Major-General William T. Sherman to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, August 17, 1862

HEADQUARTERS FIFTH DIVISION,                 

Memphis, August 17, 1862.

Major-General GRANT, Corinth:

DEAR SIR: A letter from you of August 4, asking me to write more freely and fully on all matters of public interest, did not reach me till yesterday.

I think since the date of that letter you have received from me official reports and copies of orders telling almost everything of interest hereabouts; but I will with pleasure take every occasion to advise you of everything that occurs here.

Your order of arrest of newspaper correspondent is executed, and he will be sent to Alton by the first opportunity. He sends you by mail to-day a long appeal and has asked me to stay proceedings till you can be heard from. I have informed him I would not do so; that persons writing over false names were always suspected by honorable men, and that all I could hold out to him was that you might release him if the dishonest editor who had substituted his newspaper name to the protection of another would place himself in prison in his place. I regard all these newspaper harpies as spies and think they could be punished as such.

I have approved the arrest of the captain and seizure of the steamboat Saline for carrying salt down the river without permit and changing it off for cotton. I will have the captain tried by a military commission for aiding and abetting the public enemy by furnishing them salt wherewith to cure bacon, a contraband article; also for trafficking on the river without license or permit. I hope the court will adopt my views and stop this nefarious practice. What use in carrying on war while our people are supplying arms and the sinews of war? We have succeeded in seizing a good deal of Confederate clothing, percussion caps, &c., some mails, &c.

At our last regular muster I caused all absentees to be reported “deserted,” whereby they got no pay; but inasmuch as the order for the muster for to-morrow, August 18, is universal, I will have the muster to-morrow and all absent then will be treated as deserters, and I will remit the former penalties as they are incurred under my orders.

I have sent out several infantry parties, as also cavalry, and am certain there is nothing but guerrillas between this and Senatobia and Tallahatchie. All the people are now guerrillas, and they have a perfect understanding. When a small body gets out they hastily assemble and attack, but when a large body moves out they scatter and go home.

Colonel Jackson commands at Senatobia, Jeff. Thompson having been ordered away. Villepigue is at Abbeville Station, 18 miles south of Holly Springs. They have guards all along the railroad to Grenada and cavalry everywhere. I think their purpose is to hold us and Curtis here while they mass against you and Buell or New Orleans. Price has been reported coming here, but of this we know nothing. If he comes he can and will take care that we know nothing of it till the last moment. I feel certain that no force save guerrillas have thus far passed north toward McClernand.

All the people here were on the qui vive for Baton Rouge and Nashville, but there seems to be a lull in their talk. I find them much more resigned and less presumptuous than at first. Your orders about property and mine about "niggers" make them feel that they can be hurt, and they are about as sensitive about their property as Yankees. I believe in universal confiscation and colonization. Some Union people have been expelled from Raleigh. I have taken some of the richest rebels and will compel them to buy and pay for all the land, horses, cattle, and effects, as well as damages, and let the Union owner deed the property to one or more of them. This they don't like at all. I do not exact the oath universally, but assume the ground that all within our lines are American citizens, and if they do any act or fail in any duty required of them as such then they can and will be punished as spies.

Instead of furnishing a permanent provost guard I give Colonel Anthony two good officers to assist him and change the regiment weekly. All are in tents and have their transportation ready to move. I am also in tents. I think 4,000 men could land opposite Helena, march rapidly to Panola, destroy that bridge, then to Oxford and Abbeville and destroy that, thus making the Tallahatchie the northern limits of their railroad. Afterward, Grenada, Jackson, and Meridian must be attacked. Break up absolutely and effectually the railroad bridges, mills, and everything going to provide their armies and they must feel it. The maintenance of this vast army must soon reduce their strength.

The lines of the Mississippi must be under one command. As it is, Curtis and I are perfectly independent of each other. He was here the other day. I know him well; he is very jealous of interference and will do nothing at another's suggestion. If you want him to do anything you must get Halleck to order it. Fort progresses too slow; 1,300 negroes at work on it. One installment of guns received; balance expected every hour. Weather heretofore unbearably hot, but now pretty cool.

Yours, truly,

W. T. SHERMAN,                

Major-general.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 17, Part 2 (Serial No. 25), p. 178-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, May 23, 1864

A late dispatch on Saturday night from Cairo informs me that a dam at Alexandria has been constructed and our fleet is passing the falls. Lieutenant-Commander Phelps had left my house only about an hour before the dispatch was received. We had passed most of the evening in discussing Red River affairs. The news of the passage of the whole fleet is since confirmed. It is most gratifying intelligence.

The author of the forged proclamation has been detected. His name is Howard, and he has been long connected with the New York press, but especially with the Times. If I am not mistaken, he has been one of my assailants and a defamer of the Department. He is of a pestiferous class of reckless sensation-writers for an unscrupulous set of journalists who misinform the public mind. Scarcely one of them has regard for truth, and nearly all make use of their positions to subserve selfish, mercenary ends. This forger and falsifier Howard is a specimen of the miserable tribe. The seizure of the office of the World and Journal of Commerce for publishing this forgery was hasty, rash, inconsiderate, and wrong, and cannot be defended. They are mischievous and pernicious, working assiduously against the Union and the Government and giving countenance and encouragement to the Rebellion, but were in this instance the dupes, perhaps the willing dupes, of a knave and wretch. The act of suspending these journals, and the whole arbitrary and oppressive proceedings, had its origin with the Secretary of State. Stanton, I have no doubt, was willing to act on Seward's promptings, and the President, in deference to Seward, yielded to it. These things are to be regretted. They weaken the Administration and strengthen its enemies. Yet the Administration ought not to be condemned for the misdeeds of one, or at most two, of its members. They would not be if the President was less influenced by them.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 37-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, May 18, 1864

Selected the Visitors to the Naval Academy, although we have not yet the appropriation bill, but we can no longer delay, if there are to be Visitors. Congress is very dilatory in necessary business, and yet impatient of delay in others.

Mr. Seward called on me this afternoon at a late hour in reference to alleged misconduct of the Marigold, which is charged with firing a gun at a blockade-runner within six hundred yards of Morro Castle. As Temple, Fleet Captain of the East Gulf Squadron, had left me but a few moments previously, I sent for him, there having been no report of the case. While waiting for Temple, Mr. S. informed me that a forged proclamation had been published by sundry papers in New York, among others by the World and Journal of Commerce, imposing a fast on account of the failures of Grant and calling for a draft of 300,000 men. Seward said he at once sent on contradicting it and had ordered the English steamer to be delayed. He then had called on Stanton to know whether such a document had passed over the regular telegraph. Stanton said there had not. He (S.) then ordered that the other line should be at once seized, which was done. Seward then asked if the World and Journal of Commerce had been shut up. Stanton said he knew of their course only a minute before. Seward said the papers had been published a minute too long; and Stanton said if he and the President directed, they should be suspended. Seward thought there should be no delay.

