War Department, Adjutant General's Office: General Orders, No. 88, April 3, 1863

GENERAL ORDERS No. 88.}

WAR DEPT., ADJUTANT-GENERAL'S OFFICE,        

Washington: April 3, 1863.

The following orders in respect to the regulating of intercourse with the insurrectionary States, the collection of abandoned property, &c., are published for the information and government of the Army and of all concerned:

• Edwin M. Stanton, March 31, 1863

By order of the Secretary of War:

E. D. TOWNSEND,        

Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 18 (Serial No. 26), p. 580-2

Edwin M. Stanton, March 31, 1863

WAR DEPARTMENT,        

Washington, March 31, 1863.

For the purpose of more effectually preventing all commercial intercourse with in-surrectionary States except such as shall be authorized in pursuance of law, and of securing consistent, uniform, and efficient action in conducting such intercourse as shall be so authorized, and for the purpose of carrying out the provisions of an act of Congress entitled "An act to provide for the collection of abandoned property and for the prevention of frauds in insurrectionary States," approved March 12, 1863, it is hereby ordered—

I. That no officer of the Army of the United States nor other person connected therewith shall authorize or have any interest in the transportation of any goods, wares, or merchandise (except supplies belonging to or contracted for by the United States, designed for the military or naval forces thereof, and moving under military or naval orders, and except also sutlers' supplies and other things necessary for the use and comfort of the troops of the United States, and moving under permits of the authorized officers of the Treasury Department) into any State declared by the President to be in insurrection; nor authorize nor have any interest in the purchase or sale therein of any goods or chattels, wares or merchandise, cotton, tobacco, or other product of the soil thereof; nor the transportation of the same, except as aforesaid, therefrom or therein; nor shall any such officer or person authorize, prohibit, or in any manner interfere with any such purchase or sale or transportation which shall be conducted under the regulations of the Secretary of the Treasury, unless under some imperative military necessity, in the place or section where the same shall be conducted, or unless requested by an agent or some other authorized officer of the Treasury Department, in which case all commanders of military departments, districts, and posts will render such aid in carrying out the provisions of the said act, and in enforcing due observance of the said regulations of the Secretary of the Treasury, as can be given without manifest injury to the public service.

II. It is further ordered that every officer or private or person employed in or with the regular or volunteer forces of the United States who may receive or have under his control any property which shall have been abandoned by the owner or owners, or captured in any district declared to be in insurrection against the United States, including all property seized under military orders, excepting only such as shall be required for military use of the United States forces, shall promptly turn over all such property to the agent appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury to receive the same, who shall give duplicate receipts therefor.

And every such officer or private, or person employed in or with the regular or volunteer forces of the United States, shall also promptly turn over to such agent, in like manner, all receipts, bills of lading, and other papers, documents, and vouchers showing title to such property, or the right to the possession, control, or direction thereof; and he shall make such order, indorsement, or writing as he has power to make to enable such agent to take possession of such property or the proceeds thereof. Arms, munitions of war, forage, horses, mules, wagons, beef cattle, and supplies which are necessary in military operations, shall be turned over to the proper officers of the ordnance or of the quartermaster or of the commissary departments, respectively, for the use of the Army. All other property abandoned or captured or seized as aforesaid shall be delivered to the agent appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury.

The officer receiving or turning over such property shall give the usual and necessary invoices, receipts, or vouchers therefor, and shall make regular returns thereof, as prescribed by the Army Regulations. The receipts of the agents of the Treasury Department shall be vouchers for all property delivered to them, and whenever called upon by the agent of the Treasury Department authorized to receive such abandoned or captured or seized property as aforesaid, or the proceeds thereof, all persons employed in the military service will give him full information in regard thereto, and if requested by him so to do they shall give him duplicates or copies of the reports and returns thereof and of the receipts, invoices, and vouchers therefor.

And every officer of the Army of the United States hereafter receiving abandoned or captured or seized property, or the proceeds thereof, or under whose order it may be applied to the use of the military forces as aforesaid, shall, upon request of a duly authorized agent of the Treasury Department, render a written report, with invoices thereof, to said agent, in which he will specify the arms, supplies, or other munitions of war retained for the use of the military forces as aforesaid, and also, separately, the property turned over to said agent, or which may have been sold or otherwise disposed of.

And in case a sale of any such property shall be made under his authority or under the authority of any one subject to his order he will so state, and will describe the property so sold, and will state when and where and by and to whom sold, and the amount received therefor, and what disposition was made of the proceeds.

And all officers of the Army of the United States will at all times render to the agents appointed by the Secretary of the Treasury all such aid as may be necessary to enable them to take possession of and transport all such property, so far as can be done without manifest injury to the public service.

III. All commanders of military departments, districts, and posts will, upon receipt of this order, revoke all existing orders within their respective commands conflicting or inconsistent herewith, or which permit or prohibit or in any manner interfere with any trade or transportation conducted under the regulations of the Secretary of the Treasury; and their attention is particularly directed to said regulations, prescribed March 31, 1863, and they will respectively make such orders as will insure strict observance of this order throughout their respective commands.

All expenses of transporting property herein referred to will be reported by the officers of the Quartermaster's Department who furnish such transportation to the agents of the Treasury Department, and also, through the ordinary channels, to the Quartermaster-General at Washington, in order that the said expenses may be reimbursed from the proceeds of sales of such transported property.

