Thomas Jefferson to John Holmes, April 22, 1820

Monticello, April 22, 1820.

I thank you, dear Sir, for the copy you have been so kind as to send me of the letter to your constituents on the Missouri question. It is a perfect justification to them. I had for a long time ceased to read newspapers, or pay any attention to public affairs, confident they were in good hands, and content to be a passenger in our bark to the shore from which I am not distant. But this momentous question, like a fire-bell in the night, awakened and filled me with terror. I considered it at once as the knell of the Union. It is hushed, indeed, for the moment. But this is a reprieve only, not a final sentence. A geographical line, coinciding with a marked principle, moral and political, once conceived and held up to the angry passions of men, will never be obliterated; and every new irritation will mark it deeper and deeper. I can say, with conscious truth, that there is not a man on earth who would sacrifice more than I would to relieve us from this heavy reproach, in any practicable way. The cession of that kind of property, for so it is misnamed, is a bagatelle which would not cost me a second thought, if, in that way, a general emancipation and expatriation could be effected; and, gradually, and with due sacrifices, I think it might be. But as it is, we have the wolf by the ears, and we can neither hold him, nor safely let him go. Justice is in one scale, and self-preservation in the other. Of one thing I am certain, that as the passage of slaves from one State to another, would not make a slave of a single human being who would not be so without it, so their diffusion over a greater surface would make them individually happier, and proportionally facilitate the accomplishment of their emancipation, by dividing the burden on a greater number of coadjutors. An abstinence too, from this act of power, would remove the jealousy excited by the undertaking of Congress to regulate the condition of the different descriptions of men composing a State. This certainly is the exclusive right of every State, which nothing in the Constitution has taken from them and given to the General Government. Could Congress, for example, say, that the non-freemen of Connecticut shall be freemen, or that they shall not emigrate into any other State?

I regret that I am now to die in the belief, that the useless sacrifice of themselves by the generation of 1776, to acquire self-government and happiness to their country, is to be thrown away by the unwise and unworthy passions of their sons, and that my only consolation is to be, that I live not to weep over it. If they would but dispassionately weigh the blessings they will throw away, against an abstract principle more likely to be effected by union than by scission, they would pause before they would perpetrate this act of suicide on themselves, and of treason against the hopes of the world. To yourself, as the faithful advocate of the Union, I tender the offering of my high esteem and respect.

TH. JEFFERSON

SOURCE: Thomas Jefferson Randolph, Editor, Memoirs, Correspondence and Private Papers of Thomas Jefferson, Late President of the United States, Volume 4, p. 332-3



The President's Emancipation Message - Response Of The City And County Of St. Louis

We are gratified with the action of the County Convention yesterday on the proposal of President Lincoln on Emancipation.  The resolution was adopted unanimously and enthusiastically; not one dissenting voice.  This expression is of the Union men of the city and county of St. Louis.  That this is the sentiment of the unconditional Union men of Missouri there is little doubt.

When the resolution, which has passed the house of representatives, shall have been concurred in by the Senate, it will be a distinct proffer on the part of the General Government of aid and co-operation with such of the slave states as desire to inaugurate the policy of emancipation for themselves.  Until accepted by one or more of such States, it simply remains a standing offer of co-operation – nothing more.  But there is reason to believe that Delaware and Maryland will ere long take steps for the adoption of such a policy, and they the offer by acceptance will become operative.

Has not the time now come when the people of Missouri, too, will begin to consider the necessary preliminaries for the inauguration of that policy for their own State?  That the interests of Missouri would be in calculably advanced by adopting measures for the gradual, but sure, extinction of slavery, upon just principles, within her limits, is a proposition almost too plain for argument. – St. Louis. Dem.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, April 3, 1862, p. 2

Later from Europe

SANDY HOOK, March 24.

The steamship Hansa has arrived.

In the House of Lords on the 10^th Lord Campbell called attention to the inefficiency of the blockade of the Confederate ports, and moved for correspondence on the subject.

Earl Russell replied to the proofs adduced by Lord Campbell of the inefficiency of the blockade, and recounted the efforts made by the North to render it effective.  He (Russell) considered that the want of cotton in the English market was the best evidence that the blockade was not an empty one.  He said that a renewal of the old feeling between the Northern and Southern States was impossible.  He hoped the North would consent to a peaceful separation of the States.  Both the North and the South were rich and extensive enough to be mighty powers.  He trusted that within three months, or sooner, the war would cease, leaving the emancipation of the slaves if possible to be effected by gradual and peaceful means.  He said no formal communication had been made by the French to the English Government on the inefficiency of the blockade.

The motion was then withdrawn.

Consols have advanced to 93 1-8 for money; 93 5-8 for account.  American securities were firm.

Garibladi had presided over a large meeting of popular delegates at Genoa.  He deplored the absence of the representatives of the excluded provinces, and took an oath to deliver these provinces.

Miramon had arrived at Cadiz, and was about to proceed to Madird.

Breadstuffs dull and declining.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, March 25, 1862, p. 1

The President’s Message

Our neighbor says that we affect to be surprised that he should endorse President Lincoln’s message.  No we are not, but we should be greatly surprised if he maintained that position for any length of time.  That message is a very carefully worded document and susceptible of being construed to suit the ideas of men who do not hold the same opinion upon the subject of slavery that the President entertains.  We are glad that our contemporary and the pro-slavery press generally make no opposition to this message of the President.  It is the strongest evidence we have had that this war is lessening the hold of slavery upon the nation.

Formerly every deference was shown to this subject, and the most obsequious humiliation was exhibited in Congress at the bare mention of slavery.  The word was pronounced sotto voce, and when it became necessary to allude to it in public, it was sugared over with some such figurative appellation as “peculiar institution.”  But now, for the first time in the history of the country, a President of the United States has formally communicated to Congress his opinion that legislation looking to the extinction of American Slavery is necessary, and the Democratic press, the pro-slavery organs of the North, commend it!

Heretofore Executives have approached the subject hat in hand, and with [missing text] ded to the forbidden theme; but here is a President who does not hesitate to call the thing by its right name and boldly to affirm that slavery and the Constitution are not  identical, that they are not compatible, that so far from their existence being relative, or dependent the one upon the other, they are really antagonisms, and there is no permanent safety for the Union so long as slavery exists, and the pro-slavery press says, it is well!  The world does move and if slavery, the relic of barbarism, is not left behind in its progress, it will be an anomaly in the history of our race.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, March 12, 1862, p. 2

Special Message Of The President To Congress

WASHINGTON, March 6.

