Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, August 14, 1865

Have written Rev. Mr. Boynton on the subject of an appointment at the Naval Academy while he is preparing a naval history or a history of the Navy during the great Rebellion. I advised that he should take up the latter subject, and after its publication it may be elaborated if thought best.

I find Admiral Porter willing to do, but reckless of money and law in his management of affairs. He has some good qualities for the position of Superintendent, and some which cause me apprehension. Yet I trust all will come out right. His intentions seem good if reckless, and in them there is strength and encouragement.

There is a disposition for mischief, I perceive, among some of the subordinate officers of the Treasury. They have assuming and crude notions in regard to the administration of public affairs, and evidently suppose that they are the custodians of the executive government. Some of these men are well-intentioned but narrow-minded and factious to an extent, others are wholly factious; and there are others who are doubtless corrupt. I perceive that McCulloch and some others yield to these arrogant and improper assumptions of their subordinates, and fancy that the latter can revise and countermand the orders of a Cabinet officer. A little experience and reflection will correct this weak conclusion.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 360

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, August 18, 1865

Senators Doolittle and Foster and Mr. Ford, who have been on a mission to the Plains, visiting New Mexico, Colorado, etc., had an interview with the President and Cabinet of an hour and a half. Their statement in relation to the Indians and Indian affairs exhibits the folly and wickedness of the expedition which has been gotten up by somebody without authority or the knowledge of the government.

Their strong protestations against an Indian war, and their statement of the means which they had taken to prevent it came in very opportunely. Stanton said General Grant had already written to restrict operations; he had also sent to General Meigs. I have no doubt a check has been put on a very extraordinary and unaccountable proceeding, but I doubt if an entire stop is yet put to war expenses.

Stanton is still full of apprehension and stories of plots and conspiracies. I am inclined to believe he has fears, and he evidently wishes the President to be alarmed. He had quite a story to-day, and read quite a long affidavit from some one whom I do not recall, stating he had been in communication with C. C. Clay and others in Canada, that they wanted him to be one of a party to assassinate President Lincoln and his whole Cabinet. Dennison and McCulloch and I thought the President seemed inclined to give this rigmarole some credence. I think the story, though plausibly got up, was chiefly humbug. Likely Stanton believes me stupid because I give so little heed to his sensational communications; but really a large portion of them seem to me ludicrous and puerile. He still keeps up a guard around his house, and never ventures out without a stout man to accompany him who is ordinarily about ten feet behind him. This body-guard is, I have no doubt, paid for by the public. He urged a similar guard for me and others.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 362-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, July 25, 1865

McCulloch remarked that he had lost all confidence in Treasury agents, that the system was one of demoralization. Of this there can be no doubt, and there was mischief in the inception. Chase, with an overburdened Department and with more duties than he could discharge, coveted this business and fancied its patronage would aid his popularity. The Chief Justice is now, I see, at Hanover, N. H., making party speeches on negro suffrage and expressing opinions on questions that may come before him for adjudication.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 343

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, July 11, 1865

The Cabinet-meeting was full. Stanton submitted an application from Judge Campbell, asking to be released from imprisonment in Pulaski. Seward talked generalities, but on the whole would not advise Campbell's release at present. Said C. was a fool; that he lacked common sense and had behaved singularly. I remarked that he was a judge of the highest court, had failed in his duty at a critical moment, that he was the only judge on that bench that had been recreant and a traitor, and he would be one of the last I would recommend for special favor. The others coincided with me, and some were even stronger.

Stanton also stated the circumstances under which he had sent a guard to close Ford's Theatre, and prevent it from being reopened. Was opposed to its ever being again used as a place of public amusement. Ford, he said, expected to make money from the tragedy, by drawing crowds to the place where Lincoln was slain. McCulloch and Harlan said that a crowd was gathering for riotous purposes, and that commotion would have followed the opening of the theatre. Stanton assigned that as one of the principal reasons for his course. It was concluded that it would not be advisable for the present to permit any attempt to open the theatre, for, in the present state of the public mind, tumult and violence, endangering not only the theatre but other property in the vicinity and human life, would be certain to follow.

The President and Cabinet agreed to visit Rear-Admiral Dahlgren on the Pawnee. Went on the tug Geranium from the foot of 7th St. at half past-four. Had a pleasant time. A heavy shower came upon us on our return and delayed us at the wharf for nearly an hour.