EDWIN M. STANTON,        

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 18 (Serial No. 26), p. 580-2

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, March 24, 1865

Attorney-General Speed calls upon me in some trouble. The Secretary of the Treasury has asked his opinion whether appropriations for the next fiscal year which have been covered into the Treasury can be now drawn upon. This has been the practice during the War, but the First Comptroller objects to passing requisitions and questions its legality. In this ruling the Comptroller is probably strictly legally correct, but to attempt to rigidly enforce the law would be disastrous. The fault originates in the Treasury; the usage has been theirs; not only this, it has been their delinquency which makes the present difficulty. Paymasters do not settle their accounts promptly. The Fourth Auditor's office is two years behind, and their requisitions cannot be adjusted and carried to the proper appropriation until their accounts are settled at the Auditor's office. The Attorney-General thinks he shall legally be compelled to go with the Comptroller if required to give an opinion, and he thinks McCulloch inclined to exact it. In that event both Navy and Army must come to a standstill, the credit of the Treasury will be injured, loans cannot be negotiated, and the government will be involved in financial embarrassments.

A paymaster, for instance, especially a new one, commits errors in his drafts. He makes a requisition, perhaps for $100,000, and, in uncertainty from what appropriation the money should come, he draws the whole amount from “Pay of the Navy"; but $12,000 should have been from "Equipment,” for coal, etc., $10,000 from “Provisions and Clothing," $10,000 from “Construction," and $12,000 is to pay prize; so that only $56,000 should have been taken from “Pay of the Navy.” But this cannot be corrected and carried to the proper heads until the paymaster's account is settled, which will not be sooner than 1867. In the mean time the appropriation of “Pay of the Navy” is exhausted, through ignorance of the new paymasters and the carelessness of the old ones.

Wrote a letter to Olcott, the detective, as Stanton calls him, or, as he calls himself and wishes to be called, Commissioner, in answer to a strange letter from him proposing to make a report for Congress, to prevent the repeal of the law which subjects contractors to military arrest and trial by court martial. I gave him to understand that I had no hand in originating the law and could not, nor did I feel disposed to, interpose to prevent its repeal when Congress thought proper. Notified him that he would hereafter correspond with the Solicitor instead of Assistant Secretary, enjoined economy, etc., etc. It will not do to let this man go on unchecked. He is zealous, in a certain sense I think honest, but is rash, reckless, at times regardless of the rights of others, assumes authority, but I am inclined to believe acts with good intentions; and he is wild in his expenditures. Of course he will be dissatisfied and not unlikely abusive of me for checking and correcting his errors.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 264-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, March 27, 1865

Immediately after the capture of Charleston, it was suggested at one of the Cabinet-meetings, by Dennison and Speed, that we should go either on the anniversary of the fall of Sumter and raise again the old flag. I declined to be a party in such a movement, as Sumter was already taken and the flag had been raised on its ruins. But others, I see, have taken a different view, and Stanton with a party is to go to Charleston for the purpose indicated. Without having heard a word from Seward, I shall expect him to work into the party. He likes fuss and parade; is already preparing his speech.

Ordered to-day the Wyoming to the East Indies. Had dispatches on Saturday from Craven, who is on the Niagara watching the Rebel ironclad Stonewall at Corunna. He says he is “in an unenviable and embarrassing position.” There are many of our best naval officers who think he has an enviable position, and they would make sacrifices to obtain it. Perhaps Craven will fight well, though his language is not bold and defiant, nor his sentiments such as will stimulate his crew. It is an infirmity. Craven is intelligent, and disciplines his ship well, I am told, but his constant doubts and misgivings impair his usefulness.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 267

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, March 30, 1865

The President still remains with the army. Seward yesterday left to join him. It was after I saw him, for he was then expecting the President would return last evening or this morning. Stanton, who was present, remarked that it was quite as pleasant to have the President away, that he (Stanton) was much less annoyed. Neither Seward nor myself responded. As Seward left within less than three hours after this interview, I think the President must have telegraphed for him, and, if so, I come to the conclusion that efforts are again being made for peace.

I am by no means certain that this irregular proceeding and importunity by the Executive is the wisest course. Yet the President has much shrewdness and sagacity. He has been apprehensive that the military men are not very solicitous to close hostilities, — fears our generals will exact severe terms.

Mr. Faxon left this p.m. for Connecticut. His absence and that of Mr. Fox and Edgar will make my labors exceedingly arduous for the next fortnight, for Faxon will not return until week after next, and the others the week following.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 269

Major-General John A. McClernand to Edwin M. Stanton, August 24, 1863

SPRINGFIELD, ILL.,        

August 24, 1863.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
        Secretary of War:

On June 27, ultimo, I had the honor to address you a respectful communication, giving the circumstances attending my removal by General Grant from the command of the Thirteenth Army Corps, and containing, among other things, the following passages:

I ask, in justice, for an investigation of General Grant's and my conduct as officers from the battle of Belmont to the assault of May 22 on Vicksburg, inclusive.

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

Please early advise me of the determination of the Government in the premises.

Fearing that the foregoing matter, in the multitude of your engagements, has escaped your attention, I write again, respectfully asking that you will please immediately advise me whether the desired investigation will or will not be ordered.

Your obedient servant,

JOHN A. McCLERNAND,        

Major-general.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 1 (Serial No. 36), p. 158

Major-General John A. McClernand to Edwin M. Stanton, September 5, 1863

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., September 5, 1863.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
        Secretary of War:

I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your communication of the 29th ultimo.* By it I am advised that the President has declined to order a court of inquiry. If the reason for this determination was because my application contemplated an investigation extending beyond my own official conduct, I beg to obviate the objection by requesting a court of inquiry simply to investigate my own conduct. If the court be granted, I would prefer that its jurisdiction be extended to my entire conduct as an United States officer in the present war; or, if that may not be, to my conduct in connection with the Mississippi River expedition; or, if that may not be, to my conduct in connection with the late campaign from Milliken's Bend around to Vicksburg, and resulting in the fall of that place.

Pardon this further intrusion upon your attention, which is made in no improper spirit, but to ascertain the intended effect of the President's determination, and to ask of you to further oblige me by early advising me in the premises.