The President transmitted to Congress to-day the Following message:

Fellow-citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:  I recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable bodies, which shall be substantially as follows:

            Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of slavery, giving such State pecuniary aid to be used by such State at its discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system.

If the proposition contained in the resolution does not met with the approval of Congress and the country, there is the end; but if it does command such approval I deem it of importance that the States and people immediately interested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it.  The Federal Government would find its highest interest in such a measure as one of the most efficient measures of self-preservation.  The leaders of the existing insurrection entertain the hope that the government will ultimately be forced to acknowledge the independence of some part of the disaffected region, and that all slave States north of such parts will then say, the Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now choose to go with them.  To deprive them of this hope substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation completely deprives them of it, as to all the States initiating.  The Point is not that all States tolerating slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate emancipation; but that while the offer is equally made to all, the more Northern shall by such initiation make it certain to the Southern that in no event shall the former join the latter in their proposed confederacy.

I say ‘initiation,’ because, in my judgment gradual, and not sudden, emancipation is better for all.  In the mere financial or pecuniary view, any member of Congress with the census tables and the Treasury reports before him, can readily see for himself how very soon the current expenditures of the war would purchase, at a fair valuation, all the slaves in any named State.

Such a proposition on the part of the general Government sets up no claim or right by the Federal authority to interfere with slavery within State limits, referring as it does, the absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and its people immediately interested.  It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them in the annual message last December, I thought fit to say the Union must be preserved, and hence all indispensable means must be employed.  I said this not hastily, but deliberately.  War has been, and continues to be, an indispensable means to this end.  A practical re-acknowledgement of the national authority would render the war unnecessary, and it would at once cease.  If, however, resistance continues, the war must also continue; and it is impossible to foresee all the incidents which may attend, and all the ruin which may follow.  Such as may seem indispensable, or may obviously promise greater efficiency towards ending the struggle, must and will come.

The proposition now made is an offer only.  I hope it may be esteemed no offense to ask whether the pecuniary consideration tendered would not be of more value to the States and private persons concerned than are the institution and property in it, in the present aspect of affairs?  While it is true that the adoption of the proposed resolution would be merely initiatory, and not within itself a practical measure, it is recommended in the hope that it would sooner lead to important results.

In full view of my great responsibility to my God and to my country I earnestly beg the attention of congress and the people to the subject.

(Signed)

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, March 10, 1862, p. 2

The President’s Recommendation

The President has recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution to the effect, that the Government ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a plan for the gradual abolition of slavery, by giving to such State pecuniary aid to compensate it for the public and private inconveniences that may be produced by such change of system.  This looks to the emancipation of the slaves in the border States, and was probably called out by the recent action in Delaware.  So far as those slave States which did not participate in the rebellion, viz: Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, and Western Virginia, are concerned, some policy of the kind suggested should be adopted.  We hope to see Congress immediately take hold of the matter, and laying aside all partisan feeling, look only to the good of the country, by assisting to rid the nation of an institution that is a curse to it, and an incubus, crushing out the life’s blood of freedom, in the States that tolerate it.  Were this done at once as the President suggests, the rebellion would end.

The Government could well afford to give fifty or a hundred millions of dollars to these States, to assist them in emancipating their slaves, if by so doing the war could be stayed a few months, or even weeks sooner.  The point, says the President, of such action is not that all the states that tolerate slavery would soon, or at all, initiate emancipation.  No, the insurgents will cling to it to the last, fight for it and die for it, if need be, but never will they peaceably surrender it.  If the slaves of those rebels, who have sought to overthrow the Government and thus have placed themselves out of the pale of its protections are confiscated, it will be not only the severest punishment that could be meted out to them, but our Government may then find comparatively slight difficulty in arranging for the emancipation of the remainder.

While we are disposed to show every leniency toward those slave holders who have proven loyal to their Government, and compensating them to the fullest amount of their slaves, we are in favor not only of confiscating the property of the rebels to the Government, but of emancipating their slaves, as a just punishment for the high-handed treason in which they have been engaged.  If Congress do not take advantage of the present golden opportunity to rid our nation of slavery, the great drawback to its prosperity and perpetuity, and the instigator of all the troubles that afflict our country, it will signally fail in the discharge of its duty.  The people watch their representatives closely, and the member who fails or shirks his duty in this hour of trial will be held to a strict accountability.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, March 8, 1862, p. 2

Message from the President

WASHINGTON, March 6.

The President transmitted to Congress to-day the following message:

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and House of Representatives:  I recommend the adoption of a joint resolution by your honorable bodies, which shall be substantially as follows:

Resolved, That the U. S. ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a gradual abolition of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid to be used by such state at its discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such  change of system.  If the proposition contained in the resolution does not meet with the approval of Congress and the country, there is the end of the matter; but if it does command such approval, I deem it of importance that the States and people immediately interested should be at once distinctly notified of the fact, so that they may begin to consider whether to accept or reject it.  The Federal government would find its highest interest in such a measure as one of the most efficient measures of self-government.  The leaders of the existing insurrection entertain the hope that the government will ultimately be forced to acknowledge the independence of the disaffected region, and that all slave States north of such parts will then say, the Union for which we have struggled being already gone, we now choose to go with them.  To deprive them of this hope substantially ends the rebellion, and the initiation of emancipation completely deprives them of it, as to all the States; initiating.  The point is not that all the States tolerating slavery would very soon, if at all, initiate emancipation; but that while the offer is equally made to all, the more Northern shall by such initiation make it certain to the Southern that in no event shall the former join the latter in their proposed confederacy. – I say initiative, because, in my judgment, gradual, and not sudden, emancipation is better for all in the mere financial or pecuniary view.  Any member of Congress with the census tables and the Treasury reports before him can readily see for himself how very soon the current expenditures of the war would purchase, at a fair valuation, all the slaves in any named State.  Such a proposition on the part of the general government, set up no claim or right by Federal authority, to interfere with slavery within State limits, referring as it does to the absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and people immediately interested.  It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice.  In my annual last December I thought fit to say the Union must be preserved, and hence indispensable means be employed.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, March 7, 1862, p. 1

President’s Proclamation

WASHINGTON, May 19. – By the President of the United States of America. – A Proclamation.