Both Stanton and Seward are disposed to exercise arbitrary power, — have too little regard for personal rights. The two men, I think, act in concert and have an understanding with each other on most important questions. If neither felt quite so severe towards Campbell, the traitor judge, as the rest of us, they were harsher towards the other prisoners. On the question of Ford's Theatre there had, I thought, been preconcert between them. True some others of the Cabinet were under apprehension of a mob disturbance and concurred with them. I thought Ford's course not commendable in some respects, but, after all, who shall destroy his property or take it from him? A wrong is done him whether deprived of his own by arbitrary government acts or by mob violence. Stanton says he has been compelled to seize buildings for public use and can take this. But this is a perversion. He does not need this building; it is an excuse, a false pretext. And I doubt if he will put it to any public use, though I presume he will pay Ford for depriving him of his property.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 330-2

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, July 14, 1865

But little of importance at the Cabinet. Seward read a letter from Bigelow, Minister at Paris, representing that indications were that Maximilian would soon leave Mexico, — had sent to Austria considerable amounts of money, etc. Also read extracts from a private letter of Prince de Joinville of similar purport. All of this, I well understood, was intended to counteract a speech of Montgomery Blair, delivered last Tuesday at Hagerstown, in which he makes an onslaught on Seward and Stanton, as well as France.

Before we left, and after all other matters were disposed of, the President brought from the other room a letter from General Sheridan to General Grant, strongly indorsed by the latter and both letter and indorsement strongly hostile to the French and Maximilian. Seward was astounded. McCulloch at once declared that the Treasury and the country could not stand this nor meet the exigency which another war would produce. Harlan in a few words sustained McCulloch. Seward was garrulous. Said if we got in war and drove out the French, we could not get out ourselves. Went over our war with Mexico. Dennison inquired why the Monroe Doctrine could not be asserted. Seward said if we made the threat we must be prepared to maintain it. Dennison thought we might. “How, then,” says Seward, “will you get your own troops out of the country after driving out the French?” “Why, march them out,” said Dennison. “Then,” said S., “the French will return." "We will then,” said D., “expel them again.” I remarked the country was exhausted, as McCulloch stated, but the popular sentiment was strongly averse to French occupancy. If the Mexicans wanted an imperial government, no one would interfere to prevent them, though we might and would regret it, but this conduct of the French in imposing an Austrian prince upon our neighbors was very revolting. I hoped, however, we should not be compelled to take the military view of this question.

Thurlow Weed passed into the White House as I came upon the portico this morning. I had seen a person, without recognizing that it was Weed, hurrying forward, as if to be in advance of me. Following him immediately, I saw who it was and was surprised to see him, instead of going direct to the stairs, turn square round the bulkhead and wait until I had passed.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 332-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, July 18, 1865

The President to-day in Cabinet, after current business was disposed of, brought forward the subject of Jefferson Davis' trial, on which he desired the views of the members. Mr. Seward thought there should be no haste. The large amount of papers of the Rebel government had not yet been examined, and much that would have a bearing on this question might be expected to be found among them. Whenever Davis should be brought to trial, he was clear and decided that it should be before a military commission, for he had no confidence in proceeding before a civil court. He was very full of talk, and very positive that there should be delay until the Rebel papers were examined, and quite emphatic and decided that a military court should try Davis. Stanton did not dissent from this, and yet was not as explicit as Seward. He said he intended to give the examination of the Rebel papers to Dr. Lieber,¹ and with the force he could give him believed the examination could be completed in two weeks' time. Subsequently it was said Dr. L. had gone home and would return next week.

McCulloch was not prepared to express an opinion but thought no harm would result from delay.

I doubted the resort to a military commission and thought there should be an early trial. Whether, were he to be tried in Virginia, as it was said he might be, the country was sufficiently composed and organized might be a question, but I was for a trial before a civil, not a military, tribunal, and for treason, not for the assassination. Both Seward and Stanton interrupted me and went into a discussion of the assassination, and the impossibility of a conviction, Seward taking the lead. It was evident these two intended there should be no result at this time and the talk became discursive. Twice the President brought all back to the question, and did not conceal his anxiety that we should come to some determination. But we got none.