Your obedient servant,

JOHN A. McCLERNAND,        

Major General.

_______________

* Not found.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 1 (Serial No. 36), p. 168

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General John A. McClernand, September 14, 1863

WAR DEPARTMENT,        

Washington City, September 14, 1863.

Maj. Gen. JOHN A. MCCLERNAND,

        Springfield, Ill.:

GENERAL: Your letter of the 5th instant has been submitted to the President, who directs me to say that a court of inquiry embracing any one of the subjects specified in that letter would necessarily withdraw from the field many officers whose presence with their commands is absolutely indispensable to the service, and whose absence might cause irreparable injury to the success of Operations now in active progress. For these reasons he declines at present your applications, but if hereafter it can be done without prejudice to the service, he will, in view of your anxiety upon the subject, order a court.

Your obedient servant,

EDWIN M. STANTON,        

Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 1 (Serial No. 36), p. 169

Major-General John A. McClernand to Edwin M. Stanton, June 27, 1863

SPRINGFIELD, ILL., June 27, 1863.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
        Secretary of War:

Under authority conferred by you in previous correspondence to communicate freely, I inclose the accompanying correspondence* between Major-General Grant and myself. From that correspondence you will learn that General Grant has assumed power to relieve me from the command of the Thirteenth Army Corps and to banish me from the Department of the Tennessee. The ostensible motive for this act is the failure of my adjutant to send General Grant a copy of a congratulatory order communicated to commanders of divisions of the Thirteenth Army Corps, the design of which was to assert the just claims of that corps and to stimulate its soldierly pride and conduct.

The order reflected upon no one, nor was it to have been expected that I could have personally supervised the routine of the adjutant's office in this or any like particular. I was in the presence of the enemy, and my attention and best efforts were due to what was transpiring in the field; besides, sent or unsent, outside of the purpose mentioned, the order effected nothing.

The real motive for so unwarranted an act was hostility—personal hostility—growing out of the early connection of my name with the Mississippi River expedition and your assignment of me to the command of it. This feeling subsequently became intensified by the contrast made by my success at Arkansas Post with General Grant's retreat from Oxford and his repulse at Chickasaw Bayou, and, later still, more intensified by the leadership and success of my corps during the advance from Milliken's Bend to Port Gibson, to Champion's Hill, and to Big Black. In all these battles my corps led the advance and bore the brunt; indeed, I made the dispositions for the battles of Port Gibson and Champion's Hill, also for the battle of Big Black, which was fought on our part alone by my own corps.

During May 19, 20, 21, and 22, I lost 1,487 men killed and wounded before Vicksburg in fruitless attempts to carry the enemy's works, in obedience to General Grant's orders—orders which, under the circumstances, were incapable of execution.

On the 22d, I was the first to attack. I made the only lodgments; held them all day under a scorching sun and wasting fire, while the corps on my right, sustaining repulse, left the enemy to mass upon me. Yet, so far as I have seen, the only dispatch from General Grant noticing me or the Thirteenth Army Corps placed me in the position of bringing up the rear.

The fact that McPherson and Sherman gained the lead for a day or two by reason of the temporary substitution of Jackson for Edwards Station as the objective point of the army's movements, was the occasion for a statement calculated to induce the belief that I was uniformly in the rear. All this, however, is but consistent with the motive that censured me for the Arkansas expedition, which, fortunately for me and the country, terminated in the fall of Post Arkansas, and the attempt to charge me with the failure at Chickasaw Bayou, which occurred before I took command of the Mississippi River expedition.

I ask, in justice, for an investigation of General Grant's and my conduct as officers from the battle of Belmont to the assault of the 22d upon Vicksburg, inclusive; and meantime, until the public service will allow the investigation, that I be restored to my command, at least until the fall of Vicksburg. General Grant cannot consistently object to the latter, because only two days before my dismission he made my command larger than the Fifteenth and Seventeenth Army Corps combined by the addition of one division certainly and two others contingently, thus in an emergency, notwithstanding his personal feelings, testifying his confidence in my fidelity and capability. Please early advise me of the determination of the Government in the premises.

Your obedient servant,

JOHN A. McCLERNAND,        

Major General.

­­­­­­­­­­­­­­­_______________

* See McClernand to Halleck, p. 165

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 1 (Serial No. 36), p. 166-7

Charles A. Dana to Edwin M. Stantion, June 19, 1863—10. a.m.

BEHIND VICKSBURG, MISS., June 19 1863 - 10 a.m.,                

VIA MEMPHIS, TENN., June 22 - 9 a.m.        

(Received June 24 - 3.35 a.m.)

McClernand last night was relieved of his command and ordered to report to Washington for orders. As the matter may be of some importance, I telegraph the correspondence connected with it. The congratulatory address spoken of in General Grant's first letter is one that first reached here in the Missouri Democrat of June 11. In it he claims for himself most of the glory of the campaign; reaffirms that on May 22 he held two rebel forts for several hours, and imputes to other commanders a failure to aid him to keep them and take the city. The letters are as follows:

• Major-General Ulysses S. Grant to Major-General John A. McClernand, June 17, 1863
• Major-General John A. McClernand to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, June 18, 1863
• Major-General Ulysses S. Grant: Special Orders, No. 164, June 18, 1863
• Major-General John A. McClernand to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, June 18, 1863

Though the congratulatory address in question is the occasion of McClernand's removal, it is not its cause, as McClernand intimates when he says incorrectly that General Grant has taken exceptions to this address. That cause, as I understand it, is his repeated disobedience of important orders, his general insubordinate disposition, and his palpable incompetence for the duties of the position. As I learned by private conversation, it was, in General Grant's judgment, also necessary that he should be removed, for the reason, above all, that his relations with other corps commanders rendered it impossible that the chief command of this army should devolve upon him, as it would have done were General Grant disabled, without most pernicious consequences to the cause.