Whereas there appears in the public prints, what purports to be a proclamation of Major General Hunter, and whereas, the same is producing some excitement and misunderstanding,

Therefore, I, ABRAHAM LINCOLN, President of the United States, proclaim and declare that the government of the United States, had no knowledge, information, or belief, of an intention on the part of General Hunter, to issue such a proclamation, nor has it yet any authentic information that the document is genuine, and further, that neither General Hunter, nor any other commander or person, has been authorized by the Government of the United States, to make proclamation declaring the slaves of any State free, and that the supposed proclamation, now in question, whether genuine or false, is altogether void, so far as respects such declaration.

I further make known, that whether it be competent for me, as Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy, to declare the Slaves of any state or States free, and whether at any time, in any case, it shall have become a necessity indispensable to the maintainance of the government, to exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my responsibility, I reserve to myself, and which I cannot feel justified in leaving to the decision of commanders in the field. These are totally different questions from those of policy regulations in armies and camps.

On the sixth day of February last, by a special message, I recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution, to be substantially as follows:

Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State in its discretion to compensate for the inconvenience, public and private, produced by such change of system.

The resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by large majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, definitive and solemn proposal of the nation to the States and people most immediately interested in the subject matter.

To the people of those states I now earnestly appeal. I do not argue ideas. I beseech you to make the arguments for yourselves. You cannot if you would, be blind to the signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of them, ranging if it may be, far above personal and party politics – common cause for a common object – casting no reproaches.

The change it contemplates would come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or wrecking anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been done by one effort in all past time, as in the providence of God, it is now your high previlege to do. May the vast future not have to lament that you have neglected it.

IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be annexed.

Done at the City of Washington, this nineteenth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the 86th.

(Signed)

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

WILLAM H. SEWARD, Sec’y of State.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 24, 1862, p. 4

Proclamation Revoking General Hunter's Order of Military Emancipation of May 19, 1862

May 19, 1862

By the President of The United States of America.

A Proclamation.

Whereas there appears in the public prints, what purports to be a proclamation, of Major General Hunter, in the words and figures following, towit:

Headquarters Department of the South,}

Hilton Head, S.C., May 9, 1862.}

General Orders No. 11.---The three States of Georgia, Florida and South Carolina, comprising the military department of the south, having deliberately declared themselves no longer under the protection of the United States of America, and having taken up arms against the said United States, it becomes a military necessity to declare them under martial law. This was accordingly done on the 25th day of April, 1862. Slavery and martial law in a free country are altogether incompatible; the persons in these three States---Georgia, Florida and South Carolina---heretofore held as slaves, are therefore declared forever free.

(Official)

DAVID HUNTER,

Major General Commanding.

ED. W. SMITH, Acting Assistant Adjutant General.

And whereas the same is producing some excitement, and misunderstanding: therefore

I, Abraham Lincoln, president of the United States, proclaim and declare, that the government of the United States, had no knowledge, information, or belief, of an intention on the part of General Hunter to issue such a proclamation; nor has it yet, any authentic information that the document is genuine. And further, that neither General Hunter, nor any other commander, or person, has been authorized by the Government of the United States, to make proclamations declaring the slaves of any State free; and that the supposed proclamation, now in question, whether genuine or false, is altogether void, so far as respects such declaration.

I further make known that whether it be competent for me, as Commander-in-Chief of the Army and Navy, to declare the Slaves of any state or states, free, and whether at any time, in any case, it shall have become a necessity indispensable to the maintainance of the government, to exercise such supposed power, are questions which, under my responsibility, I reserve to myself, and which I can not feel justified in leaving to the decision of commanders in the field. These are totally different questions from those of police regulations in armies and camps.

On the sixth day of March last, by a special message, I recommended to Congress the adoption of a joint resolution to be substantially as follows:

Resolved, That the United States ought to co-operate with any State which may adopt a gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in its discretion to compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system.

The resolution, in the language above quoted, was adopted by large majorities in both branches of Congress, and now stands an authentic, definite, and solemn proposal of the nation to the States and people most immediately interested in the subject matter. To the people of those states I now earnestly appeal. I do not argue. I beseech you to make the arguments for yourselves. You can not if you would, be blind to the signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged consideration of them, ranging, if it may be, far above personal and partizan politics. This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no reproaches upon any. It acts not the pharisee. The change it contemplates would come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or wrecking anything. Will you not embrace it? So much good has not been done, by one effort, in all past time, as, in the providence of God, it is now your high previlege to do. May the vast future not have to lament that you have neglected it.

In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand, and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed.

{L.S.}

Done at the City of Washington this nineteenth day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and sixty-two, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-sixth.

ABRAHAM LINCOLN.

By the President:

WILLAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State.

SOURCE: Roy P. Basler, editor, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 5, p. 222-3; The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress

Later From Europe

HALIFAX, May 14. – The Niagara, Capt. Stone, from Liverpool and Queenstown of the 4^th arrived this evening.

GREAT BRITAIN. – Vague rumors of the threatened intervention in America continue in circulation, and the dullness and decline in cotton is attributed to them.

The Paris correspondent of the Daily News writing on the 1^st says it is positively stated to-day in official circles that the French and English Ministers at Washington have received instructions to attempt to make intervention exclusive of any idea of forcible intention, in the hope of putting an end to the war.

The Paris correspondent of the Independent Belge reiterates its statement relative to the contemplated intervention of France and England for the re-establishment of the Union in the most absolute manner, and have reason to believe the project will soon be made known officially to the public.  It is said, certain conditions will be imposed on the South, having for its object the gradual emancipation of the slaves.

The Times publishes a letter from Mr. Russel explaining the difficulties thrown in his way by Secretary Stanton when he sought to visit the British man of war.  He said the difficulties amounted to prohibition and thinks Secretary Stanton would order away the Rinaldo if he dared.  Russel further says, In conclusion I may be permitted to add, I have record assurances that General McClellan has expressed himself strongly in reference to Secretary Stanton’s conduct to himself and me in the matter, and that he and all his staff have been kind enough to declare to my friends how deeply they regretted my absence from their camp.

On the 2d Inst. Sir G. C. Lewis said the House would soon have ample opportunity to discuss the question of defenses, as it would be his duty shortly to leave to bring in a bill for another loan for national defenses.

Commercial – Breadstuffs Market. – Messrs. R. S. & Co., R. N. & Co., and others, report flour dull and declined 6d per barrel since Tuesday.  State 24s 6d@20s 6d.  Wheat quiet and declined 2d per cental.  Red western and white 11s 9d@12s, common firmer, mixed 27s 9d@ 28s; white 30s@33s.