Gold, under the excitement, has gone up ten per cent, and the cotton loan will advance on the arrival of the steamer at Liverpool with the tidings. It seems to have been a cunningly devised scheme, — probably by the Rebels and the gold speculators, as they are called, who are in sympathy with them.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 34-5

Diary of William Howard Russell: July 3, 1861

Up early, breakfasted at five, A. M., and left my hospitable host's roof, on my way to Washington. The ferryboat, which is a long way off, starts for the train at seven o'clock; and so bad are the roads, I nearly missed it. On hurrying to secure my place in the train, I said to one of the railway officers: “If you see a colored man in a cloth cap and dark coat with metal buttons, will you be good enough, sir, to tell him I'm in this carriage.” “Why so, sir?” “He is my servant.” “Servant,” he repeated; “your servant! I presume you're a Britisher; and if he's your servant, I think you may as well let him find you.” And so he walked away, delighted with his cleverness, his civility, and his rebuke of an aristocrat.

Nearly four months since I went by this road to Washington. The change which has since occurred is beyond belief. Men were then speaking of place under Government, of compromises between North and South, and of peace; now they only talk of war and battle. Ever since I came out of the South, and could see the newspapers, I have been struck by the easiness of the American people, by their excessive credulity. Whether they wish it or not, they are certainly deceived. Not a day has passed without the announcement that the Federal troops were moving, and that “a great battle was expected” by somebody unknown, at some place or other.

I could not help observing the arrogant tone with which writers of stupendous ignorance on military matters write of the operations which they think the Generals should undertake. They demand that an army, which has neither adequate transport, artillery, nor cavalry, shall be pushed forward to Richmond to crush out Secession, and at the same time their columns teem with accounts from the army, which prove that it is not only ill-disciplined, but that it is ill-provided. A general outcry has been raised against the war department and the contractors, and it is openly stated that Mr. Cameron, the Secretary, has not clean hands. One journal denounces the “swindling and plunder” which prevail under his eyes. A minister who is disposed to be corrupt can be so with facility under the system of the United States, because he has absolute control over the contracts, which are rising to an enormous magnitude, as the war preparations assume more formidable dimensions. The greater part of the military stores of the States are in the South — arms, ordnance, clothing, ammunition, ships, machinery, and all kinds of material must be prepared in a hurry.

The condition in which the States present themselves, particularly at sea, is a curious commentary on the offensive and warlike tone of their statesmen in their dealings with the first maritime power of the world. They cannot blockade a single port effectually. The Confederate steamer Sumter has escaped to sea from New Orleans, and ships run in and out of Charleston almost as they please. Coming so recently from the South, I can see the great difference which exists between the two races, as they may be called, exemplified in “the men I have seen, and those who are in the train going towards Washington. These volunteers have none of the swash-buckler bravado, gallant-swaggering air of the Southern men. They are staid, quiet men, and the Pennsylvanians, who are on their way to join their regiment in Baltimore, are very inferior in size and strength to the Tennesseans and Carolinians.

The train is full of men in uniform. When I last went over the line, I do not believe there was a sign of soldiering, beyond perhaps the “conductor,” who is always described in the papers as being “gentlemanly,” wore his badge. And, a propos of badges, I see that civilians have taken to wearing shields of metal on their coats, enamelled with the stars and stripes, and that men who are not in the army try to make it seem they are soldiers by affecting military caps and cloaks.

The country between Washington and Philadelphia is destitute of natural beauties, but it affords abundant evidence that it is inhabited by a prosperous, comfortable, middle-class community. From every village church and from many houses, the Union flag was displayed: Four months ago not one was to be sea. When we were crossing in the steam ferryboat at Philadelphia I saw some volunteers looking up and smiling at a hatchet which was over the cabin door, and it was not till I saw it had the words “States’ Rights Fire Axe” painted along the handle I could account for the attraction. It would fare, ill with any vessel in Southern waters which displayed an axe to the citizens inscribed with “Down with States' Rights” on it. There is certainly less vehemence and bitterness among the Northerners; but it might be erroneous to suppose there was less determination.

Below Philadelphia, from Havre-de-Grace all the way to Baltimore, and thence on to Washington, the stations on the rail were guarded by soldiers, as though an enemy were expected to destroy the bridges and to tear up the rails. Wooden bridges and causeways, carried over piles and embankments, are necessary, in consequence of the nature of the country; and at each of these a small camp was formed for the soldiers who have to guard the approaches. Sentinels are posted, pickets thrown out, and in the open field by the wayside troops are to be seen moving, as though a battle was close at hand. In one word, we are in the State of Maryland. By these means alone are communications maintained between the North and the capital. As we approach Baltimore the number of sentinels and camps increase, and earthworks have been thrown up on the high grounds commanding the city. The display of Federal flags from the public buildings and some shipping in the river was so limited as to contrast strongly with those symbols of Union sentiments in the Northern cities.

Since I last passed through this city the streets have been a scene of bloodshed. The conductor of the car on which we travelled from one terminus to the other, along the street railway, pointed out the marks of the bullets on the walls and in the window frames. “That's the way to deal with the Plug Uglies,” exclaimed he; a name given popularly to the lower classes called Rowdies in New York. “Yes,” said a fellow-passenger quietly to me, “these are the sentiments which are now uttered in the country which we call the land of freedom, and men like that desire nothing better than brute force. There is no city in Europe — Venice, Warsaw, or Rome — subject to such tyranny as Baltimore at this moment. In this Pratt Street there have been murders as foul as ever soldiery committed in the streets of Paris.” Here was evidently the judicial blindness of a States' Rights fanatic, who considers the despatch of Federal soldiers through the State of Maryland without the permission of the authorities an outrage so flagrant as to justify the people in shooting them down, whilst the soldiers become murderers if they resist. At the corners of the streets strong guards of soldiers were posted, and patrols moved up and down the thoroughfares. The inhabitants looked sullen  and sad. A small war is waged by the police recently appointed by the Federal authorities against the women, who exhibit much ingenuity in expressing their animosity to the stars and stripes — dressing the children, and even dolls, in the Confederate colors, and wearing the same in ribbons and bows. The negro population alone seemed just the same as before. . The Secession newspapers of Baltimore have been suppressed, but the editors contrive nevertheless to show their sympathies in the selection of their extracts. In to-day's paper there is an account of a skirmish in the West, given by one of the Confederates who took part in it, in which it is stated that the officer commanding the party “scalped” twenty-three Federals. For the first time since I left the South I see those advertisements headed by the figure of a negro running with a bundle, and containing descriptions of the fugitive, and the reward offered for imprisoning him or her, so that the owner may receive his property. Among the insignia enumerated are scars on the back and over the loins. The whip is not only used by the masters and drivers, but by the police; and in every report of petty police cases sentences of so many lashes, and severe floggings of women of color are recorded.

It is about forty miles from Baltimore to Washington, and at every quarter of a mile for the whole distance a picket of soldiers guarded the rails. Camps appeared on both sides, larger and more closely packed together; and the rays of the setting sun fell on countless lines of tents as we approached the unfinished dome of the Capitol. On the Virginian side of the river, columns of smoke rising from the forest marked the site of Federal encampments across the stream. The fields around Washington resounded with the words of command and tramp of men, and flashed with wheeling arms. Parks of artillery studded the waste ground, and long trains of white-covered wagons filled up the open spaces in the suburbs of Washington.

