Judge Thomas and Mr. Train, counsel for Smith Brothers of
Boston, had an interview of nearly two hours with me on Saturday, wishing the
trial postponed, a different court, and that the trial should take place in
Boston. They called and were with me half an hour yesterday. Finally arranged
that the trial should be postponed four weeks, until Tuesday the 30th, although
their friends had urged a speedy trial, but declined other changes. Two hours
later the President sent for me and also for Mr. Fox. On going to the Executive
Mansion, I found Messrs. Thomas and Train with the President, where they had
gone over the whole subject that they had previously discussed with me. The
President heard them kindly and then said he could not act without consulting
me. I remarked that I had given the subject a hearing and examination, and
supposed it was disposed of. The President said he could not interfere, but
should be glad if it could be arranged so as to give them time and also a trial
at Boston.
I wrote a
letter to Pickering, Winslow & Co., who, with certain Bostonians, wish to
do something to assist the blockade. They hardly know what or how.
At the Cabinet, Messrs. Blair, Bates, and myself were
present. Fessenden and Usher are absent. Seward and Stanton had been there in
advance. There is design in all this. Went over proceedings of the armies at
Atlanta and Petersburg. Stanton dislikes to meet Blair in council, knowing that
B. dislikes and distrusts him. Seward and Stanton move together in all matters,
yet Seward fears a quarrel with Blair, and he tries to keep in with him and at
the same time preserve his intimacy with Stanton. Both mouse about the
President, who, in his intense interest and inquisitiveness, spends much of his
time at the War Department, watching the telegraph. Of course, opportunities
like these are not lost by Stanton, and, General Halleck being placed here
indorsed by General Scott as the military adviser of the President, he has
equal or greater advantages to play the sycophant, and does so.
The explosion and assault at Petersburg on Saturday last
appears to have been badly managed. The results were bad and the effect has been
disheartening in the extreme. There must have been some defect or weakness on
the part of some one or more. I have been waiting to get the facts, but do not
yet get them to my satisfaction. It is stated in some of the letters written
that lots were cast as to which corps and which officers should lead in the
assault. I fear there may be truth in the report, but if so, and Grant was in
it or cognizant of it, my confidence in him — never very great — would be
impaired. I should not be surprised to learn that Meade committed such an act,
for I do not consider him adequate to his high position, and yet I may do him
injustice. My personal acquaintance with him is slight, but he has in no way
impressed me as a man of breadth and strength or capabilities, and instead of
selecting and designating the officer for such a duty, it would be in
accordance with my conceptions of him to say, Let any one, Cast lots, etc., but
I shall be reluctant to believe this of Grant, who is reticent and, I fear,
less able than he is credited. He may have given the matter over to Meade, who
has done this. Admiral Porter has always said there was something wanting in
Grant, which Sherman could always supply, and vice versa, as regards
Sherman, but that the two together made a very perfect general officer and they
ought never to be separated. If Grant is confiding in Meade, relying on him, as
he did on Sherman,— Grant will make a failure, I fear, for Meade is not
Sherman, nor the equal of Sherman. Grant relies on others, but does not know
men, — can't discriminate. I feel quite unhappy over this Petersburg matter, —
less, however, from the result, bad as it is, than from an awakening
apprehension that Grant is not equal to the position assigned him. God grant
that I may be mistaken, for the slaughtered thousands of my countrymen who have
poured out their rich blood for three months on the soil of Virginia from the
Wilderness to Petersburg under his generalship can never be atoned in this
world or the next if he without Sherman prove a failure. A blight and sadness
comes over me like a dark shadow when I dwell on the subject, a melancholy
feeling of the past, a foreboding of the future. A nation's destiny almost has
been committed to this man, and if it is an improper committal, where are we?
The consequence of the Petersburg failure, and the late
successful raid of the Rebels, will embolden them to our injury. They will take
courage, keep fewer troops to man their batteries at Richmond, and send more to
harass our frontiers, perhaps to strengthen Hood in opposing Thomas and
Sherman.
In the mean time, where is Halleck and what is he doing? I
hear nothing of him, do not see him. The President goes to advise with him, but
I do not think he is ever wiser or better for these interviews.
Seward and Stanton make themselves the special confidants of
the President, and they also consult with Halleck, so that the country is in a
great degree in the hands of this triumvirate, who, while they have little
confidence in each other, can yet combine to control or influence the
President, who is honest.
Attorney-General Bates, who spent last evening with me,
opened his heart freely as regards the Cabinet. Of Blair he thought pretty
well, but said he felt no intimacy with, or really friendly feelings for, any
one but me; that I had his confidence and respect, and had from our first
meeting. Mr. Seward had been constantly sinking in his estimation; that he had
much cunning but little wisdom, was no lawyer and no statesman. Chase, he
assures me, is not well versed in law principles even, - is not sound nor of
good judgment. General Halleck he had deliberately charged with intentional
falsehood and put it in writing, that there should be no mistake or claim to
have misapprehended him. He regretted that the President should have such a
fellow near him.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles,
Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 —
December 31, 1866, p. 90-3