Liverpool – Provisions – Beef very dull with a decline of 2@6d.  Pork has a downward tendency.  Lard active at 41s@43s 6d.

House of Commons – Mr. McGuire called attention to the distress in the cotton manufacturing districts and reported deaths from starvation in Ireland.  He asked what the Government intended to do.

Sir Robert Peel admitted that distress did exist to some extent, but the accounts were greatly exaggerated.

The Times says England has withdrawn her stake in the military part of the Mexican enterprise, and will get redress for part and guarantees for the future.  France will send reinforcements to Mexico.

Italians in Paris believe Rome is to be occupied soon by Predemontese troops.

The Paris Constitutionel asserts the recall of Gen. Grogon without any change of the French policy in Rome.

Graphic details are published of the ceremonies at the Great Exhibition.  The number present was 33,000, all season ticket holders – The times pronounces the ceremonies emphatically the grandest and best managed seen in England for years.  The musical arrangements were carried out according to programme and were very grand.

The Morning Post, in an editorial, deplores the sad aspect presented by the American attendance.

The second day admission was one guinea, and the number of tickets sold over 32,000.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 17, 1862, p. 3

Emancipation

The late message of the president on the subject of emancipation in the District of Columbia, cannot be without effect upon the slave holding communities of the border states. We have watched with much interest for the responses to the president’s policy, and particularly for the effect the deed of freedom for the District. There were many who honestly doubted whether the time had come for these movements, - whether they would not tend to retard the restoration of peace and union. So far nothing appears to indicate that they were premature. On the contrary there are indications that they will form the basis of a new party that will spring up in all the border states, having for its end and aim the emancipation of the slaves in those states, and to [consequent] emancipation of those states from slavery. A letter in the New York Evening Post from Louisville represents that since the emancipation action in Washington a considerable number of presses in the border states have taken on a new tone, and are now speaking for the institution of slavery as “transient,” and expressing a desire to be ride of the burden. In Franklin county Mo., one of the hotbeds of slavery, a public meeting has recently been held which passed resolutions asking for the gradual extinction of slavery. Ex Gov. Stewart of Missouri has publicly committed himself to the emancipation policy. In Maryland, a party is rapidly springing up which sustains the policy of the president, and demands either the gradual extinction of slavery or the immediate purchase of the negroes. In Kentucky the loyal masses admit that the political power of slavery has passed away. Men are talking about the matter freely. In Kentucky, Missouri and Maryland, the slaveholders themselves are talking freely on the subject. A slaveholder in Prince George county, Md., who owns forty slaves, expresses himself in favor of the universal abolition of slavery throughout the country, since the president signed the district emancipation act. He says the measure is a death blow to slavery in all the slave states –

There can be little doubt that we are entering upon a new era in slavery agitation. It seems evident, judging by the signs of the times that the whole iniquity has calumniated, and that the history of the next twenty years will embrace the decline and extinction of slavery in this country. It is possible that it will die in this war – die in blood and flame and awful retribution, but it looks less like it than a year ago. It seems more probable that slavery having ceased as a political power, will seek a safe extinguishment in some form of compensated emancipation. The question will occupy northern mind less and southern mind more. There will be a southern agitation, and one of the unprecedented bitterness. Whatever of anti-slavery sentiment may exist will undoubtedly seek to ally itself with political power in the North. The scepter of power once departed from the accursed institution it can never be repossessed.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 3, 1862, p. 4

Reverdy Johnson . . .

. . . formerly Douglas Democrat, has published a letter in favor of gradual emancipation in Maryland! The day begins to dawn!

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, April 29, 1862, p. 2

OFFICIAL

LAWS OF THE UNITED STATES

Passed at the Second Session of the Thirty-Seventh Congress

{Public Resolution – No. 25}

Joint Resolution declaring that the United States ought to co-operate with, affording pecuniary aid to any State which may adopt the gradual abolishment of slavery.

Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the United States ought to co-operate with any state which may adopt the gradual abolishment of slavery, giving to such State pecuniary aid, to be used by such State in is discretion, to compensate for the inconveniences, public and private, produced by such change of system.

Approved, April 10, 1862


{Public Resolution – No. 26}

Joint Resolution authorizing the Secretary of the Navy to test plans and materials for rendering ships and floating batteries invulnerable.

Be it resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the Secretary of the Navy be and hereby is authorize to expend, out of any money in the Treasure not otherwise appropriated, a sum not to exceed twenty five thousand dollars, for the purpose of testing plans and materials for rendering ships or floating batteries invulnerable.

Approved, April 10, 1862

– Published in the Burlington Daily Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Thursday, April 17, 1862

A Missouri Senator For The President’s Emancipation Policy

Senator Henderson, Of Missouri, made an excellent speech on Thursday last in support of the President’s emancipation resolution. After deprecating the disposition of some of the anti-slavery Senators to judge the border State men uncharitably, and expressing his belief that the various emancipation schemes introduced into Congress – especially Senator Sumner’s felo de se resolutions – were calculated to exasperate the Southern people and to prolong the struggle, he never the less sustained the President’s plan without qualification. He denied that it contained a threat of violent emancipation if the Border States refused to sell their slaves, such as radicals of both extremes professed to find in it, and [said:]

“This terrible revolution was brought about by Mr. Yancey and his confederates, by inflaming the Southern mind against the dangers of abolition, which they knew to be false. The drove the South to madness, to self-destruction; and in the letter of Messers. Yancey, Rost and Mann to Lord John Russell, they have erected a monument of infamy to these conspirators. They say, what all must now admit, that it was from no fear that slaves would be liberated that secession took place. The very party in power has proposed to guaranty slavery forever in the States of the South would but remain in the Union. Mr. Lincoln’s message proposes no freedom to the slave, but announces subjection of his owner to the will of the Union – in other words, to the will of the North. Even after the battle of Bull Run both branches of Congress at Washington passed resolutions that the war is only waged in order to enforce that (pro-slavery) constitution, and uphold the laws, (many of them pro-slavery,) and out of the hundred and seventy-two votes in the lower house, they received all but two, in the Senate all but one. As the army commenced its march, the commanding general issued an order that no slaves should be received into or allowed to follow the camp. Now, sir, what has been the result of this unnecessary strife upon my State. – In 1860 our slave population was 114,965, and although we stood as a peninsula in the great ocean of freesoil around us, I hazard the assertion to-day that no property was more secure in the State than slave property. It was so regarded by everybody. Our white population at the same period was upward of one million. – How is it now? I doubt whether there are fifty thousand slaves in the State. The secessionists charged that the brigade commanded by the Senator from Kansas, sitting near me, seized their slaves, and took them out of the State, and in order to retaliate, they as I learn, have taken hundreds of Union men in the state, to be delivered over to their injured friends. – In addition to this, many of the largest slave holders of the state, fearing the result of the war in the earlier stages of the rebellion hurried off their slaves to the South. Others again, waiting until they were surrounded by hostile armies, abandoned negroes and everything else for the protection of themselves, their wives and children.