To me all this was a wonderful sight. As I drove up Pennsylvania Avenue I could scarce credit that the busy thoroughfare — all red, white, and blue with flags, filled with dust from galloping chargers and commissariat carts; the side-walks thronged with people, of whom a large proportion carried sword or bayonet; shops full of life and activity — was the same as that through which I had driven the first morning of my arrival. Washington now, indeed, is the capital of the United States; but it is no longer the scene of beneficent legislation and of peaceful government. It is the representative of armed force engaged in war — menaced whilst in the very act of raising its arm by the enemy it seeks to strike.

To avoid the tumult of Willard's, I requested a friend to hire apartments, and drove to a house in Pennsylvania Avenue, close to the War Department, where he had succeeded in engaging a sitting-room about twelve feet square, and a bedroom to correspond, in a very small mansion, next door to a spirit merchant's. At the Legation I saw Lord Lyons, and gave him a brief account of what I had seen in the South. I was sorry to observe he looked rather careworn and pale.

The relations of the United States Government with Great Britain have probably been considerably affected by Mr. Seward's failure in his prophecies. As the Southern Confederacy develops its power, the Foreign Secretary assumes higher ground, and becomes more exacting, and defiant. In these hot summer days, Lord Lyons and the members of the Legation dine early, and enjoy the cool of the evening in the garden; so after a while I took my leave, and proceeded to Gautier's. On my way I met Mr. Sumner, who asked me for Southern news very anxiously, and in the course of conversation with him I was confirmed in my impressions that the feeling between the two countries was not as friendly as could be desired. Lord Lyons had better means of knowing what is going on in the South, by communications from the British Consuls; but even he seemed unaware of facts which had occurred whilst I was there, and Mr. Sumner appeared to be as ignorant of the whole condition of things below Mason and Dixon's line as he was of the politics of Timbuctoo.

The importance of maintaining a friendly feeling with England appeared to me very strongly impressed on the Senator's mind. Mr. Seward has been fretful, irritable, and acrimonious; and it is not too much to suppose Mr. Sumner has been useful in allaying irritation. A certain despatch was written last June, which amounted to little less than a declaration of war against Great Britain. Most fortunately the President was induced to exercise his power. The despatch was modified, though not without opposition, and was forwarded to the English Minister with its teeth drawn. Lord Lyons, who is one of the suavest and quietest of diplomatists, has found it difficult, I fear, to maintain personal relations with Mr. Seward at times. Two despatches have been prepared for Lord John Russell, which could have had no result but to lead to a breach of the peace, had not some friendly interpositor succeeded in averting the wrath of the Foreign Minister.

Mr. Sumner is more sanguine of immediate success than I am, from the military operations which are to commence when General Scott considers the army fit to take the field. A Gautier's I met a number of officers, who expressed a great diversity of views in reference to those operations. General McDowell is popular with them, but they admit the great deficiencies of the subaltern and company officers. General Scott is too infirm to take the field, and the burdens of administration press the veteran to the earth.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 373-8

Senator Lyman Trumbull & Congressman Isaac N. Arnold to Abraham Lincoln, June 3, 1863

CHICAGO, June 3, 1863.     

(Received 10.38 p.m.)

Hon. ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President:

At a meeting held to-day in reference to the suppression of the Chicago Times, by order of General Burnside, the following was adopted:

Whereas, in the opinion of this meeting of citizens, of all parties, the peace of this city and State, if not the general, welfare of the country, are likely to be promoted by the suspension or rescinding of the recent order of General Burnside for the suppression of the Chicago Times: Therefore, Resolved, That upon the ground of expediency alone, such of our citizens as concur in this opinion, without regard to party, are hereby recommended to unite in a petition to the President, respectfully asking the suspension or rescinding said order.

The undersigned, in pursuance of the above resolution, respectfully petition the President's favorable consideration and action in accordance therewith.

 F. C. SHERMAN,

 Mayor of Chicago.

 VAN H. HIGGINS.

 WILLIAM B. OGDEN.

 E. VAN BUREN.

 SAMUEL W. FULLER.

 S. S. HAYES.

 A. WARRINGTON.

 THEODORE HAYNE.

WIRT DEXTER.

A. C. COVENTRY.

W.A. HOHN.

C. BECKWITH.

HENRY G. MILLER.

M.F. FEELEY.

We respectfully ask for the above the serious and prompt consideration of the President.

LYMAN TRUMBULL 

ISAAC N. ARNOLD

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 23, Part 2 (Serial No. 35), p. 385

Major-General Ambrose Burnside’s General Orders, No. 91, June 4, 1863

GENERAL ORDERS, No. 91.

HDQRS. DEPARTMENT OF THE OHIO, 

Cincinnati, Ohio, June 4, 1863.

I. By direction of the President of the United States, the order suppressing the publication of the Chicago Times is hereby revoked.

II. The circulation of the New York World in this department having been suppressed for the same reasons that caused the suppression of the publication of the Chicago Times, that portion of the general order relating to said newspaper is hereby revoked. It will be allowed to resume its circulation.

By command of Major-General Burnside:

N.H. McLEAN,         

Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 23, Part 2 (Serial No. 35), p. 386

Abraham Lincoln to Edwin M. Stanton, June 4, 1863

EXECUTIVE MANSION,   

Washington, June 4, 1863.

Hon. SECRETARY OF WAR:

MY DEAR SIR: I have received additional dispatches which, with former ones, induce me to believe we should revoke or suspend the order suspending the Chicago Times, and if you concur in opinion, please have it done.

Yours, truly,

A. LINCOLN.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 3 (Serial No. 124), p. 252

Trial of Edmund J. Ellis, editor, for violating the laws of war by publishing intelligence to the enemy, etc., February 25, 1862

COLUMBIA, Mo., Tuesday, February 25, 1862.

The commission proceeded to the trial of Edmund J. Ellis, a citizen of Boone County, Mo., who being called into court had the above order* read in his hearing and was asked if he objected to be tried by any member named in detail, to which he replied in the negative.

The commission was then duly sworn in the presence of the accused and the judge-advocate duly sworn by the president also in the presence of the accused.

The prisoner was then arraigned on the following charges and specifications:

CHARGE 1: The publication of information for the benefit of the enemy and encouraging resistance to the Government and laws of the United States,

Specification 1. — In this, that in a public newspaper published in the town of Columbia, county of Boone, State of Missouri, called The Boone County Standard of which paper the said Edmund J. Ellis was editor and proprietor on the 15th day of November, A.D. 1861, the said Edmund J. Ellis permitted and caused to be printed and published an article, entitled “Letters from Our Army,” design and object of which publication was to encourage and further rebellion against the existing Government of the United States.

Specification 2. — In this, that in a public newspaper published in the town of Columbia county of Boone and State of Missouri styled and called The Boone County Standard of which paper the said Edmund J. Ellis was editor and proprietor, the said Edmund J. Ellis on the 15th day of November, A.D. 1861, at Columbia aforesaid printed and published and caused to be printed and published an article entitled “To the Civil Officers of Boone County,” which said article contained treasonable matter and was designed and intended to encourage resistance to the Government and laws of the United States.