Lauman's division, having for some days past been temporarily attached to the Thirteenth Corps, will remain under Ord's command. Herron will continue to report directly to department headquarters. Captain Comstock takes general charge of the siege works on the lines of both Lauman and Herron. The siege works here are steadily progressing on the right and center, rather in the way of enlargement of covered ways and strengthening of the lines than of direct advances. On the front of the Thirteenth Corps and the extreme left, our works constantly approach those of the enemy. On the right of our center, however, an important advantage was this morning gained by General Ransom, who during the night pushed his trenches so that at daylight his sharpshooters were able to take in reverse the whole right flank of the main rebel fort in his front, called Fort Hill. He soon drove out the enemy, killing and wounding many, and will be able to crown the rebel parapet with his artillery whenever the order is given. The rebels are constructing an interior battery to cover the works they have thus virtually lost. Trustworthy advices from Jackson to the 16th show that Joe Johnston had withdrawn his troops thence. A few guards were all the troops there. As I have before reported, Breckinridge was at Clinton. The rebels are endeavoring to establish at Demopolis, on the Tombigbee, the gun-carriage factory we burned at Jackson. Ten thousand troops from Bragg had passed through that place—re-enforcements to Joe Johnston. No cavalry was among them nor any heavy artillery.

Weather is hot; thermometer at 95 degrees. The springs from which we get water are becoming bad. They are full of lime from decayed shells.

C. A. DANA.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,
        Secretary of War.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 1 (Serial No. 36), p. 102-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, March 4, 1865

Was at the Capitol last night until twelve. All the Cabinet were present with the President. As usual, the time passed very pleasantly. Chief Justice Chase came in and spent half an hour. Later in the night I saw him in the Senate. Speed says Chase leaves the Court daily to visit the Senate, and is full of aspirations. I rode from the Capitol home at midnight with Seward. He expressed himself more unreservedly and warmly against Chase than I have ever heard him before.

The inauguration took place to-day. There was great want of arrangement and completeness in the ceremonies. All was confusion and without order, — a jumble.

The Vice-President elect made a rambling and strange harangue, which was listened to with pain and mortification by all his friends. My impressions were that he was under the influence of stimulants, yet I know not that he drinks. He has been sick and is feeble; perhaps he may have taken medicine, or stimulants, or his brain from sickness may have been overactive in these new responsibilities. Whatever the cause, it was all in very bad taste.

The delivery of the inaugural address, the administering of the oath, and the whole deportment of the President were well done, and the retiring Vice-President appeared to advantage when contrasted with his successor, who has humiliated his friends. Speed, who sat at my left, whispered me that “all this is in wretched bad taste”; and very soon he said, “The man is certainly deranged.” I said to Stanton, who was on my right, “Johnson is either drunk or crazy.” Stanton replied, “There is evidently something wrong.” Seward says it was emotion on returning and revisiting the Senate; that he can appreciate Johnson's feelings, who was much overcome. I hope Seward is right, but don't entirely concur with him. There is, as Stanton says, something wrong. I hope it is sickness.

The reception at the President's this evening was a crowded affair, — not brilliant, as the papers say it was. In some respects the arrangement was better than heretofore for the Cabinet gentlemen and their families, but there is room for much improvement. Such was the crowd that many were two hours before obtaining entrance after passing through the gates. When I left, a little before eleven, the crowd was still going in.

The day has been fatiguing and trying. The morning was rainy. Soon after noon the clouds disappeared and the day was beautiful; the streets dreadful.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 251-2

Rev. John Eaton Jr. to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, July 23, 1863

[Washington, July 23, 1863]

I have had one interview with the Secy of War & two with the President. Every one in the Gove't & many out of it appear to be thinking strongly towards this subject but as yet it seems likely to be accomplished only by pieces, &, in the Secy's office there would appear to be lack of well defined system in what has already been undertaken. The Secy understands that he has an officer to attend to such subjects but the office does not understand that his instructions embrace them:—simply the organisation of colored troops:—yet all matters connected with these organisations in you Dept. are now determined by Ajt. Genl. Thomas—refered to him as they arrive. His health though better is such that he is kept away at lighter duty. It would have gratified me could I have placed before Mr. Stanton a more general & comprehensive view of the facts in the Dept in regard to these people. He asked me who appointed me to the charge of these people as if he did [not] know anything had been done for them save through the Commissioners. He is evidently well disposed towards you. Bothe interviews with the Prest. were full of interest—the last very lengthy. He spoke with great freedom of his difficulties, so much so as to charge me with silence & perhaps as I send this by the customary mail, I had better omit the details. He remarked that it gratified him to know the observation of so many facts in your Dept. had suggested plans which agreed in the main with the outline ideas in his own mind. He is pleased that you have made them so useful to the army, and that your management of them meets present exigencies without attempting to determine impossibilities. He has heard that Mr. Dana has said that you had remarked that you could not have taken Vicksburg had it not been for the proclamation; but as he was not assured that Mr. Dana had said it he doubted somewhat whether you made so strong a statement. The order that you prepared to issue I am confident will give satisfaction here. I think the President would prefer these people should be called freed-men or freed people though he is not so particular as Mr. Chase who said to me he would not read a doccument that had the term contraband in it. It appears several prominent gentlemen have been directed to gather matter upon the whole subject of the management of these people & the Prest. has directed me to go to N. York & see two of them Hon. Messrs. Owen & McKay. Mr. Lincoln with every body of loyal sentiments is taking great satisfaction in the issue of your operations. He was full of it, repeated your last despatches, laughed over your capture of cattle, read his letter to you. He had a map of your operations on a tripod in his room. Those who made such effort to interfere with you, now are ashamed to aver it. Mr. Washburne's course in support of you is greatly commended. Genl. Sherman is being strongly vindicated. At Cincin. I met the two Societies that have been furnishing us supplies; at Columbus among others Ex Gov. Dennison, Gov. Todd, Ajt Genl. Hill, Judge Swayne—every where I am unable to say enough. I hope my visit will not only result in good at W. but in various ways in other directions—I enclose some of the many straws which indicate how the wind blows. Hoping your health is good & that your efforts will be crowned with every success.