“The true value of real and personal property in Missouri was in 1860, $501,214,398. Aside from the depreciation of value which no man can now estimate, and beyond the loss of slaves to which I have referred, I think it is safe to say that ten percentum of this vast amount of property has been destroyed and forever lost to the owners in consequence of this war – an amount equal to the aggregate value of all slaves in the state at the commencement of hostilities. If I were to add to this the loss occasioned to the people of the State by the utter prostration of its agricultural, commercial and manufacturing interests for the last twelve months, I might add fifty millions more to the sum already named. Looking, then, to my own State, and I speak for it alone, I am not disposed to take issue with the President in regard to the future results of the war. I regard his expression as a prophecy, and not as a threat – a prophecy that I feel will be realized if this war continues. That it shall continue until the Union be restored, I have already expressed my wish in the amendment offered. Whether you adopt it or not, the great West will never be content until every mile of the Mississippi river from Anthony’s Falls to the Gulf of Mexico shall be under the jurisdiction of our government. Let the question be settled now. But the President negatives, positively negatives the construction given in the following language: ‘Such a proposition on the part of the general government sets up no claim or right by the Federal authority to interfere with slavery within State limits, referring, as it does, the absolute control of the subject in each case to the State and its people immediately interested. It is proposed as a matter of perfectly free choice with them.’

“In this view of the matter, sir, I am perfectly willing that the proposition go before the people of my State, without at present expressing an opinion as to what course they should pursue. It is a new pledge of faith by the representatives of the people that this vexed question shall be left with the people of each state. It comes not in the spirit of arrogance demanding conformity with the views of theirs, but with humility, acknowledging if slavery be an evil, it is a sin for which we are all responsible, and for the removal of which we are willing to come with practical benevolence. It means more than all this. It intimates to the States that the nation would prefer gradual to immediate emancipation, and that the measures no pending in congress looking to such results should be suppressed by one of conciliation and good will. If this spirit had been more largely cultivated in days gone by, we would not this day be forced to witness a ruined South and a deeply depressed North. Why, sir, ninety days of this war would pay for every slave at full value, in the States of Kentucky, Missouri, Maryland, Delaware and the District of Columbia. Nine months of the expenditures of this strife would have purchased all the slaves in the States named, together with those in Arkansas, Tennessee, Mississippi and Louisiana, thus preserving the peace the whole of the Mississippi to the Gulf. Less than two years of these expenditures would have paid for every slave that treads the soil of the nation. If northern men had treasured these things and learned that kind words can accomplish more than wrath, and if southern men had resolved to look upon slavery as upon other questions of moral and political economy, and both had determined to examine this as all other subjects, in calmness, and deliberation, we would have been spared the evils that now oppress us.

– Published in the Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 12, 1862

FIRST SESSION – 37TH CONGRESS

WASHINGTON, April 14. – HOUSE – The following is the Select Committee appointed by the Speaker on gradual Emancipation in the slave holding States, by the people or local authorities, authorized by the resolution, which was adopted last Monday:

Albert S. White, of Indiana, F. P. Blair, of Missouri, George P. Fisher, of Delaware, Wm. E. Lehman, of Pennsylvania, C. L. Leary, of Maryland, J. L. Ames and Whaley of Virginia, James F. Wilson of Iowa, Samuel Laery, of Kentucky, and J. Clements of Tennessee.

Mr. DIVEN, from the committee on Elections, reported a resolution that F. F. Lowry, was not entitled to a seat as a representative from the State of California. This resolution is predicated on a paper claiming that California is entitled to three representatives instead of two.

Mr. DIVEN, also reported that Sam’l G. Daily, of Nebraska, the present sitting Delegate is, and that J. Sterling Morton is not entitled to represent that Territory.

He also presented a resolution asking that the committee on Elections be discharged from further consideration of the credentials of Joseph Segur, requesting to be admitted to a seat as representative from the 1st Congressional District of Virginia.

Mr. KELLY asked to leave to present a petition 700 feet long signed he said by 15,000 ladies of one slave and eleven free States asking for the extinction of slavery. Objection was made to its open presentation, and it was referred under the rules.

Mr. COX of Ohio presented the resolution of the legislature of Ohio in favor of such an amendment to the tax bill as may permit the States to collect the same within their respective limits, and determine the duties of the officers employed. Mr. Cox said these resolutions came too late, perhaps, for their proper influence, while the House bill is before the Senate; it is hoped that the body will modify it as to make it more just and equal with different localities and interest and so change the machinery of its collection that it may, if possible, submitted to the States who shall have the privilege of collecting it and of detirming [sic] the officers and their compensation. Such is the unanimous wish of the Legislature of Ohio and people of Ohio. The Legislature in passing these resolutions was actuated by the purest patriotism and with no other desire than to have this war tax levied and collected fairly, and if the bill is thus modified the vote of Ohio here for it will be much nearer a unit.

Mr. WHITE, of Indiana, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs made a report asking to be discharged from further consideration of petitions from citizens of Northern New York and Michigan praying for the adoption of measures for the speedy abrogation of the reciprocity treaty with Great Britain.

Mr. PRICE introduced a resolution calling on the Secretary of War, if not inconsistent with the public interests, to communicate any official information he may have relative to the reported entry by United States troops from Kansas to Missouri during the last six months, and the forcible carrying away of slaves, mules, horses, &c., to the amount of hundreds of thousands of dollars, as well as the destruction of dwellings and farm houses of peaceful citizens. Whether the said property has been accounted for, and if confiscated, under what process, &c.

Mr. CONKLIN, moved to lay it on the table. Negatived – 23 against 92.

The resolution was referred to the Committee on Military Affairs.

The bankrupt bill was taken up and postponed till December.

Mr. BLAIR, of Missouri, reported a bill for the construction of a ship Canal from the Mississippi river to lake Michigan. Adjourned.


SENATE. – Mr. Carlisle presented a petition in favor of allowing Democratic papers to the same privileges in the mails as Republican papers.

Mr. SUMNER presented a petition 700 feet long, signed by 15,000 women, praying for the abolishment [of] slavery.