Specification 3. — In this, that in a public newspaper published in the town of Columbia, county of Boone and State of Missouri styled and called The Boone County Standard of which ]paper the said Edmund J. Ellis was editor and proprietor, the said Edmund J. Ellis on the 22d day of November, A, D. 1861, at Columbia aforesaid printed and published and caused to be printed and published a certain article entitled “Root, Abe, or Die,” which said article was designed and intended to encourage resistance to the Government and laws of the United States.

Specification 4. — In this, that in a public newspaper published in the town of Columbia, county of Boone and State of Missouri styled and called The Boone County Standard of which paper the said Edmund J. Ellis was editor and proprietor, the said Edmund J. Ellis on the 13th day of December, A.D. 1861, at Columbia aforesaid printed and published and caused to be printed and published a certain article entitled “The U. S. Flag — Rebellion,” which said article contained treasonable matter and was designed and intended to encourage resistance to the Government and laws of the United States.

Specification 5. — In this, that in a public newspaper published in the town of Columbia, county of Boone and State of Missouri, styled and called The Boone County Standard, of which paper the said Edmund J. Ellis was editor and proprietor, the said Edmund J. Ellis on the 3d day of January, A.D. 1862, at Columbia aforesaid printed and published and caused to be printed and published a certain article entitled “Carrier's Address,” which said article contained treasonable matter and was designed and intended to encourage resistance to the Government and laws of the United States.

Specification 6. — In this, that in a public newspaper published in the town of Columbia, county of Boone and State of Missouri, styled and called The Boone County Standard of which paper the said Edmund J. Ellis was editor and proprietor, the said Edmund J. Ellis on the 7th day of February, A.D. 1862, at Columbia aforesaid printed and published and caused to be printed and published a certain article entitled “News from General Price,” the design and object of which article was to give information to the enemies of the Government and to encourage resistance to the Government and laws of the United States.

CHARGE 2: Violation of the laws of war by the publication within the lines of the troops of the United States in a public newspaper of articles and information intended and designed to comfort the enemy and incite persons to rebellion against the Government of the United States.

Specification 1. — In this, that in a public newspaper printed and published in the town of Columbia, county of Boone, State of Missouri, styled and called The Boone County Standard of which said newspaper the said Edmund J. Ellis was the editor and proprietor, the said Edmund J. Ellis on the 29th day of November, 1861, at Columbia did publish and cause to be published a certain treasonable and seditious communication, viz, a letter addressed to the people of Kentucky and signed by J. C. Breckinridge, by which publication the said Edmund J. Ellis designed and intended to comfort the enemy and incite to rebellion against the Government of the United States persons within the lines of the troops of the United States.

Specification 2. — In this, that the said Edmund J. Ellis did print and publish and cause to be printed and published and circulated within the lines of the United States a certain pamphlet styled “To the Patriot Army of Missouri,” which pamphlet was calculated and designed to give aid to the enemy and to encourage and incite to acts of insurrection the people living within these said lines of troops; which pamphlet is hereto appended and marked. All this at or near Columbia, Mo., on or about the first day of October, 1861.

Specification 3. — That in a public newspaper printed and published in the town of Columbia, Boone County, Mo., known and styled as The Boone County Standard of which said newspaper the said Edmund J. Ellis was the editor and proprietor, the said Edmund J. Ellis did on the 6th day of December, 1861, at Columbia publish and cause to be published certain articles, viz, a treasonable and seditious article styled “Proclamation to the people of Central and North Missouri” and signed “Sterling Price, major-general commanding,” and a certain other treasonable and seditious article entitled “Convention between the State of Missouri and the Government of the Confederate States,” and signed “E. C. Cabell, Thomas L. Snead and R. M. T. Hunter,” also a certain other treasonable and seditious article entitled “Message of President Jefferson Davis to the Congress of the Confederate States” and signed “Jefferson Davis, Richmond, November 18, 1861.” All of which articles were published with the intent and design of giving comfort to the enemy and of inciting to rebellion against the Government of the United States persons within the lines of the troops of the United States.

To which several charges and specifications the accused interposed his plea to the jurisdiction of the court as follows, viz:

The accused, Edmund J. Ellis, objects and excepts to the jurisdiction of the court or military commission on all the matters and things stated in the two charges and the various specifications thereunder on the grounds following, viz: That the matters and things therein stated and charged (admitting them to be true, the truth of which, however, he controverts) are wholly and exclusively of civil cognizance.

Second. Because there is no supervision of the arm of civil power, no obstruction to judicial process and hence no sudden and extraordinary necessity (so far as the present case is concerned) for the intervention of a summary military commission or any military authority whatever.

Third. Because the matters and things stated in the said charges and specifications if criminal at all are violations of the Constitution and civil law of the land for the punishment of which tribunals of justice are provided, military commissions being unknown to the Constitution and laws of the United States.

Whereupon the court having been cleared proceeded to consider said plea and after mature deliberation overruled the said plea.

Whereupon the court having been again opened and the decision announced to the prisoner the prisoner pleaded as follows, viz:

To the specifications, not guilty, and to the charges, not guilty.

The court then adjourned at 6 p.m. until 10 o'clock Wednesday morning, February 26, 1862.

LEWIS MERRILL,

Colonel Regiment Merrill's Horse, President Military Commission.

ROBERT A. HOWARD,

First Lieutenant, Merrill's Horse, Recorder Military Commission.

_______________

* Special Orders, No. 160, p. 448, convening and making detail for the commission.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series II, Volume 1 (Serial No. 114), p. 453-5

Trial of Edmund J. Ellis, editor, for violating the laws of war by publishing intelligence to the enemy, etc., February 26, 1862

WEDNESDAY, February 26, 1862.

The court met pursuant to adjournment, all the members present.

EDWARD REYNOLDS, a witness for the prosecution, being duly sworn testified as follows:

By the JUDGE-ADVOCATE:

Question. What is your age, place of residence and occupation?

Answer. I am nineteen years old; reside in Columbia; I am a printer by trade.

Question. Are you acquainted with the accused, Edmund J. Ellis? If yes, state how long you have known the said Ellis and what is his occupation or business.

Answer. I know the accused. Have known him about ten months. He (Ellis) is a printer by trade and has been ever since I have known him the editor of The Boone County Standard.

(Here the witness was handed copies of the newspaper styled The Boone County Standard for the following dates, respectively, viz: Friday, November 15, 1861; Friday, November 22, 1861; Friday, November 29, 1861; Friday, December 6, 1861; Friday, December 13, 1861; Friday, January 3, 1862; Friday, February 7, 1862.)

Question. Examine the papers shown to you and state whether or not they are copies of the paper you have just referred to and whatever you know with regard to their publication with your means of knowledge.

Answer. These are copies of The Boone County Standard that I have worked upon for the last nine months. Mr. Ellis, the accused, was the only editor I ever knew for the paper.

(The papers thus referred to were then offered in evidence and no objection being made accepted, and are hereto attached, marked respectively exhibits B, C, D, E, F, G and H and made part of the testimony for the prosecution in this case.)

Question. Examine the articles styled “Letter from our Army” and “To the Civil Officers of Boone County” in the paper now shown you and state what if anything you know of their authorship.