While in Cabinet a dispatch from Admiral Radford was sent me, stating that the Treasury agent, Loomis, at Richmond, claimed the ship timber in the Navy Yard at that place. I handed the dispatch to McCulloch and asked what it meant. He professed not to know and I told him I would bring the matter up as soon as the subject under discussion was disposed of. He directly after came to me and said he must go, and should be satisfied with whatever conclusion we came to. Before he got away, the matter in hand was postponed, and I then called his attention to the dispatch. He said there was no necessity for discussing the matter, he was disposed to yield to whatever I claimed, which I told him was all ship timber and all naval property.

I was satisfied that there was money in this proceeding. Governor Pierpont wrote me a week or two since that the railroad companies wanted this timber for railroad purposes, but I declined letting them have it. Hence these other proceedings, wholly regardless of the public interest.

Later in the day I went to the Treasury Department and was assured that a telegram should be sent to the Treasury agent, to give up this timber to the Navy.

Seward explained farther about the French-Mexican matter. He is evidently much annoyed by Blair's speech. Says Bigelow never made the remarks imputed to him, and those which he did make were unauthorized and denounced.

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¹ Francis Lieber.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 335-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, July 20, 1865

Mrs. Welles and John departed today for Narragansett, leaving me lonely and alone for two months. I submit because satisfied it is best, yet it is a heavy deprivation, quite a shadow on life's brief journey, — the little that is left for me.

On receiving a letter to-day from General Terry, saying the Treasury agent needed specific instructions from the Secretary of the Treasury, I called on Mr. McCulloch. He thought all could be put right without difficulty. The way to effect it was for me to send a requisition, or request the naval officer to make a requisition for the timber, and the agent would grant it. I told him that neither I nor any naval officer would make requisition; that the order in the President's proclamation was sufficient authority for me and for naval officers, though it might not do for the Treasury agents, who were presuming and self-sufficient. He thought I was more a stickler for forms than he had supposed; said they had receipted for this timber to the War Department. I told him I knew not what business either they or the War Department had with it, but because they had committed irregularities, I would not, unless the President countermanded his own very proper order. He still declared they wanted something to show for this, after having receipted for it. I told him I would instruct an officer to make demand, and the demand would be his voucher if he needed one. He said very well, perhaps it would. I accordingly so sent.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 337

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, July 21, 1865

A very warm day. Thermometer 90 and upward. Chief subject at the Cabinet was the offense and the disposition of J. Davis. The President, it was evident, was for procuring a decision or having the views of the Cabinet. Seward thought the question might as well be disposed of now as at any time. He was satisfied there could be no conviction of such a man, for any offense, before any civil tribunal, and was therefore for arraigning him for treason, murder, and other offenses before a military commission. Dennison, who sat next him, immediately followed, and thought if the proof was clear and beyond question that Davis was a party to the assassination, then he would have him by all means brought before a military tribunal, but unless the proof was clear, beyond a peradventure, he would have him tried for high treason before the highest civil court. When asked what other court there was than the circuit court, he said he did not wish him tried before the court of this District. And when further asked to be more explicit on the subject of the question of murder or assassination, he said he would trust that matter to Judge Holt and the War Department, and, he then added, the Attorney-General. McCulloch would prefer, if there is to be a trial, that it should be in the courts, but was decidedly against any trial at present, would postpone the whole subject. Stanton was for a trial by the courts for treason, the highest of crimes, and, by the Constitution, only the courts could try him for that offense. Otherwise he would say a military commission. For all other offenses he would arraign him before the military commission. Subsequently, after examining the Constitution, he retracted the remark that the Constitution made it imperative that the trial for treason should be in the civil courts, yet he did not withdraw the preference he had expressed. I was emphatically for the civil court and an arraignment for treason; for an early institution of proceedings; and was willing the trial should take place in Virginia. If our laws or system were defective, it was well to bring them to a test. I had no doubt he was guilty of treason and believed he would be convicted, wherever tried. Harlan would not try him before a civil court unless satisfied there would be conviction. If there was a doubt, he wanted a military commission. He thought it would be much better to pardon Davis at once than to have him tried and not convicted. Such a result, he believed, would be most calamitous. He would, therefore, rather than run that risk prefer a military court. Speed was for a tribunal and for a trial for treason; but until the Rebellion was entirely suppressed he doubted if there could be a trial for treason. Davis is now a prisoner of war and was entitled to all the rights of belligerent, etc., etc. I inquired if Davis was not arrested and a reward offered for him and paid by our government as for other criminals.