Mr. WILSON called up the resolution enquiring if further legislation is necessary to enforce the articles of war for preventing the reclaimation of slaves from within the lines of the army.

Mr. GRIMES, at some length, reviewed the instances lately occurring in Gen. Hooker’s division, showing that efforts had been made by slave owners to reclaim their slaves within the lines, with the knowledge of the Commanding officer, that slaves were taken at Ft. Donelson, and carried to Columbus, Ohio, and were forced to render menial service, under military law, to rebel masters – thus establishing a system of slavery in a free State. He cited similar instances in Iowa and Illinois, and he thought it high time that Congress should adopt some legislation in regard to this matter. There was as many different systems as there were military departments.

Some slaves were flogged and returned, others shot, others called contrabands and admitted within the lines, and others prohibited from entering the lines, as the celebrated order No. 3 of Gen. Halleck, which ought to be at once countermanded and forever eraced [sic] in compliance with the popular feeling. He thought that great amount of information could be obtained from these people, coming as they do from the enemy’s lines. If they were properly availed of the northwest would not submit to any temporary or compromising policy, now they had suffered too much already, and they demanded that the rebellion should be put down. The forts of the south were yet to be captured and must be held for years to come, and how should they be garrisoned when recaptured.

He would answer that he was in favor of garrisoning them wholly or in part by soldiers of African descent, to be commanded by white officers. Our troops would wither in the suffocating climate of the gulf states, therefore, this measure was one of humanity – saving many valuable lives. He had no doubt of its efficiency. five contrabands had worked the guns on the Minnesota at Hatteras. He was thankful that [none] in the navy had followed the disgraceful example of the officers in the army, of issuing proclamations in regard to slavery, and had returned no slaves. He argued that the rebels were using by thousands the slaves at Yorktown in throwing up fortifications, while we would not use them in putting down this rebellion.

The confiscation bill was then taken up prior to its consideration.

Mr. HALE resigned as Chairman of the Naval Committee, and in order that no misapprehension might occur, he stated that he was inflamed by no cause of the Senate.

Mr. HARRIS finished his speech on the confiscation bill. After which the Senate went in to executive session. Adjourned.


WASHINGTON, April 14 – HOUSE – Mr. KERIGAN voted against the bill for the abolition of slavery in the District of Columbia but was left out of the list in telegraphing.

HOUSE – The minority report declaring J. S. Morton the elected Delegate from Nebraska was ordered to be printed.

The bill amendatory of the act establishing the Court of Claims was up.

Mr. TROBRIDGE called up the motion heretofore made by him to reconsider the vote by which, on the 24th of March, the House adopted a resolution requesting the Sec’y of War to inform them of the cause, if any, for the protracted delay in exchanging Col. Corcoran, who has been a prisoner in the South since last July, and directing him to stop all exchanges until Col. Corcoran shall be released.

Mr. TROBRIDGE wished distinctly to say that it was no part of his desire to place any impediment in the way of the release of Col. Corcoran, but he protested and asked the House to make the release of prisoners subordinate to that of Col Corcoran. He had no doubt that every General had some friend whom he desired should be released, though of lower rank than Col. Corcoran. He mentioned the name of Col. Wilcox in this connection as a man of signal bravery and gallantry.

Mr. MALLORY said he met Col. Woodruff the other day and heard him tell the President and Secretary of State that though our prisoners at Richmond are exceedingly anxious to be released, they are willing, if the purpose of the Government should require it, to remain there as prisoners and serve their country in that way as in any other.

Mr. ARNOLD, who offered the resolution, said that he was not aware till now that Col. Corcoran was still a prisoner, and his only desire was to call attention to the fact that a worthy and gallant soldier was still a prisoner, and to ascertain the cause of the delay in making exchanges.

After further conversation the resolution was amended so as to request the Secretary of War to inform the House the cause, if any, which has prevented the exchange of Cols. Corcoran and Wilcox and the other prisoners of war held since July last.

The House resumed the consideration of the bill reported from the Select Committee to regulate the franking privilege, being a codification of the same upon that subject with amendments.

Mr. COLFAX said the Post Office Committee, with one exception, were in favor of the abolishment of the franking privilege, and the House had passed the bill for that purpose now pending before the Senate. He moved to lay the bill on the table. Agreed to by 58 to 48.

The House concurred in the reports of the Committee of Conference on the disagreeing votes on the passage of the Navy Appropriation bill. Adjourned.


SENATE – Mr. WILKINSON presented the petition from the citizens of Minnesota praying Congress to call on all people of the U. S., bond and free, to aid in the suppression of the rebellion and assuring them of the protection of the flag thereof.

Mr. FESSENDEN from the Finance Committee, reported the House bill without amendment for establishing a branch mint at Denver, Colorado.

Mr. McDOUGAL called up the resolution on the Secretary of War for information as to the cause of the delay in the trial of Gen. Stone, and if the latter had not applied for a speedy trial, &c.

Mr. FESSENDEN suggested that the resolution call on the President instead of the Secretary of War.

Mr. McDOUGAL said he specially preferred it as it now stood. He alluded to the fact that it was now fifty days since Gen. Stone had been arrested, and closely confined in a dark fort without being able to learn why he was arrested, by whom, nor had learned whether his arrest was ordered by the President, Secretary of War, or the Commanding General. The manner of his arrest and confinement seemed to be more than the result of a Venitian Council of Ten than that of officials in a free Republic. He briefly reviewed the circumstances prior to the arrest.

Mr. WADE defended the Committee on the Conduct of the War, and believed Stone’s arrest justifiable.

Mr. WILSON offered a substitute for the resolution calling on the President for all information not incompatible with the public interest relative to the arrest of Stone.

Mr. McDOUGAL desired it go over till to-morrow, as he wished to reply.

Mr. SHERMAN from the Conference Committee, reported back the Naval appropriation bill.

Executive session – adjourned.

– Published in the Burlington Daily Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Tuesday, April 15, 1862 and also in the Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 19, 1862

Reverdy Johnson . . .

. . . formerly Douglas Democrat, has published a letter in favor of gradual Emancipation in Maryland! The day begins to dawn!

– Published in the Daily State Register, Des Moines, Iowa, Tuesday, April 22, 1862

Latest from Grant’s Army

Special Dispatch to Chicago Tribune

CAIRO, April 15 – M., 1862

Auditor Dubois and Gen. John Cook, of Springfield, left Pittsburg on Saturday, by mail packet Van Patten, and arrived here this morning. General Cook is unwell and going home to recruit his health. From them and from others we learn additional particulars.

