the State. Before, by letter, at the time of landing, by personal interview, I had informed Governor Hicks that the soldiers of the Union, under my command, were armed only against the insurgents and disturbers of the peace of Maryland and of the United States. I received from Governor Hicks assurances of the loyalty of the State to the Union, — assurances which subsequent events have fully justified. The mayor of Annapolis also informed me that the city authorities would in no wise oppose me, but that I was in great danger from the excited and riotous crowds of Baltimore, pouring down upon me and in numbers beyond the control of the police. I assured both the governor and the mayor that I had no fear of a Baltimore or other mob, and that, supported by the authorities of the State and city, I should suppress all hostile demonstrations against the laws of Maryland and the United States, and that I would protect both myself and the city of Annapolis from any disorderly persons whatsoever. On the morning following my landing, I was informed that the city of Annapolis and environs were in danger from an insurrection of the slave population, in defiance of the laws of the State. What was I to do? I had promised to put down a white mob and to preserve and enforce the laws against that. Ought I to allow a black one any preference in the breach of the laws? I understood that I was armed against all infractions of the laws, whether by white or black, and upon that understanding I acted, certainly with promptness and efficiency; and your excellency’s shadow of disapprobation, arising from a misunderstanding of the facts, has caused all the regret I have for that action. The question seemed to me to be neither military nor political, and was not to be so treated. It was simply a question of good faith and honesty of purpose. The benign effect of my course was instantly seen. The good but timid people of Annapolis, who had fled from their houses at our approach, immediately returned; business assumed its accustomed channels; quiet and order prevailed in the city; confidence took the place of distrust, friendship of enmity, brotherly kindness of sectional hate, and I believe to-day there is no city in the Union more loyal than the city of Annapolis. I think, therefore, I may safely point to the results for my justification. The vote of the neighborhood county of Washington, a few days since, for its delegate to the legislature, wherein four thousand out of five thousand votes were thrown for a delegate favorable to the Union, is among the many happy fruits of firmness of purpose, efficiency of action, and integrity of mission. I believe, indeed, that it will not require a personal interchange of views, as suggested in your despatch, to bring our minds in accordance; a simple statement of the facts will suffice.

But I am to act hereafter, it may be, in an enemy's country, among a servile population, when the question may arise, as it has not yet arisen, as well in a moral and Christian as in a political and military point of view. What shall I do? Will your excellency bear with me a moment while this question is discussed?

I appreciate fully your excellency’s suggestion as to the inherent weakness of the rebels, arising from the preponderance of their servile population. The question, then, is, “In what manner shall we take advantage of that weakness?” By allowing, and of course arming, that population to rise upon the defenceless women and children of the country, carrying rapine, arson, and murder – all the horrors of San Domingo a million times magnified – among those whom we hope to reunite with us as brethren, many of whom are already so, and all who are worth preserving will be, when this horrible madness shall have passed away or be thrashed out of them? Would your excellency advise the troops under my command to make war in person upon the defenceless women and children of any part of the Union, accompanied with brutalities too horrible to be named? You will say, “God forbid.” If we may not do so in person, shall we arm others to do so over whom we can have no restraint, exercise no control, and who, when once they have tasted blood, may turn the very arms we put in their hands against ourselves as a part of the oppressing white race? The reading of history, so familiar to your excellency, will tell you the bitterest cause of complaint which our fathers had against Great Britain in the War of the Revolution was the arming by the British Ministry of the red men with the tomahawk and the scalping knife against the women and children of the colonies, so that the phrase “May we not use all the means which God and Nature have put in our power to subjugate the colonies?” has passed into a legend of infamy against the leader of that ministry who used it in Parliament. Shall history teach us in vain? Could we justify ourselves to ourselves? Although with arms in our hands amid the savage wildness of camp and field, we may have blunted many of the finer moral sensibilities in letting loose four millions of worse than savages upon the homes and hearths of the South. Can we be justified to the Christian community of Massachusetts? Would such a course be consonant with the teachings of our holy religion? I have a very decided opinion on the subject, and if anyone desires, as I know your excellency does not, this unhappy contest to be prosecuted in that manner, some instrument other than myself must be found to carry it on. I may not discuss the political bearings of this topic. When I went from under the shadow of my roof tree I left all politics behind me, to be resumed when every part of the Union is loyal to the flag, and the potency of the government through the ballot-box is established.

Passing the moral and the Christian view, let us examine the subject as a military question. Is not that state already subjugated which requires the bayonets of those armed in opposition to its rulers to preserve it from the horrors of a servile war? As the least experienced of military men, I would have no doubt of the entire subjugation of a State brought to that condition. When, therefore, — unless I am better advised, — any community in the United States who have met me in honorable warfare, or even in the prosecution of a rebellious war in an honorable manner, shall call upon me for protection against the nameless horrors of a servile insurrection, they shall have it, and from the moment that call is obeyed I have no doubt we shall be friends and not enemies.