[John Eaton Jr.]

SOURCE: John Y. Simon, Editor, The Papers of Ulysses S. Grant, Volume 8, p. 343-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, February 21, 1865

Have had no time the last ten eventful days to open this book; and am now in haste.

In the Senate as well as in the House, there has been a deliberate and mendacious assault on the Navy Department, but with even less success than the first. Senator Wade moved to adopt the Winter Davis proposition for a Board of Admiralty. It obtained, I am told, but two votes. A proposition which, under proper direction and duly prepared was not destitute of merit as a naval measure, provided the government is to have a more military and central character, has been put down, probably for years, perhaps forever.

The scheme in this instance was concocted by a few party aspirants in Congress and a few old and discomfited naval officers, with some quiddical lawyer inventors, schemers, and contractors. They did not feel inclined to make an open assault on me; they therefore sought to do it by indirection. Much of the spite was against the Assistant Secretary, who may have sometimes been rough and who has his errors as well as his good qualities, but who has well performed his duties, — sometimes, perhaps, has overdone, — has his favorites and decided prejudices.

Senator Hale, while he does not love me, has now particular hatred of Fox, and in striving to gratify his grudge is really benefiting the man whom he detests. He and others in the House have spoken of F. as the actual Secretary instead of the Assistant, striving thereby to hold him to a certain degree of accountability, and also hoping to sow dissension between him and me. For three years Hale made it his chief business to misrepresent and defame me, and he had with him at the beginning some who have become ashamed of him. In the mean time he has obtained other recruits. Blaine of Maine dislikes Fox, and in his dislike denounces the Navy Department, which he says, in general terms, without mentioning particulars, is mismanaged.

But I have no reason to complain when I look at results and the vindication of able champions. They have done me more than justice. Others could have done better, perhaps, than I have done, and yet, reviewing hastily the past, I see very little to regret in my administration of the Navy. In the matter of the light-draft monitors and the double-enders I trusted too much to Fox and Stimers. In the multiplicity of my engagements, and supposing those vessels were being built on an improved model, under the approval and supervision of Lenthall and the advice of Ericsson, I was surprised to learn when they were approaching completion, that neither Lenthall nor Ericsson had participated, but that Fox and Stimers had taken the whole into their hands. Of course, I could not attempt to justify what would be considered my own neglect. I had been too confiding and was compelled, justly perhaps, to pay the penalty in this searching denunciation of my whole administration. Neither of the men who brought me to this difficulty take the responsibility.

We have made great progress in the Rebel War within a brief period. Charleston and Columbia have come into our possession without any hard fighting. The brag and bluster, the threats and defiance which have been for thirty years the mental aliment of South Carolina prove impotent and ridiculous. They have displayed a talking courage, a manufactured bravery, but no more, and I think not so much inherent heroism as others. Their fulminations that their cities would be Saragossas were mere gasconade, — their Pinckneys and McGrawths and others were blatant political partisans.

General Sherman is proving himself a great general, and his movements from Chattanooga to the present demonstrate his ability as an officer. He has, undoubtedly, greater resources, a more prolific mind, than Grant, and perhaps as much tenacity if less cunning and selfishness.

In Congress there is a wild, radical element in regard to the rebellious States and people. They are to be treated by a radical Congress as no longer States, but Territories without rights, and must have a new birth or creation by permission of Congress. These are the mistaken theories and schemes of Chase, — perhaps in conjunction with others.

I found the President and Attorney-General Speed in consultation over an apprehended decision of Chief Justice Chase, whenever he could reach the question of the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus. Some intimation comes through Stanton, that His Honor the Chief Justice intends to make himself felt by the Administration when he can reach them. I shall not be surprised, for he is ambitious and able. Yet on that subject he is as much implicated as others.

The death of Governor Hicks a few days since has brought on a crisis of parties in Maryland. Blair is a candidate for the position of Senator, and the President wishes him elected, but Stanton and the Chase influence, including the Treasury, do not, and hence the whole influence of those Departments is against him. Blair thinks the President does not aid him as much as he had reason to suppose he would, and finds it difficult to get an interview with him. I think he has hardly been treated as he deserves, or as the President really wishes, yet the vindictiveness of the Chief Justice and Stanton deter him, control him against his will.

The senior Blair is extremely anxious for the promotion of his son-in-law, Lee, and has spoken to me several times on the subject. He called again to-day. I told him of the difficulties, and the great dissatisfaction it would give the naval officers. Pressed as the old man is by not only Lee but Lee's wife, and influenced by his own willing partiality, he cannot see this subject as I and others see it.

A few days since the President sent into the Senate the nomination of Senator E. D. Morgan for the Treasury. It was without consultation with M., who immediately called on the President and declined the position.

Seward, whom I saw on that evening, stated facts to me which give me some uneasiness. He called, he says, on the President at twelve to read to him a dispatch, and a gentleman was present, whom he would not name, but S. told the gentleman if he would wait a few moments he would be brief, but the dispatch must be got off for Europe. The gentleman declined waiting, but as he left, the President said, “I will not send the paper in to-day but will hold on until to-morrow." Seward says he has no doubt the conversation related to M.'s nomination, but that, the paper being made out, his private secretary took it up with the other nominations, and the President, when aware of the fact, sent an express to recall it, in order to keep faith with the gentleman mentioned. This gentleman was, no doubt, Fessenden.