Gen. Hurlburt [sic] lost, out of 7,000 men, in killed wounded and missing 1,983. He had a splendid army, choice troops, who fought like Turks. Lieut. Col. Tupper of Decatur was killed.

Colonel Bane, of the 50th Illinois, is dangerously wounded. Lieutenant Col. Phillips is also dangerously, and Colonel Morley slightly.

When the Illinois 11th were mustered on Monday morning they could bring but 45 men into the field. The 9th Illinois (Paine’s old regiment) mustered only 200 effective men, Col. Fry’s regiment were the only Illinois boys that acted badly. They had never been in action before.

The battle was stayed on Sunday by the gunboats and heavy siege guns of Matteson’s and Silversparre’s batteries, and the arrival of part of Buell’s forces.

A council of war was held by Beauregard and 11 principal Generals of the rebel army before the attack on Pittsburgh. If successful they would follow us and try to hold the Border States. If beaten, withdraw to the Gulf States with all their forces.

Van Dorn was not in the fight.

Our Cavalry was not very effectual in following up the retreating rebels. They were hindered by underbrush.

Rebel prisoners say Gen. Prentiss’ men (prisoners) were marched into Corinth in good order.

Gen. Grant was at Savannah, 8 miles below Pittsburg, when the battle opened, and did not arrive till 10 o’clock.

When our informants left Gen. Halleck was organizing the army as fast as possible, and preparing for every emergency.

SECOND DISPATCH

9 o’clock, p.m. – The following rebel officers participated in Beauregard’s council of war: Breckenridge, Bragg, Floyd, Hardee, Cheatham, the three Johnstons (Sidney, Bushrod and the Kentucky provisional Governor.)

The cause of the Sunday repulse is not definitely ascertained. The roads are now impassable from heavy rains.

General Hurlburt [sic] has discovered one of Matteson’s six 64-pound howitzers abandoned, and called on a man near by to work it. He did so, and fired and sighted sixty-five times, mowing down the enemy terribly every fire. The man was Dr. Corning of St. Louis surgeon, and inexperienced in artillery practice. Gen. Hurlburt [sic] thought him an old artillery officer.

A Federal wounded and captured in our tents, Sunday, and afterwards left when the rebels retreated reports Beauregard making a strong speech Sunday night to his officers and men. He assured them that they would make an easy prey of us on Monday; exhorted them to be brave, cool and self possessed; bed them injure nothing they had taken as booty, for it would all be needed in the rapid marches they were about making in pursuit of the federals, who might escape. Rebels taken prisoners on Monday confirm this statement.

Brigadier Gen. Johnston [sic], rebel provisional Governor of Kentucky is killed, and his body is at Paducah.

Different accounts agree in making the rebel force at Corinth estimated from 75,000 to 130,000 of whom 65,000 to 70,000 were in action. Our forces was 45,000 in action.

The Hiawatha brought down 260 wounded to Mound City, to-day at noon. An adequate supply of transports lying at Pittsburgh have been loaded with the wounded ready to come. Some go to Cincinnati.

The Cincinnati Sanitary Commission did nobly in relieving the wounded; so did those of St. Louis.

Orders were found on Gen. A. S. Johnston from Jeff. Davis to press on and attack Grant on Wednesday before Buell would join him by Thursday. Bogus Governor Johnston [sic] of Kentucky, said he did not want to live, as the Confederacy was ruined. He did not want to see it.

Gen. Ruggles was killed. Bushrod Johnston [sic] is also reported dead.

– Published in the Daily State Register, Des Moines, Iowa, Saturday April 19, 1862

GROUNDS OF FAITH AND HOPE

BY HORACE GREELY

The dullest and most benighted mortal can fully appreciate a great victory, such as that of Bull Run or Fort Donelson. So many cannon taken – so many muskets – so many prisoners – all is tangible, concrete, material, computable – to be reckoned up on the fingers and weighed against the fruits of an adversary or prior success. Moral triumphs, on the contrary, are abstract, unimposing, shadowy – and moral qualities are requisite to their clear and full appreciation. They are not less but more real than the triumphs of Force; but time is requisite to their perfect development, and elevation as well as breadth of view to a just estimate of their importance. Yet the last few weeks have been [signalized] by a succession of events which go far to decide auspiciously the great events which now distract our country. These events briefly are –

I. The hearty acceptance by both Houses of Congress of the President’s recent proposal that the Union shall proffer pecuniary aid to any State which shall see fit to rid itself of Slavery. The very heavy majorities given in either House for the President’s plan – 88 to 31 in the House, and 31 to 10 in the Senate – derive additional significance from the fact that three Senators from Border States – Messrs. Garret Davis of Ky., Willey of Virginia, and Henderson of Missouri – voted in the majority. None of these ever before professed or intimated the faintest sympathy with Anti-Slavery teachings or doctrines; but they are all Unionists who owe their seats in the Senate to the Rebellion, each of them having had a place made for him by the retirement of a traitor. They all intend that the Rebellion shall be crushed and the Union fully restored, and their vote for the President’s proposition is a gratifying evidence of their perception that the Union and Slavery cannot both be restored to the palmy estate from which treason precipitated them. Their approval of the President’s timely and wise proposition is of itself a signal Union victory, bearing the seeds of future and beneficent triumphs.

II. The vote of the Senate by more than two to one, (29 to 14,) passing the bill abolishing Slavery in the Federal District forthwith, is another cheering indication of National progress. It is in one sense unfortunate that none but Republicans supported this too long delayed act of justice; but it is plain that Senators who are willing that Slavery shall soon cease to exist in their own States respectively, cannot seriously desire that it shall be perpetuated at the Federal Metropolis. The opposition of the Senators from Delaware is purely partisan in its character and motives; they rely on Slavery to restore the [Democratic] party to power in the Union while perpetuating its ascendancy in their own State, and they of course uphold the influence to which they owe so much, yet desire and hope to be still further indebted. So of Mr. Powell of Kentucky and of several Members of the House. On the other hand the willingness of the Republicans to pass this bill by their own unaided votes argues a scope of vision and a faith in the might of abstract justice which has been quite to rare in the acts of parties and partisans. Slavery is doomed to vanish from the District of Columbia before the next Fourth of July, and the Republican party assumes the undivided responsibility and will receive the full credit of its exile. Should that party be doomed to an early dissolution, its tombstone will be well garnished with a few bold and noble acts of this character.