The possibilities that dishonorable means of defence are to be taken by the rebels against the government I do not now contemplate. If, as has been done in a single instance, my men are to be attacked by poison, or, as in another, stricken down by the assassin's knife and thus murdered, the community using such weapons may be required to be taught that it holds within its own border a more potent means for deadly purposes and indiscriminate slaughter than any which it can administer to us.

Trusting that these views may meet your excellency's approval, I have the honor to be,

Very respectfully,

Your obedient servant,

BENJ. F. BUTLER

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 38-41

John A. Andrew to Gideon Welles, July 16, 1863

Commonwealth Of Massachusetts,

Executive Department, Boston, July 16, 1863.

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 11th instant, in reply to mine of the 1st. I should have answered you at once, but have been prevented from doing so until to-day by absorbing engagements arising from the outbreak here on the 14th instant.

I regret that any expression of mine should be regarded by you as unjust, and as the statement in question is not at all material to the substance of the letter I desire that it may be considered as withdrawn, but with the explanation that it was made upon the authority of municipal officers and citizens of Gloucester, the shipping of which town more than any other was affected by the Tacony, and that it was based by them upon the assurances of their own shipmasters that, after the Tacony first made her appearance in the neighborhood of the Vineyard Sound, four days passed, during which she burned numerous vessels, before Federal cruisers made their appearance there in pursuit of her. I am glad now to be able, on the authority of the Department, to assure my informants that, during these four days, more than twenty vessels of war, of which no less than fourteen were steamers, were engaged in one direction or another in such pursuit. It was not at all my intention to deny that any of these vessels had been sent out after the Tacony, for as to that the sources of information were not open to me. What I was, however, on the authority of intelligent shipmasters of Gloucester, induced to believe and to say was that no such armed vessels were sent along this coast for its protection until after the Tacony had swept the Vineyard Sound. But any discussion on this point is immaterial to the purpose of my letter of the 1st instant. It would be profitless to continue it. I am glad to infer from your statement of the great number of vessels sent in pursuit of the Tacony that some of them must have been chasing her near the Vineyard Sound during the four days in question, in which she captured and burned the Gloucester fishermen, and that therefore the Gloucester people were probably mistaken in their statements to me, and I beg that my remark may be considered as withdrawn.

The purpose of my letter of the 1st instant was to do my duty to the State over which I preside, by urging upon the Navy Department hereafter to guard against such raids as that of the Tacony by stationing armed vessels along this coast, and particularly within easy reach of the Vineyard Sound. My fruitless request in that behalf last February, at the time when the Alabama was reported as in this neighborhood, is perhaps within your recollection. I was then refused. Later in the year the effort was renewed by me, and I was assured on May 2 that, expressly for the protection of this coast, a fast cruiser should be stationed here always prepared for service. If the knowledge that cruisers are now along the coast is likely to prevent a repetition of such outrages as that of the Tacony, surely the same means, if they had been seasonably adopted, would have deterred the Tacony from appearing here at all. But I have no knowledge that during the six weeks which passed between the date of May 2 and the date of the appearance of the Tacony in Vineyard Sound, any fast cruiser was placed here according to the Department's assurance on the former date.

Believe me, sir, that I am deeply sensible of the difficulties as well as of the duties of the Navy Department. It is certainly a difficult duty to guard the Northern coast in addition to blockading the Southern coast, but certainly also the Department has the ability successfully to accomplish it and to prevent the recurrence of a day when, for fear of rebel cruisers, insurance shall be at the rate of 4½ per cent for freight from Philadelphia to Boston.

I beg in conclusion to forward to you copies of communications I have received from the selectmen of Provincetown while I have been writing this letter, and I have the honor to remain,

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

John A. Andrew,

Governor of Massachusetts.

Hon. Gideon Welles,

Secretary of the Navy.

[Enclosure.]

The inhabitants of Provincetown are extremely anxious for a vessel to be sent to Provincetown for the protection of that harbor, as it is very much exposed to rebel invasion, they having already threatened to burn the town. It being at the extreme end of Cape Cod, the harbor is large and commodious, easy of access, sufficient depth of water for any vessel; consequently, it at times has 300 or 400 sail of vessels there at one time; and should a pirate or privateer enter he could destroy the shipping, village, the Race light, [Long] Point light, and Highland light, as we have no means of defense whatever. Our harbor is generally known, as there are many fishermen belonging to British provinces sailing from our town, and have previously sailed from there, who may now be on board of those piratical vessels already to pilot them in. They have an inducement to do so, as we have a steam packet plying between Provincetown and Boston; also a bank from which they might demand $200,000, more or less.

We therefore pray some vessel of sufficient capacity to repel any rebel invasion may be sent to our harbor as early as possible, to give us protection, until some other means are adopted for our protection, by fortification or otherwise. And not only ours, but for the numerous vessels seeking shelter in that harbor from other places. The harbor is considered to be the key of Massachusetts Bay, and one of the best in the United States.