I called on Governor Morgan on Sunday evening and had over an hour's conversation with him, expressing my wish and earnest desire that he should accept the place, more on the country's account than his own. He gave me no favorable response. Said that Thurlow Weed had spent several hours with him that morning to the same effect as myself and trying to persuade him to change his mind, but he would give Weed no assurance; on the contrary had persisted in his refusal. He, Morgan, was frank and communicative, as he has generally been with me on important questions, and reviewed the ground, State-wise and national-wise. “What,” he inquired, “is Seward's object? He never in such matters acts without a motive, and Weed would not have been called here except to gain an end."

Seward, he says, wants to be President. What does he intend to do? Will he remain in the Cabinet, or will he leave it? Will he go abroad, or remain at home? These, and a multitude of questions which he put me, showed that Morgan had given the subject much thought, and especially as it affected himself and Seward. Morgan has his own aspirations and is not prepared to be used by Weed or Seward in this case.

My own impressions are that Morgan has committed a great mistake as regards himself. Seward may be jealous of him, as M. is suspicious he is, but I doubt if that was the controlling motive with S. I think he preferred Morgan, as I do, for the Treasury, to any tool of Chase. The selection, I think, was the President's, not Seward's, though the latter readily fell in with it. Blair had advised it. Fessenden was probably informed on the morning when Seward met him at the President's and desired to have the nomination postponed.

I am told Thurlow Weed expressed great dissatisfaction that Morgan did not accept the position. That Weed and Seward may have selfish schemes in this is not unlikely, but whether they have or not, it was no less the duty of Morgan to serve his country when he could.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 240-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, January 6, 1865

Special messenger from Admiral Porter arrived this morning with dispatches. Left the Admiral and the fleet in Beaufort, coaling, refitting, taking in supplies, etc. He is not for giving up, but is determined to have Wilmington. We shall undoubtedly get the place, but I hardly know when. In the mean time he holds a large part of our naval force locked up. Admirals, like generals, do not like to part with any portion of their commands. As things are, I cannot well weaken him by withdrawing his vessels, yet justice to others requires it. Admiral Porter wrote to General Sherman in his distress, and he sent me Sherman's reply. It shows great confidence on the part of General Sherman in the Admiral, and this confidence is mutual. Instead of sending Porter troops he writes him that he proposes to march through the Carolinas to Wilmington and in that way capture the place. He does not propose to stop and trouble himself with Charleston. Says he shall leave on the 10th inst. if he can get his supplies, and names two or three places on the seaboard to receive supplies; mentions Bull's Bay, Georgetown, and Masonborough. His arrangement and plan strike me favorably; but it will be four or five weeks before he can reach Wilmington, and we cannot keep our vessels there locked up so long. Besides, General Grant has sent forward a military force from Hampton Roads to coöperate with the fleet, a fact unknown to Sherman when his letter was written. Whether this will interfere with or disarrange Sherman's plan is a question. I am told General Terry is detailed to command the military. He is a good man and good officer yet not the one I should have selected unless attended by a well-trained and experienced artillery or engineer officer.

I am apprehensive that General Grant has not discriminating powers as regards men and fails in measuring their true character and adaptability to particular service. He has some weak and improper surroundings; does not appreciate the strong and particular points of character, but thinks what one man can do another can also achieve.

The papers are discussing the Wilmington expedition. Generally they take a correct view. The New York Tribune, in its devotion to Butler, closes its eyes to all facts. Butler is their latest idol, and his faults and errors they will not admit, but would sacrifice worth and truth, good men and the country, for their parasite.

At the Cabinet-meeting no very important matter was taken up. There was a discussion opened by Attorney General Speed, as to the existing difficulties in regard to the government of the negro population. They are not organized nor is any pains taken to organize them and teach them to take care of themselves or to assist the government in caring for them. He suggests that the Rebel leaders will bring them into their ranks, and blend and amalgamate them as fighting men, - will give them commissions and make them officers. The President said when they had reached that stage the cause of war would cease and hostilities cease with it. The evil would cure itself. Speed is prompted by Stanton, who wants power.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 221-2

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, January 21, 1865

The congratulations and hearty cheer of the people over the victory at Fort Fisher are most gratifying. It is a comfort, too, to see, with scarcely an exception, that there is a rightful appreciation of the true merits of those who engaged in the contest, as well as of those who planned and persistently carried out this work.

But there is a contemptible spirit in one or two partisan journals that indicates the dark side of party and personal malice. The Evening Post in the capture of Fort Fisher makes no mention of the Navy. In some comments the succeeding day, the ill feeling again displays itself. The army is extolled, the Navy is ignored in the capture, and turned off and told to go forward and take Wilmington, which the editor says Admiral Porter can do if as eager as he has been for cotton bales. This gross and slanderous injustice called out a rebuke from G. W. Blunt which the editor felt bound to publish, but accompanied it with churlish, ill-natured, virulent, and ill-concealed malevolence. All this acrimony proceeds from the fact that the publisher of the Post is arrested and under indictment for fraud and malfeasance, and the Navy Department has declined to listen to the appeals of the editors to forbear prosecuting him. Henderson's guilt is known to them, yet I am sorry to perceive that even Mr. Bryant wishes to rescue H. from exposure and punishment, and, worse than that, is vindictive and maliciously revengeful, because I will not condone crime. No word of kindness or friendship has come to me or been uttered for me in the columns of the Post since Henderson's arrest, and the Navy is defamed and its officers abused and belied on this account. In this business I try to persuade myself that Godwin and Henderson are the chief actors; but Mr. Bryant himself is not wholly ignorant of what is done.