III. The vote on the 3d inst. of the people of Northwestern Virginia, whereby they expressed their decided desire to constitute a new and independent State, to be recognized and admitted into the Union as WESTERN VIRGINIA, and to be gradually relieved of the incubus of Slavery, is a most cheering sign of the times. The proposed new State consists of thirty-nine Counties, or nearly one-third of the area of the Virginia that lately was. It contained by the census of 1860 a population of 280,641, which was rapidly increasing by immigration up to the outbreak of the rebellion – the chief impulse to this increase being the recent discovery of Petroleum or Rock Oil in some of its valleys. Being considerably larger in area than New Jersey or any New England State but Maine, with vast though as yet undeveloped Mineral resources – Coal, Salt, Iron, Petroleum, etc. – and a superabundance of excellent Timber, there is no reason why West Virginia, with Peace and impartial Liberty, may not have Half a Million of inhabitants within ten years and more than One Million within thirty. – Traversed by Railroads whereon her products may readily find markets in the East or in the West, threaded by Rivers whereon her Timber and other bulky staples may be cheaply floated down to the Ohio and the ever growing cities on its banks, West Virginia needs but Freedom for All to assure her a rapid growth and a glorious destiny. She had but 6,884 slaves in 1860; she has probably less than 5,000 now – many having been hurried off to places of greater security before the advance of the Union armies, while others have hurried themselves away to the Free West to escape the unappreciated blessings of servitude. And these 5000 slaves, the White freeman of West Virginia have voted, shall no longer chain her to a doomed and desperate cause, to which her every interest is irreconcilably hostile. The delegated Convention which lately assembled at Wheeling and framed there a Constitution for the embryo State, left Slavery undisturbed; but decreed that the People, in voting to ratify or reject it, should vote also For or Against a policy of Gradual Emancipation. They did so last Thursday; and the aggregate result is a great majority for the Constitution and one barely less for Emancipation. And though the vote was necessarily light, the whole region being convulsed and distracted by the perils and apprehensions which accompany civil war, there can be no doubt that it expresses the deliberate and unchangeable judgment of the People.

This is one of the most palpable and auspicious results yet realized from the War inaugurated by Slavery for the overthrow of the Union. That West Virginia was thoroughly loyal has at no time been doubtful. Her delegates so voted at Richmond when their lives were in danger from an infuriated mob of slave-traders and their tools during the week of madness that followed the fall of Fort Sumter. A hand full of her aristocracy and a larger number of their ignorant, idle and profligate satellites, were rebels on instinct; but the great mass where inflexibly loyal from the start. But no Abolition lecturer was ever allowed to climb their steep ridges and penetrate their narrow valleys preaching the gospel of Wages for the Worker, while their every vote in Congress has been uniformly cast into the scale of Slavery. Gag-Rules; Texas Annexation; resistance to the unbalanced Admission of California as a Free State; the repudiation of the Missouri Compromise; the years of outrage and indignity to which the Free-State settlers of Kansas were subjected at the hands of the Border Ruffians – in short, every crime of the Slave Power throughout the last twenty years – has commanded the thoroughgoing support of the Representatives in Congress of Western Virginia, wherein Pierce, Buchanan, and the two rival Democratic candidates in 1860, received large majorities over Scott, Fillmore and Bell, while Fremont and Lincoln had but a handful of votes all told, and these mainly cast in the Yankee-peopled city of Wheeling. No voice from the Free States being allowed to reach them, it seemed at least probable that a majority of the West Virginians might blindly plod on in the old rut, eager to show that, while they cling to the Union, they had not ceased to be Democrats and Virginians.

Such apprehensions did them gross injustice. Rude and illiterate as many of them are, they yet have eyes, which the events of the past year have opened to their full dimensions. – Reading little and hearing no speeches, they needed but their own observation to convince them that the origin and mainspring of the Rebellion are to be found in Human Slavery – that on Slavery it feeds and with Slavery it must die. Had they favored Secession, they would have clung to Slavery; loving the Union, they resolved and voted that Slavery must die. And that vote is in our conclusive answer to those who are eternally menacing us with the hostility of the Border States if we do not cease warring upon Slavery. Whosoever loves Slavery more than Union is to-day in heart a subject of Jefferson Davis and hopes to see his sway established and perpetuated; while he who loves the country more than Slavery will find in this vote of the West Virginians an assurance that the Union is to live though Slavery be doomed. The real wishes and judgment of the hearty Unionists of Delaware, Maryland, Kentucky, Missouri, and Tennessee, are expressed in this vote of their compatriots in West Virginia.

IV. The Election this week in Connecticut is more than a sign – it is a realization. Parties are virtually suppressed in that State of bitter partisanship, and the People rally in mass around the Government of their country, and in the expression of their stern resolve that treason shall not divide and destroy the American Republic. Gov. Buckingham has nobly deserved this testimonial; but President Lincoln must also feel cheered and strengthened by it. It is an emphatic approval of his policy and attitude by an enlightened and practical people, whose children and grandchildren people every State, and will hear and repeat with filial pride and joy that the Old Folks at Home are true to Liberty and Country.

V. Finally, the echo from Europe of President Lincoln’s Emancipation Message proves that document to be a wiser and more masterly blow at the vitals of the Rebellion than even its warmest eulogists on this side had esteemed it. There is no European journal of decided ability and character, however hostile to the National cause, which does not treat that cause with greater difference since the reception of that Message; while there is no Secession emissary still cooling his heels in the antechambers of Foreign Ministers who does not at length despair of European intervention and aid. – The Falsehoods and sophistries whereby the Yanceys and Slidells so lately hoped to make Europe believe Unionists and Rebels united in the unflinching support of Slavery and at loggerheads on some question of Protection or Internal Improvement, are swept away at a breath; the great underlying issue stands revealed to all eyes, and no Christian State, however famished for Cotton and surfeited with its won fabrics, dare entertain the proposals of the Rebel envoys. Henceforth their mission is null, and every dollar allowed them for expenses is a shear waste of the paper on which the never-to-be paid Confederate shinplasters are printed. And there is not one champion of the Union cause from Gibraltar to Moscow who does not feel the great weight lifted from his heart as he reads the President’s brief and homely but most significant Message, and thank God that he can henceforth stand up for the Great Republic without qualification and without shame.

Such are the brighter moral aspects which the past three or four weeks have given to our great and arduous struggle. Heaven send that the battles now imminent may in no wise countervail them!

– Published in the Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, December 19, 1862