We also pray for 150 or 200 muskets, with the necessary equipment, that we may be prepared to meet any equal foe that may attempt to land on the back of our town; also two artillery pieces on carriages and ammunition sufficient for the same.

John Nickerson,

Robert Soper,

Committee from Provincetotm.

SOURCE: Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebelion, Series I, Volume 2, p. 347-8

Gideon Welles to John A. Andrew, July 11, 1863

Navy Department, July 11, 1863.

Sir: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 1st instant. The alarm created by the reckless depredations of the Tacony is not surprising. Similar dangers may not be immediate, but the Navy Department has, as you probably are informed, taken measures with a view to guard against a repetition.

Two steamers — the Aries and the Iron Age — and two sailing cruisers with formidable batteries — the brig Perry and the Ethan Allen — with perhaps one armed schooner, have been, or will be, ordered to the protection of the commerce and fisheries and coasts of New England. These vessels will have orders for permanent service on that coast during the fishing season, and other cruisers will be specially detailed in cases of emergency.

The shore defenses of the towns mentioned by you and of other places on the coast belong, perhaps, strictly to a Department other than this, but any aid that the demands will allow us to extend we desire to give, and the fact that there are cruisers on coast naval service will doubtless operate to some extent as a preventive against such craft, and also afford a sense of security. The necessity of additional cruisers on the seas, the demands of our squadrons for additional vessels, and the want of seamen to man them prevent the detailing of a larger force. It is deemed best that but one of the steamers detached should be stationed at an available point where intelligence can be promptly communicated and received in order to be at any moment available. I had thought that Boston would be the best place to be selected for this purpose, but if Provincetown, in the opinion of yourself and others, is a more suitable location, I certainly should be disposed to consult your views and wishes.

I regret to learn that some of the places enumerated by you have not a single gun for their defense. Although it is not strictly within the province of this Department to supply these wants, I shall, as you are already advised, be desirous to assist you, as we have done to some extent, with such naval ordnance as we can spare for temporary batteries to protect the points exposed. Besides the legitimate duties of blockading and cruising, the Navy has been efficient in capturing forts and batteries and protecting many places, until there seems to be a reliance upon and a demand for gunboats and ironclads that can not be met and is wholly incompatible with the imperative requirements of the service in its proper element.

I need not assure you that it will be, as it has ever been, my duty to render whatever assistance is in the power of the Department, consistent with other duties, to our fellow-citizens in Massachusetts, and to respond promptly at all times to impending danger. It was therefore with surprise and regret I read your statement that vessels “were not sent until the Tacony had rioted along the Vineyard Sound for four days.”

To this very extraordinary statement in an official paper from the chief magistrate of Massachusetts I shall respond by stating the facts.

The Tacony was captured by Read and his crew on the 12th of June. Information of the fact was communicated to the Department on the evening of the 13th of June. Within thirty minutes thereafter orders were dispatched to send public vessels immediately after the Tacony, and additional orders were given the next morning (Sunday), as also subsequently, to charter and, if necessary, to seize vessels for that purpose.

Before 12 o'clock Saturday night, the 13th of June, the steamers Young Rover, Commodore Jones, and Western World had sailed from Hampton Roads in search of the Tacony. On the following day the Seminole, Tuscarora, Dai Citing, Adela, and Virginia, all steamers, left New York, and many others,, naval and chartered vessels, followed on the 15th and 16th.

On the 15th (Monday) three chartered steamers left Philadelphia, and the next day a chartered schooner followed in pursuit of the Tacony. On the 16th five chartered vessels, and on the 17th the steamer Montgomery and bark Trinity left Boston on the same errand. The steamer Cherokee also left the same day, but from some derangement in her compass returned again and departed the next day.

I have not the means of knowing what day the Tacony entered the Vineyard Sound, but on the 20th of June she captured the Isaac Webb, bound for New York, the first capture in that vicinity reported to the Department. But the Department had sent out more than twenty vessels in pursuit of the Tacony prior to the capture of the Webb. Many had been then six days cruising for her.

Within two days from the time the Tacony was captured and appropriated to piratical purposes the Department had issued orders to send vessels in pursuit, and those orders were promptly carried into effect. Not only public vessels were dispatched, but private vessels were chartered, and orders were given to seize vessels, if necessary, for this service.

Yet your Excellency has thought proper to say no vessels were sent until the “Tacony had rioted along the Vineyard Sound for four days.” It is not for me to reconcile your statement with these facts. I am unwilling to believe that you would have made the assertion had yon known what measures the Department had taken, and regret that you did not ascertain the facts before making it. It is not often that I devote a moment to controvert or correct even undeserved censure or misrepresentation, but this, in an official communication, seemed so wholly gratuitous and unjust that I could not, when answering your letter, omit some allusion to it.

I am, sir, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

Gideon Welles,

Secretary of the Navy.

His Excellency Jno. A. Andrew,

Governor of Massachusetts, Boston.

SOURCE: Official Records of the Union and Confederate Navies in the War of the Rebelion, Series I, Volume 2, p. 345-6