At the Cabinet-meeting yesterday Stanton gave an interesting detail of his trip to. Savannah and the condition of things in that city. His statements were not so full and comprehensive as I wished, nor did I get at the real object of his going, except that it was for his health, which seems improved. There is, he says, little or no loyalty in Savannah and the women are frenzied, senseless partisans. He says much of the cotton was claimed as British property, they asserting it had the British mark upon it. Sherman told them in reply he had found the British mark on every battle-field. The muskets, cartridges, caps, projectiles were all British, and had the British mark upon them. I am glad he takes this ground and refuses to surrender up property purchased or pretended to be purchased during the War, but which belongs in fact to the Confederate government. Mr. Seward has taken a different and more submissive view, to my great annoyance on more than one occasion, though his concessions were more generally to French claimants.

I am apprehensive, from the statement of Stanton, and of others also, that the Rebels are not yet prepared to return to duty and become good citizens. They have not, it would seem, been humbled enough, but must be reduced to further submission. Their pride, self-conceit, and arrogance must be brought down. They have assumed superiority, and boasted and blustered, until the wretched boasters had brought themselves to believe they really were a superior class, better than the rest of their countrymen, or the world. Generally these vain fellows were destitute of any honest and fair claim to higher lineage or family, but are adventurers, or the sons of adventurers, who went South as mechanics or slave-overseers. The old stock have been gentlemanly aristocrats, to some extent, but lack that common-sense energy which derives its strength from toil. The Yankee and Irish upstarts or their immediate descendants have been more violent and extreme than the real Southerners, but working together they have wrought their own destruction. How soon they will possess the sense and judgment to seek and have peace is a problem. Perhaps there must be a more thorough breakdown of the whole framework of society, a greater degradation, and a more effectual wiping out of family and sectional pride in order to eradicate the aristocratic folly which has brought the present calamities upon themselves and the country. If the fall of Savannah and Wilmington will not bring them to conciliatory measures and friendly relations, the capture of Richmond and Charleston will not effect it. They may submit to what they cannot help, but their enmity will remain. A few weeks will enlighten us.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 227-30

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, January 24, 1865

President sent for me this evening. Found Stanton with him, having a dispatch from General Grant desiring him to request me to remove Commander Parker, the senior officer on the upper James. After some conversation, informing them that we had two gunboats above, and that the Atlanta and Ironsides had been ordered thither, I mentioned that Farragut was here, and the President sent for him. On hearing how matters stood, he at once volunteered to visit the force. The President was pleased with it, and measures were at once taken.

I rode down to Willard's after parting at the Executive Mansion and had a few additional words with Admiral Farragut and invited Mrs. F. to stop at our house during the Admiral's absence.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 230

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, December 27, 1864

Mr. Seward sends me a letter from the British Chargé, stating her Majesty's desire to confer the Order of the Bath on Lieutenant Pearson¹ and desiring my opinions. I am opposed to the whole thing, and regret that our Minister should have pressed our naval officers to take any part in the fight with the Japanese. It appears to me to have been unnecessary to say the least, and this English compliment is designed to fasten us more closely with the allies against a people who have manifested more friendly feelings towards us than any Christian power. Mr. Thurlow Weed and Mr. Pruyn may be benefited. They have the money of the Japanese in their pockets.

At Cabinet to-day Seward, Fessenden, and Stanton were absent, the three most important of all who should be present at these meetings. The President was very pleasant over a bit of news in the Richmond papers, stating the fleet appeared off Fort Fisher, one gunboat got aground and was blown up. He thinks it is the powder vessel which has made a sensation. It will not surprise me if this is the fact. I have at no time had confidence in the expedient. But though the powder-boat may fail, I hope the expedition will not. It is to be regretted that Butler went with the expedition, for though possessed of ability as a civilian he has shown no very great military capacity for work like this. But he has Weitzel and if he will rely on him all may be well. I am apprehensive from what I have heard that too large a portion of the troops are black or colored, but fear there are too few of either kind, and no first-rate military officers to command and direct them. The Navy will, I think, do well. It is a new field for Porter, who has been amply supplied with men and boats.

_______________

¹ Lieut. Frederick Pearson, who commanded the United States ship in the fight of Sept. 5-8, 1864, with the Japanese.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 209-10

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, December 29, 1864

I called at the Executive Mansion at precisely ten this A.M. The President was not in. Mr. Attorney-General Speed came in soon after, and, while waiting for the President I stated to him the case. He said he had heard something from Mr. Seward concerning it last evening. On the question of giving exemplified copies of public records and trial by court martial he was partly decided that copies should be furnished. The President came in while we were discussing the subject, and said he had not fully determined, but his opinion from the consideration he had given it coincided with that of Mr. Speed, but he proposed to send for Mr. Seward, who shortly came. On hearing that the President had hesitated in signing the paper prepared by him and doubted its correctness, he was very much surprised, not to say chagrined; but when Speed joined in those doubts, Seward was annoyed, indeed quite angry. He denied that the public papers of any Department were to be subjected to private examination, and most emphatically denounced any idea of furnishing copies on the claim or demand of any State court or any court in a private suit. If it was conceded in a single instance, it must be in all. “And,” said he, pointing to the private shelves of the President, which he keeps locked, “they will demand those papers.” “But those,” said the President, “are private and confidential, a very different affair.'' “Call them,” said Seward, “what you please, you cannot retain them from Congress or the court if you concede the principle in this case. You cannot discriminate on their call; they will not admit the rectitude of your judgment and discrimination, if you give up to them the right of the demand now made on the Secretary of the Navy. He must not furnish them copies nor must he testify."

Without being convinced, the President was an attentive listener, and I think his faith was somewhat shaken. “We will look at this matter fully and carefully,” said he. “If the Secretary of State is right, we shall all of us be of his opinion, for this is a big thing, and this question must have been up and passed upon before this day.”