(Here the witness was handed newspaper marked Exhibit B.)

Answer. Both articles are communications. I do not know who wrote them. The first I know to be communication; the other I believe to be.

Question. Examine the paper now shown to you and state what if anything you know of the authorship of the article entitled “The U. S. Flag — Rebellion.”

(Here the witness was handed newspaper marked Exhibit F.)

Answer. I do not recollect the author of that if I know him. I suppose it to be editorial.

Question. Examine the paper now shown to you and state what if anything you know of the authorship of the article entitled “Carrier's Address.”

(Here the witness was handed newspaper marked Exhibit G.)

Answer. I believe the man's name who wrote it was Dysen.

Question. Examine the pamphlet now shown to you and state what if anything you know of its publication; where it was printed, by whom, how many copies were printed, by whom circulated, by whom written. State all you know connected with it.

(Here the witness was handed pamphlet “To the Patriot Army of Missouri.”)

Answer. It was printed in The Boone County Standard office. I think 300 copies were printed. Don't know who wrote it. Don't know who circulated it. Don't know who it was printed for.

The pamphlet was here offered in evidence and no objection having been made accepted, and is hereto attached, marked Exhibit A and made part of the testimony for the prosecution in this case.

By a MEMBER:

Question. What became of the copies of the pamphlet marked A of which you say some 300 copies were printed

Answer. They were taken from the office. Don't know who by or where.

The prosecution here rested and the prisoner produced the following evidence:

EDWARD REYNOLDS, a witness for the defense having been duly sworn testified as follows:

By the PRISONER:

Question. Do you know of any copies of said pamphlet having been circulated by Edmund J. Ellis, or by anyone else at his instance?

Answer. I do not.

Question. Was your position as an employé such that you had a good opportunity of knowing whether it was so circulated?

Answer. Yes.

The defense here rested, and the prisoner declining to make any statement or address submitted the case to the court.

The court was then cleared and after mature deliberation upon the testimony adduced find the prisoner, Edmund J. Ellis, as follows, viz:

Of the first specification of the first charge, guilty.

Of the second specification of the first charge, guilty.

Of the third specification of the first charge, guilty.

Of the fourth specification of the first charge, guilty.

Of the fifth specification of the first charge, guilty.

Of the sixth specification of the first charge, guilty.

Of the first charge, guilty.

Of the first specification of the second charge, guilty.

Of the second specification of the second charge, guilty.

Of the third specification of second charge, guilty.

Of the second charge, guilty.

And the commission does therefore sentence him, the said Edmund J. Ellis, to be placed and kept outside the lines of the State of Missouri during the war and that the press, types, furniture and material of the printing office of The Boone County Standard be confiscated and sold for the use of the United States.

LEWIS MERRILL,

Colonel Regiment Merrill's Horse, President Military Commission.

ROBERT A. HOWARD,

First Lieutenant, Merrill's Horse, Recorder Military Commission.

Finding and sentence approved. The press, types, furniture and material of the printing office of The Boone County Standard will remain in charge of the quartermaster's department till further orders. The proper commanding officer will see that the prisoner, Edmund J. Ellis, is placed outside of the State of Missouri. Should he return within the lines of this State during the war without proper permission he will be arrested and placed in close confinement in the Alton military prison.

H. W. HALLECK,

Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series II, Volume 1 (Serial No. 114), p. 455-7

Captain Charles Wright Wills: February 7, 1863

Camp 103d Illinois Infantry, Jackson, Tenn.,

February 7, '63.

There was a dose of medicine administered to the command in this district yesterday that will certainly be productive of good. I already feel that it has indued me with fresh vigor and really made me quite young again. “The sale or introduction of the Chicago Times in this district is hereby forbidden until further orders.” By order of Brig. Gen'l. J. C. Sullivan. That same d----d old skeesicks has been protecting secesh property here in the strictest manner, and I'd never thought it possible for him to do as good a thing. It will do an immensity of good to the army, and if the President will only suppress the paper and several others of the same stripe, and hang about 200 prominent copperhead scoundrels in the North, we may then hope that the army will once more be something like its former self. Just as true as there is a God, if I was provost marshal in Fulton County, with my company for a guard, I'd hang at least ten men whose names I have. I know I'd be wrong, and would have no right to do so, but the good I'd do the Union troops would amply repay me for getting my own neck stretched. You can't imagine how much harm those traitors are doing, not only with their papers, but they are writing letters to the boys which would discourage the most loyal of men, if they failed to demoralize them. I believe that about every enlisted man in our regiment has received one or more of these letters. My boys have shown me a number from their friends, all of which would help to make a man who relied on his friends for his ideas, discontented. I assure you that it is by no means the lightest portion of an officer's duties now, to counteract the effect of these letters. I know that I put in a great deal more of my time than I wish to, in talking patriotism at the boys and doing good, round, solid cursing at the home cowardly vipers, who are disgracing the genus, man, by their conduct. I have the satisfaction of knowing that expressing myself on the subject as I have, and Lieutenant Dorrance's talking the same way, have had a good effect on our men, for not only have we had no deserters, but the copperhead letters received in our company have been answered as patriots and soldiers should answer them.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 153-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, June 3, 1863

Wrote Du Pont that Foote would relieve him. I think he anticipates it and perhaps wants it to take place. He makes no suggestions, gives no advice, presents no opinion, says he will obey orders. He is evidently uneasy, — it appears to me as much dissatisfied with himself as any one. Everything shows he is a disappointed man, afflicted with his own infirmities. I perceive he is preparing for a controversy with the Department, — laying out the ground, getting his officers committed, — and he has besides strong friends in Congress and elsewhere. He has been well and kindly treated by the Department. I have the name and blame of favoring him by some of the best officers, and have borne with his aberrations passively.

The arrest of Vallandigham and the order to suppress the circulation of the Chicago Times in his military district issued by General Burnside have created much feeling. It should not be otherwise. The proceedings were arbitrary and injudicious. It gives bad men the right of questions, an advantage of which they avail themselves. Good men, who wish to support the Administration, find it difficult to defend these acts. They are Burnside's, unprompted, I think, by any member of the Administration, and yet the responsibility is here unless they are disavowed and B. called to an account, which cannot be done. The President — and I think every member of the Cabinet—regrets what has been done, but as to the measures which should now be taken there are probably differences.

The constitutional rights of the parties injured are undoubtedly infringed upon. It is claimed, however, that the Constitution, laws, and authorities are assailed with a view to their destruction by the Rebels, with whom V. and the Chicago Times are in sympathy and concert. The efforts of the Rebels are directed to the overthrow of the government, and V. and his associates unite with them in waging war against the constituted authorities. Should the government, and those who are called to legally administer it, be sustained, or should those who are striving to destroy both? There are many important and difficult problems to solve, growing out of the present condition of affairs. Where is the constitutional right to interdict trade between citizens, to blockade the ports, to seize private property, to dispossess and occupy the houses of the in habitants, etc., etc.? In peaceful times there would be no right to do these things; it may be said there would be no necessity. Unfortunately the peaceful operations of the Constitution have been interrupted, obstructed, and are still obstructed. A state of war exists; violent and forcible measures are resorted to in order to resist and destroy the government, which have begotten violent and forcible measures to vindicate and restore its peaceful operation. Vallandigham and the Chicago Times claim all the benefits, guarantees, and protection of the government which they are assisting the Rebels to destroy. Without the courage and manliness to go over to the public enemy, to whom they give, so far as they dare, aid and comfort, they remain here to promote discontent and disaffection.