The question of counsel and the institution of proceedings was discussed. In order to get the sense of each of the members, the President thought it would be well to have the matter presented in a distinct form. Seward promptly proposed that Jefferson Davis should be tried for treason, assassination, murder, conspiring to burn cities, etc., by a military commission. The question was so put, Seward and Harlan voting for it, the others against, with the exception of myself. The President asked my opinion. I told him I did not like the form in which the question was put. I would have him tried for military offenses by a military court, but for civil offenses I wanted the civil courts. I thought he should be tried for treason, and it seemed to me that the question before us should first be the crime and then the court. The others assented and the question put was, Shall J. D. be tried for treason? There was a unanimous response in the affirmative. Then the question as to the court. Dennison moved a civil court. All but Seward and Harlan were in the affirmative; they were in the negative.

Stanton read a letter from Fortress Monroe, saying Davis' health had been failing for the last fortnight; that the execution of the assassins had visibly affected him. Davis remarked that President Johnson was “quick on the trigger.”

I this day took possession of the rooms in the new wing which had been prepared and furnished for the Secretary of the Navy.

The solicitor, Mr. Bolles, arrived to-day and entered upon his duties so far as to take possession of his rooms. He was not anxious, I perceived, to enter upon his new duties on Friday, although he did not assign that as the reason for delay.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 337-40

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, July 8, 1865

The week has been one of intense heat, and I have been both busy and indolent. Incidents have passed without daily record. The President has been ill. On Friday I met him at the Cabinet. He has been threatened, Dennison tells me, with apoplexy. So the President informed him.

Mr. Seward has undertaken to excuse and explain his strange letter to me stating “our vessels will withhold courtesy from the English.” He was not aware what he wrote. Damns the English and said he was ready to let them know they must not insult us, and went into pretty glib denunciation of them. Says the French want to get out of Mexico and will go if we let them alone. In Cabinet yesterday, Dennison mentioned a call he had from Sir Frederick Bruce, who desired him to bring to the notice of the President the grievance of an Englishman. Seward and Stanton objected to the informality of the proceedings, which should come through the State Department. The objection was well taken, but Seward could not well prevent, having been constantly committing irregularities by interfering with other Departments.

McCulloch is alarmed about the Treasury. Finds that Fessenden had neither knowledge nor accuracy; that it would have been as well for the Department and the country had he been in Maine, fishing, as to have been in the Treasury Department. His opinion of Chase's financial abilities does not increase in respect as he becomes more conversant with the finances. But McCulloch, while a business man, and vastly superior to either of his two immediate predecessors, or both of them, in that respect, has unfortunately no political experience and is deficient in knowledge of men.

In some exhibits yesterday, it was shown that the military had had under pay during the year about one million men daily. Over seven hundred thousand have been paid off and discharged. There are still over two hundred thousand men on the rolls under pay. The estimates of Fessenden are exhausted, the loan is limited by law, and McCulloch is alarmed. His nerves will, however, become stronger, and he can he will - find ways to weather the storm. Stanton has little idea of economy, although he parades the subject before the public. It is notorious that no economy has yet penetrated the War Department. The troops have been reduced in number, - men have been mustered out, - because from the cessation of hostilities and the expiration of their terms they could not longer be retained, but I have not yet seen any attempt to retrench expenses in the quartermasters', commissary, or any other branch of the military service, - certainly none in the War Department proper.

On Tuesday the 4th, I went with Mrs. Welles and Mrs. Bigelow, wife of John B., our minister to France, to Silver Spring, a pleasant drive. The Blairs, as usual, were hospitable and interesting. They do not admire Louis Napoleon and want his troops should be expelled from Mexico. Mrs. B. is joyous, pleasant, and happy, and it is evident her husband wished her to see and get something of the views of the Blairs, but, while intelligent and charming, she is not profound on matters of State, and was a little disconcerted at the plain, blunt remarks of the elder Mr. and Mrs. Blair. She has, however, a woman's instincts.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 327-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, June 13, 1865

At the Cabinet-meeting to-day Judge Sharkey and Mr. George were formally introduced to the Cabinet, remaining, however, but a moment. It is concluded to make Sharkey provisional Governor. He is a man of mind and culture, Whig in his antecedents, and I think with some offensive points on the subject of slavery and popular rights; but he was and is opposed to repudiation and bad faith by Mississippi. The subject of Treasury agents and tax of twenty-five per cent on cotton was discussed at great length in the Cabinet. All but the Secretary of the Treasury for abolishing agents and tax. McC. thinks the Executive has no authority.