He then decided he would have a legal opinion from the Attorney-General, and framed questions for him to answer. Some modifications were suggested, and the matter closed for the present by the President instructing me not to give my evidence or copies till this question was decided.

Lieutenants-Commander) Preston arrived this P.M. with dispatches from Rear-Admiral Porter off Wilmington. The expedition has proved a failure. The powder-ship was a mere puff of smoke, doing no damage so far as is known. In this I am not disappointed. The Navy silenced the batteries and did, so far as I can learn, all that we had a right to expect. From Lieutenants-Commander] Preston's oral account, as well as from the dispatches, the troops appear to have behaved well. It was a mistake that General Butler, a civilian without military knowledge or experience in matters of this kind, should have been selected for this command. He is not an engineer, or an artillerist. He did not land. General Weitzel is wholly under his influence, and the two did nothing. Had the military been well commanded the results would, in some respects, have been different, and, I think, a success. General Butler has won laurels under the smoke and fire and fight of the Navy, — as at Hatteras or at New Orleans, — and he flattered himself that he should in like manner be favored at Wilmington.

General Grant ought never to have given him this command. It is unfortunate that Butler is associated with Grant, for he has great mental power which gives him undue ascendancy over his official superior. Certainly General Grant must have known that Butler was not the proper officer for such an expedition. Why did he give B. this command?

Fox says Grant occasionally gets drunk. I have never mentioned the fact to any one, not even to my wife, who can be trusted with a secret. There were such rumors of him when in the West.

Went with Fox to the President with Admiral Porter's dispatches. He read them carefully through, and after a very brief conversation I asked what was now to be done. The President said he must refer me to General Grant so far as the military part was concerned. He did not know that we wanted any advice on naval matters.

I said we had a large squadron there which we could not retain on that station unless something was to be effected, for it was wasting our naval strength. He said he hoped we had at this time enough vessels to close the ports to blockade-runners, and again said, “I must refer you to General Grant."

We left the President about 3.30 P.M. I had then much of my mail to get off. Did not leave the Department until ten. After dinner, took my usual walk. Fox called at my house, and a dispatch was framed to Grant as the President had directed. I said to Fox that it ought to go through Stanton, or that he should see it. When he was leaving and after he had got the door open, Fox said Stanton might not be at the Department, and would be likely to oppose if he was, and he doubted if it was best to say anything to him. Inconsiderately I assented, or rather did not dissent.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 212-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, December 30, 1864

At Cabinet various speculations.

Fessenden and Stanton, as usual, absent. President says Stanton readily gives up Butler, but makes a point whether Porter is any better. I do not admit this to be just to Porter, who is an energetic officer, though naval-wise not a lucky one, nor has he some of the qualities which give an easy time to those who administer the Department and would wish to economize in expenditures. There may be with some of those who coöperate with him cause to complain that he is not always observant of their rights, yet I do not remember to have heard that complaint from Sherman, Grant, or any trained military man. I do not suppose he has great respect for Butler, as a general or as the commander of the military of this expedition. But I have not yet heard of anything derelict on his part, or any act of commission or omission towards the military commander.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 214-15

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, December 31, 1864

Mr. Stanton sent, informing me he had a private telegram from General Grant which he would submit. I had last night word from General G. informing me of the fact.

Stanton I found in a very pleasant mood, not at all disposed to defend or justify Butler, whose course he commented on and disapproved. In doing this, however, he censured Porter as being indiscreet and at fault; but when I dissented and asked wherein he was to blame, Stanton made no attempt to specify, but spoke of him as blatant, boisterous, bragging, etc. The dispatch of General Grant stated he had received my telegram, that he should immediately organize another expedition secretly, which he hoped to get off by Monday, would give sealed orders not to be opened until outside, and that no one but himself, the quartermaster, and telegraphic operator in cipher should have the contents. Stanton said no one but himself and the telegraph-operator knew the contents. I told him I should inform Fox, for I must have some one to assist and with whom alone I would consult.

Commodore Rodgers came up from the fleet and entered just after I returned from the War Department. He is very indignant that the military part of the expedition should have been such a total failure, and is indignant towards Butler, who, he says, has defeated the whole expedition, which, with a military commander of courage and skill, would have been a success. I went with the Commodore to the President, who read Admiral Porter's dispatch and listened calmly to the statements of Rodgers denouncing Butler and his failures, at Petersburg, at Richmond, and now at Wilmington.

Sent Fox to Stanton to detain the steamboat at Baltimore until a special messenger, Lieutenant-Commander Preston, could arrive and proceed in her to Hampton Roads and there take a boat for Wilmington. Telegraphed to Norfolk to have a boat ready for Preston to go immediately on board. The Newbern was ready, Barry telegraphs this evening. Preston bore dispatch to Porter to hold his own, for Grant promises to send a military force by Monday or at farthest by Tuesday.

Butler has a well-prepared article in the Norfolk Régime, written by Clark, the editor, a creature of his but a man of some ability. The general himself undoubtedly assisted in its concoction. But military as well as naval men, without a single exception that has come to my knowledge, censure the general and commend the admiral. My own convictions are decidedly with the Navy, and I believe I can judge impartially, notwithstanding my connection with the Navy. I do not think Grant entirely exempt from blame in having permitted such a man as Butler to have command of such an expedition. I so told Stanton this morning, and recommended to him that they should be dissociated,— that Butler should be sent to some distant position, where he might exercise his peculiar and extraordinary talent as a police officer or military governor, but not to trust him with any important military command. I am not certain we should have been able to engage the army in this expedition but for Butler, and we could not have enlisited Butler had we not assented to the powderboat. That was not regular military, and had it been a success, the civilian General would have had a triumph.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 215-7