While I have no sympathy for those who are, in their hearts, as unprincipled traitors as Jefferson Davis, I lament that our military officers should, without absolute necessity, disregard those great principles on which our government and institutions rest.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 320-2

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: March 23, 1862

Gen. Winder was in this morning listening to something MacCubbin was telling him about the Richmond Whig. It appears that, in the course of a leading article, enthusiastic for the cause, the editor remarked, “we have arms and ammunition now.” The policemen, one and all, interpreted this as a violation of the order to the press to abstain from speaking of the arrivals of arms, etc. from abroad. Gen. Winder, without looking at the paper, said in a loud voice, “Go and arrest the editor — and close his office!” Two or three of the policemen started off on this errand. But I interposed, and asked them to wait a moment, until I could examine the paper. I found no infraction of the order in the truly patriotic article, and said so to Gen. Winder. “Well,” said he, “if he has not violated the order, he must not be arrested.” He took the paper, and read for himself; and then, without saying anything more, departed.

When he was gone, I asked MacCubbin what was the phraseology of the order that “had been served on the editors.” He drew it from his pocket, saying it had been shown to them, and not left with them. It was in the handwriting of Mr. Benjamin, and signed by Gen. Winder. And I learned that all the orders, sumptuary and others, had been similarly written and signed. Mr. Benjamin used the pencil and not the pen in writing these orders, supposing, of course, they would be copied by Gen. W.'s clerks. But they were not copied. The policemen threaten to stop the Examiner soon, for that paper has been somewhat offensive to the aliens who now have rule here.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 115-6

Major-General John A. Dix to the Honorable Francis P. Blair,

Fort McHenry, August 31, 1861.

My Dear Sir, — I have received the letter of the Postmaster of Baltimore, with your endorsement, in regard to the Exchange and other Secessionist presses in that city.

I presume you are not aware that an order for the suppression of these papers was made out in one of the Departments at Washington, and, in consequence of strong remonstrances from Union men in Baltimore, was not issued. Under these circumstances it would not be proper for me to act without the authority of the Government. Any action by me without such authority would be improper for another reason that probably does not occur to you. The command of General McClellan has been extended over the State of Maryland. I am his subordinate, and have corresponded with him on the subject. I cannot, therefore, act without his direction.

But, independently of this consideration, I think a measure of so much gravity as the suppression of a newspaper by military force should carry with it the whole weight of the influence and authority of the Government, especially when the publication is made almost under its eye.

There is no doubt that a majority of the Union men in Baltimore desire the suppression of all the opposition presses in the city; but there are many, and among them some of the most discreet, who think differently.

The city is now very quiet and under control, though my force is smaller than I asked. There is a good deal of impatience among some of the Union men; they wish to have something done. The feeling is very much like that which prevailed in Washington before the movement against Manassas. It would not be difficult to get up a political Bull Run disaster in this State. If the Government will give me the number of regiments I ask, and leave them with me when I have trained them to the special service they may have to perform, I will respond for the quietude of this city. Should the time for action come, I shall be ready. In the mean time preparation is going on. I am fortifying Federal Hill under a general plan of defence suggested by me and approved by General Scott. Two other works will be commenced the moment I can get an engineer from Washington.

On the Eastern Shore there should be prompt and decisive action. I have urged it repeatedly and earnestly during the last three weeks. Two well-disciplined regiments should march from Salisbury, the southern terminus of the Wilmington and Delaware Railroad, through Accomac and Northampton Counties, and break up the rebel camps before they ripen into formidable organizations, as they assuredly will if they are much longer undisturbed. No man is more strongly in favor of action than I am; but I want it in the right place. We are in more danger on the Eastern Shore than in any other part of the State.

I am, dear Sir, sincerely yours,

John A. Dix.

SOURCE:  Morgan Dix, Memoirs of John Adams Dix, Volume 2, p. 30-1

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: August 26, 1861

The Terror has full swing at the North now. All the papers favorable to us have been suppressed. How long would our mob stand a Yankee paper here? But newspapers against our government, such as the Examiner and the Mercury flourish like green bay-trees. A man up to the elbows in finance said to-day: “Clayton's story is all nonsense. They do sometimes pay out two millions a week; they paid the soldiers this week, but they don't pay the soldiers every week.” “Not by a long shot,” cried a soldier laddie with a grin.

“Why do you write in your diary at all,” some one said to me, “if, as you say, you have to contradict every day what you wrote yesterday?” “Because I tell the tale as it is told to me. I write current rumor. I do not vouch for anything.”

We went to Pizzini's, that very best of Italian confectioners. From there we went to Miss Sally Tompkins's hospital, loaded with good things for the wounded. The men under Miss Sally's kind care looked so clean and comfortable — cheerful, one might say. They were pleasant and nice to see. One, however, was dismal in tone and aspect, and he repeated at intervals with no change of words, in a forlorn monotone: “What a hard time we have had since we left home.” But nobody seemed to heed his wailing, and it did not impair his appetite.

At Mrs. Toombs's, who was raging; so anti-Davis she will not even admit that the President is ill. “All humbug.” “But what good could pretending to be ill do him?” “That reception now, was not that a humbug? Such a failure. Mrs. Reagan could have done better than that.”

Mrs. Walker is a Montgomery beauty, with such magnificent dresses. She was an heiress, and is so dissatisfied with Richmond, accustomed as she is to being a belle under different conditions. As she is as handsome and well dressed as ever, it must be the men who are all wrong.

“Did you give Lawrence that fifty-dollar bill to go out and change it?” I was asked. “Suppose he takes himself off to the Yankees. He would leave us with not too many fifty-dollar bills.” He is not going anywhere, however. I think his situation suits him. That wadded belt of mine, with the gold pieces quilted in, has made me ashamed more than once. I leave it under my pillow and my maid finds it there and hangs it over the back of a chair, in evidence as I reenter the room after breakfast. When I forget and leave my trunk open, Lawrence brings me the keys and tells me, “You oughten to do so, Miss Mary.” Mr. Chesnut leaves all his little money in his pockets, and Lawrence says that's why he can't let any one but himself brush Mars Jeems's clothes.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 111-2

Gen. McKinstry

We learn from unquestionable authority, that this gentleman, failing in all his efforts to get a Court of Inquiry to make an investigation of his official administration of the Quartermaster’s department in this city, will, about the middle of next month, publish a full defense against all the charges and insinuations which have been given to the public by the “Scandal Hunting Committee,” and other authorities.  The matter has become one of great public interest, and his defense will be looked for with a good deal of curiosity.  In this connection it is proper to state, that he denies, emphatically, the use of the profane and coarse language attributed to him in the report of the “War Claims Commission” at St. Louis. – Mo. Republican.