Asked McCulloch if it was true that Clerk Henderson had been reappointed. He said yes, after Solicitor Jordan investigated and reported the charge against him groundless. Told him I was satisfied H. was not a proper man, etc.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 316-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, June 20, 1865

Mr. Seward was absent from the Cabinet-meeting. All others were present. The meetings are better and more punctually attended than under Mr. Lincoln's administration, and measures are more generally discussed, which undoubtedly tends to better administration. Mrs. Seward lies at the point of death, which is the cause of Mr. Seward's absence.

The subject of appointments in the Southern States the Rebel States—was discussed. A difficulty is experienced in the stringent oath passed by the last Congress. Men are required to swear they have rendered no voluntary aid to the Rebellion, nor accepted or held office under the Rebel government. This oath is a device to perpetuate differences, if persisted in.

I was both amused and vexed with the propositions and suggestions for evading this oath. Stanton proposed that if the appointees would not take the whole oath, to swear to as much as they could. Speed was fussy and uncertain; did not know but what it would become necessary to call Congress together to get rid of this official oath. Harlan¹ believed the oath proper and that it should stand. Said it was carefully and deliberately framed, that it was designed, purposely, to exclude men from executive appointments. Mr. Wade and Mr. Sumner had this specially in view. Thought there was no difficulty in these appointments except judges. All other officers were temporary; judges were for life. I remarked that did not follow. If the Senate, when it convened, did not choose to confirm the judicial appointments, the incumbents could only hold until the close of the next session of Congress. But above and beyond this I denied that Congress could impose limitations and restrictions on the pardoning power, and thus circumscribe the President's prerogative. I claimed that the President could nominate, and the Senate confirm, an officer independent of that form and oath, and if the appointee took and faithfully conformed to the constitutional oath, he could not be molested. McCulloch inclined to my views, but Stanton insisted that point had been raised and decided and could not, therefore, be maintained. I claimed that no wrong decision could be binding, and I had no doubt of the wrongfulness of such a decision, denying that the constitutional rights of the Executive could be frittered away by legislation. There is partyism in all this, not union or country.

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¹ Harlan had succeeded Secretary Usher in the Department of the Interior.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 318-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Between May 3 & 8, 1865

The calls upon the President by associations claiming to represent States and municipalities are becoming less. To some extent they may have been useful in the peculiar condition of public affairs by inspiring confidence, and in giving the President an opportunity to enunciate his opinions in the absence of any inaugural, but they have been annoying at times, obstructions to business, and were becoming irksome. The President was not displeased with these manifestations and has borne himself well through a period which has been trying and arduous, and is gathering to himself the good wishes of the country.

I called up the subject of free communication through the coast to all vessels having regular clearance, but was told the President and Secretary of the Treasury were endeavoring to make a satisfactory arrangement which should be in conformity, with the act of July 2, 1864. It is obvious that the intention of that act was to place the Treasury above, or independent of, the President, — one of Chase's demonstrations, and his hand is in this movement.

A proclamation, or order, that those who were taken plundering our commerce should be punished, and that forbearance to put in execution the proclamation of the 19th of April, 1861, would not longer be exercised, was opposed by Stanton and Speed. Others failed to sustain me, except McCulloch, who gave me partial support. Stanton considers it his special province to guard Seward's policy as it has been, not being aware that Seward has changed.  The subject of reëstablishing the Federal authority, and of a reorganization of the State governments in the insurrectionary region was discussed. The Secretary of War was requested to send copies of the modified plan to each head of Department, and a special Cabinet-meeting was ordered on Monday, the 8th, to consider the subject.