Gen. McKinstry did one good act while Provost Marshal at St. Louis, that will counterbalance a multitude of delinquencies; he suppressed the circulation in Missouri of the Dubuque Herald, which was strengthening the arm of treason.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, May 17, 1862, p. 2

Major General William T. Sherman to Ellen Ewing Sherman, April 10, 1863

CAMP AT VICKSBURG, April 10, 1863.

. . . I was really amused at a circumstance to-day that may be serious. Grant has been secretly working by night to place some 30 pound rifle guns as close up to Vicksburg as the water will permit, about 2,300 yards, and to cover them against the enemies’ cross batteries, but to-day got the Memphis papers of the 7th giving a minute and full account of them and their location. Now he knows as we all do that the Secesh mail leaves Memphis before day, as soon as the morning papers are printed, reaches Hernando about 11 A. M., and the telegraph carries to Vicksburg the news in a few minutes. This explains a remark which Major Watts of the Confederate Army made to me at parting day before yesterday. We met per appointment on a steamboat just above Vicksburg, and after a long conference relating to exchange of prisoners, Watts, who is a very clever man, remarked: “don’t open those batteries to-morrow (last) night, for I am to give a party and don't want to be interrupted.” Of course the newspaper correspondents, encouraged by the political generals and even President Lincoln, having full swing in this and all camps, report all news secret and otherwise. Indeed with a gossiping world a secret is worth more than common news. Grant was furious, and I believe he ordered the suppression of all the Memphis papers. But that won't do. All persons who don't have to fight must be kept out of camp, else secrecy, a great element of military success, is an impossibility. I may not, but you will live to see the day when the people of the United States will mob the man who thinks otherwise. I am too fast, but there are principles of government as sure to result from war as in law, religion or any moral science. Some prefer to jump to the conclusion by reason. Others prefer to follow developments by the slower and surer road of experience. In like manner Grant has three thousand men at work daily to clear out Willow Bayou, by which he proposes to move a large part of the army to Carthage and Grand Gulf: also a secret, but I'll bet my life it is at this moment in all the Northern papers, and is known through them to the Secesh from Richmond to Vicksburg. Can you feel astonished that I should grow angry at the toleration of such suicidal weakness, that we strong, intelligent men must bend to a silly proclivity for early news that should advise our enemy days in advance? Look out! We are not going to attack Haines' Bluff or Greenwood or Vicksburg direct, but are going to come round below by Grand Gulf! All the enemy wants is a day or two notice of such intention and Grand Gulf becomes like a second Vicksburg! But this is a secret, remember, and though it is the plan it is not a good plan. We commit a great mistake, but I am not going to advise one way or the other. The government has here plenty of representatives, and they must make the plans, and I will fill my part, no more, no less.

The only true plan was the one we started with. The Grand Army should be on the main land moving south along the road and roads from Memphis, Holly Springs and Corinth, concentrating on Grenada; thence towards Canton where the Central Road crosses Big Black and then on Vicksburg. The gun-boats and a small army should be here, and on the first sign of the presence of the main force inland we should attack here violently.

This was our plan at Oxford in December last, is my plan now and Grant knows it is my opinion. I shall communicate it to none else save you or your father. . . .  It is my opinion that we shall never take Vicksburg by operations by river alone.

The armies on the Rappahannock and in Kentucky pause for us at Vicksburg. That is folly; all ought to press at the same instant, for the enemy has the centre or inside track, can concentrate on any one point and return to the others in time. Their position is very strong, and they have skill, courage and intelligence enough to avail themselves of all advantages. Their country is suffering terribly by the devastations of our armies and the escapes of their slaves, but nothing seems to shake their constancy or confidence in ultimate success. Could the North only turn out her strength, fill promptly our thinned ranks, keep their counsels, hold their tongues, and stop their infernal pens and press we could make things crash, and either submission or utter horrible ruin would be their fate.

It may be, however, that God in his wisdom wants to take down the conceit of our people and make them feel that they are of the same frail materials of mortality as the other thousand millions of human beings that spin their short webs and die all over earth. In all former wars virtues lost sight of in time of peace have revived, and to any one who looked it is unnecessary to say that our governments, national, state, county and town, had been corrupt, foul and disgraceful. If war will change this, it will be cheaply bought. . . .

The last flag of truce brought me from Vicksburg a beautiful bouquet with compliments of Major Hoadley and Major Watts, the same who wanted me not to fire last night to interrupt his party. The trees are now in full leaf, the black and blue-birds sing sweetly, and the mocking bird is frantic with joy. The rose and violet, the beds of verbena and mignonette, planted by fair hands now in exile from their homes occupied by the rude barbarian, bloom as fair as though grim war had not torn with violent hands all the vestiges of what a few short months ago were the homes of people as good as ourselves. You may well pray that a good God in His mercy will spare the home of your youth the tread of an hostile army. . . .

SOURCES: M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Editor, Home Letters of General Sherman, p. 246-9.  A full copy of this letter can be found in the William T Sherman Family papers (SHR), University of Notre Dame Archives (UNDA), Notre Dame, IN 46556, Folder CSHR 2/03.

From New Orleans

Gen. Butler, of all our military Governors has the most thorough appreciation of the Secessionists, and is always master of the situation.  And the General not only appreciates the secesh but very soon learns them to appreciate him, as witness the following items among many of the same sort, which we get from New Orleans. He throws out Confederate notes and shinplasters, forbids the fast day appointed by “one Jefferson Davis” – suppresses newspapers – protects the people and feeds the poor – learns Secesh women proper behavior and descent deportment – snubs the City Fathers and takes down the high sailing rebel by several pegs if not more.  The New Orleans snobs and would be gentry are likely to improve in their manners if not in their morals under the administration of “Picayune Butler.”

COTTON PROTECTED AND COMING IN

Trade is beginning to revive in New Orleans.  The true Delta announces the arrival, on the 15th inst., of a load of cotton by the steamer Diana from Plaquemine.  Cattle had come in from the Red river, and an arrival from Carolina Bluff is reported, with corn, oats, flour and bacon.  In order to encourage the shipments of cotton, General Butler issued the following order promising protection to the cargoes:

The Commanding General of the Department having been informed that rebellious lying and desperate men have represented and are now representing to the honest planters and the good people of the State of Louisiana that the United States Government, by its forces have come here to confiscate and destroy their crops of cotton and sugar, it is hereby ordered  to be made known by publication in all the newspapers of this city that all cargoes of cotton and sugar shall receive the safe conduct of the forces of the United States and the boats bringing them from beyond the lines of the United States force may be allowed to return in safety after a reasonable delay, if their owners shall so desire.  Provided, they bring no passengers except the owners and managers of said boat and of the property so conveyed, and no other merchandise except provisions of which such boats are requested to bring a full supply for the benefit of the suffering poor of the city.

By command of Major General Butler,

GEO. C. STRONG,

A. A. G. Chief of Staff

GENERAL BUTLER AND THE NEWSPAPERS

On the 16th Gen. Butler suppressed the New Orleans Bee, and took possession of the Delta office, by virtue of the following “special order.”

I.  The New Orleans Bee newspaper having published an elaborate though covert argument in favor of the cotton burning mob is hereby suppressed.  No publication of any description will issue from that office until further orders.

II.  The New Orleans Delta newspaper having, in an article of to-day’s issue, discussed the cotton question in a manner which violates the terms of the proclamation of the 1st of May instant from these headquarters the office that of that paper will be taken possession of and its business conducted under direction of the United States authorities.

By command of Maj. Gen. Butler,

GEO. C. STRONG, A. A. General.

THE USE OF CONFEDERATE NOTES FORBIDDEN

On the same day the following order, forbidding the use of Confederate notes was issued by General Butler:

I.  It is hereby ordered that neither the city of New Orleans, nor the banks thereof shall exchange their notes, bills or obligations for Confederate notes, bills or bonds, nor issue any bill not or obligation payable in Confederate notes.

II.  On the twenty seventh day of May, instant, all circulation of, or trade in Confederate notes and bills will cease within this Department, and sales or transfers of property made on or after that day in consideration of such notes or bills, directly or indirectly will be void, and the property confiscated to the United States – one fourth thereof to go to the informer.

By command of Maj. Gen. Butler,

GEO. C. STRONG, A. A. G.,

Chief of Staff

THE OBSERVANCE OF JEFF. DAVIS’ FAST DAY FORBIDDEN

General Butler also issued the following order, prohibiting the observance of Jeff. Davis’ fast day:

HEADQUARTERS DEPT. OF THE GULF

New Orleans, May 13, 1862

It having come to the knowledge of the commanding General that Friday next is proposed to be observed as a day of fasting and prayer, in obedience to some supposed proclamation of one Jefferson Davis in the several churches of this city, it is ordered that no such observance be had.

Churches and religious houses are to be kept open as in times of profound peace, but no religious exercises are to be had upon the supposed authority above mentioned.

By command of Maj. Gen. Butler,

GEO. C. STRONG, A. A. General

THE WOMEN OF THE TOWN ORDER

The Herald correspondent says in relation to Gen. butler’s order that all women insulting the soldiers should be treated as “women of the town plying their avocations:”

“The order gives great satisfaction to the command to whom the conduct of the disloyal ladies of the city has become absolutely intolerable.  The Mayor and the violent secessionists received it in high dudgeon and the Mayor addressed the following letter on the subject to General Butler.  The order contains no reflections whatever on the virtue of New Orleans ladies but leaves their future reputation to their behavior after the date of the order.  A more effectual method of abating such an evil could not be devised, and I believe it will be entirely successful.  But here is the Mayor’s letter. –

STATE OF LOUISIANA, MAORALTY OF NEW ORLEANS,

May 16, 1862

Major Gen. Benjamin F. Butler, Commanding United States Forces

SIR – Your general order No. 28 of date 15th inst., which reads as follows – (here follows order 28, respecting ladies) – is of a character so extraordinary and astonishing that I cannot, holding the office of Chief Magistrate of this city, chargeable with its peace and dignity suffer it to be promulgated in our presence without protesting against the threat it contains, which has already aroused the passions of our people, and must exasperate them to a degree beyond control.  Your officers and soldiers are permitted, by the terms of this order to place any construction they may please upon the conduct of our wives and daughters, and upon such construction, to offer them atrocious insults.  The peace of the city and the safety of your officers and soldiers from harm or insult have, I affirm, been successfully secured to an extent enabling them to move through our streets almost unnoticed, according to the understanding and agreement entered into between yourself and the city authorities.  I did not however anticipate a war upon women and children, who, so far as I am aware, have only manifested their displeasure at the occupation of their city by those whom they believe to be their enemies and I will never undertake to be responsible for the peace of New Orleans while such an edict, which infuriates our citizens, remains in force.  To give a license to the officers and soldiers of your command to commit outrages such as are indicated in your order upon defenseless women is, in my judgment a reproach to the civilization not to say to the Christianity, of the age, in whose name I make this protest.

I am sir, your obedient servant,

JOHN T. MONROE, Mayor.

To this disrespectful letter Gen. Butler vouchsafed the following unequivocal answer:

HEAD QUARTERS DEP’T OF THE GULF,

NEW ORLEANS, May 16, 1862

John T. Monroe late Mayor of the City of New Orleans, is relieved from all responsibility for the peace of the city, and is suspended from the exercise of any official functions, and committed to Fort Jackson until further order.

B. F. BUTLER,

Major General Commanding.

THE ARREST OF MAYOR MONROE OF NEW ORLEANS

Correspondence of the N. Y. Herald

NEW ORLEANS, May 17.

Since my last letter a number of prominent citizens have been arrested and sent to Fort Jackson.  The most notable are John T. Monroe, Mayor of New Orleans, D. G. Duncan, the Mayor’s Private Secretary, John McClellan, Chief of Police, Judge Kennedy, Lucien Adams, Recorder in the Fourth District, and Benj. S. Harrison, formerly a member of the City Council.  Mr. Mazarat, Lieutenant of Police, was ordered under arrest, but the order was afterwards rescinded.

These arrests are peculiarly grateful to the respectable portion of this community, as all of them but Judge Kennedy have long been in notoriously bad odor.  The Mayor and his clique have been doing their utmost by covert measures to harass and impede General Butler in promoting a friendly feeling towards the United States Government, and they have placed an injurious construction on almost every step that the General has taken.  Last Saturday morning after the Mayor had the day previous apologized for his insolent, insulting letter to General Order No. 28, regarding the conduct of the women he again called at headquarters for the purpose of withdrawing his apology or obtaining a modification of the order.  Gen. Butler told him unequivocally that he had nothing to modify; that he was not sorry for what he had written, that he would not withdraw it if he could, and could not if he would, but, at the request of the Mayor, the General gave him permission to publish the offensive letter and the apology, and to add that the order applied only to those women who had insulted by word, look, or gesture the officers of soldiers of the United States army.  He also told him that he could append to the correspondence the startling fact that “water is wet” and “blackbirds are black” – a delicate piece of satire that I fear was entirely lost upon the obtuse intelligence of the magistrate.  After an explanation from the General that would have been thoroughly clear to the comprehension of a child, the Mayor left, apparently satisfied, but Saturday night he again sent the General a letter, the counterpart of the first.  Yesterday morning he was again at headquarters with several of his friends, including Judge Kennedy, John McClellan, Chief of Police, and D. G. Duncan.  The mayor demanded the right to withdraw his apology, and Gen. Butler granted it, but informed Mr. Mayor that he had played with the United States authority long enough, and now he had to go to Fort Jackson.  The other parties named above, admitting their approval of the Mayor’s conduct, were also sent to Fort Jackson.

In addition to the Mayor’s conduct in regard to Order No. 28, he has been guilty in conjunction with other members of the city government, of giving material aid and comfort to the enemy since our occupation, and the Monroe Guard – of which I have an account in my letter of the 10th – expected (and probably with reason) that he would pay handsomely for the “honor” paid him in selecting his name for the corps.  The General announced to the above gentlemen that he should hold them as hostage for the good behavior of the city.

Ben Harrison and Lucien Adams are chiefs of the “Thugs,” had have been the most relentless persecutors of Union men.  Their arrest will enable descent people to sleep more securely at night.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, June 7, 1862, p. 1