At the Cabinet-meeting the plan of asserting the Federal authority and of establishing the State government in Virginia was fully considered. Stanton's project with several radical amendments presented by me was adopted. I was surprised and gratified with the alacrity and cheerfulness he exhibited, and the readiness with which he adopted and assented to most of my amendments. In one instance he became a little pugnacious, Speed and Dennison having dissented. Two of my recommendations were not adopted, and as no other one presented amendments, I cared not to appear fastidious, but am nevertheless satisfied I was right. The session was long, over four hours.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 300-1

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, May 9, 1865

A proclamation of amnesty proposed by Speed was considered and, with some changes, agreed to.

The condition of North Carolina was taken up, and a general plan of organization intended for all the Rebel States was submitted and debated. No great difference of opinion was expressed except on the matter of suffrage. Stanton, Dennison, and Speed were for negro suffrage; McCulloch, Usher, and myself were opposed. It was agreed, on request of Stanton, we would not discuss the question, but each express his opinion without preliminary debate. After our opinions had been given, I stated I was for adhering to the rule prescribed in President Lincoln's proclamation, which had been fully considered and matured, and besides, in all these matters, I am for no further subversion of the laws, institutions, and usages of the States respectively, nor for Federal intermeddling in local matters, than is absolutely necessary, in order to rid them of the radical error which has caused our national trouble. All laws, not inconsistent with those of the conquerors, remain until changed to the conquered, is an old rule.

This question of negro suffrage is beset with difficulties growing out of the conflict through which we have passed and the current of sympathy for the colored race. The demagogues will make use of it, regardless of what is best for the country, and without regard for the organic law, the rights of the State, or the troubles of our government. There is a fanaticism on the subject with some, who persuade themselves that the cause of liberty and the Union is with the negro and not the white man. White men, and especially Southern white men, are tyrants. Senator Sumner is riding this one idea at top speed. There are others, less sincere than Sumner, who are pressing the question for party purposes. On the other hand, there may be unjust prejudices against permitting colored persons to enjoy the elective franchise, under any circumstances; but this is not, and should not be, a Federal question. No one can claim that the blacks, in the Slave States especially, can exercise the elective franchise intelligently. In most of the Free States they are not permitted to vote. Is it politic, and wise, or right even, when trying to restore peace and reconcile differences, to make so radical a change, — provided we have the authority, which I deny, — to elevate the ignorant negro, who has been enslaved mentally as well as physically, to the discharge of the highest duties of citizenship, especially when our Free States will not permit the few free negroes to vote?

The Federal government has no right and has not attempted to dictate on the matter of suffrage to any State, and I apprehend it will not conduce to harmony to arrogate and exercise arbitrary power over the States which have been in rebellion. It was never intended by the founders of the Union that the Federal government should prescribe suffrage to the States. We shall get rid of slavery by constitutional means. But conferring on the black civil rights is another matter. I know not the authority. The President in the exercise of the pardoning power may limit or make conditions, and, while granting life and liberty to traitors, deny them the right of holding office or of voting. While, however, he can exclude traitors, can he legitimately confer on the blacks of North Carolina the right to vote? I do not yet see how this can be done by him or by Congress.

This whole question of suffrage is much abused. The negro can take upon himself the duty about as intelligently and as well for the public interest as a considerable portion of the foreign element which comes amongst us. Each will be the tool of demagogues. If the negro is to vote and exercise the duties of a citizen, let him be educated to it. The measure should not, even if the government were empowered to act, be precipitated when he is stolidly ignorant and wholly unprepared. It is proposed to do it against what have been and still are the constitutions, laws, usages, and practices of the States which we wish to restore to fellowship.

Stanton has changed his position, has been converted, is now for negro suffrage. These were not his views a short time since. But aspiring politicians will, as the current now sets, generally take that road.

The trial of the assassins is not so promptly carried into effect as Stanton declared it should be. He said it was his intention the criminals should be tried and executed before President Lincoln was buried. But the President was buried last Thursday, the 4th, and the trial has not, I believe, commenced.

I regret they are not tried by the civil court, and so expressed myself, as did McCulloch; but Stanton, who says the proof is clear and positive, was emphatic, and Speed advised a military commission, though at first, I thought, otherwise inclined. It is now rumored the trial is to be secret, which is another objectionable feature, and will be likely to meet condemnation after the event and excitement have passed off.

The rash, impulsive, and arbitrary measures of Stanton are exceedingly repugnant to my notions, and I am pained to witness the acquiescence they receive. He carries others with him, sometimes against their convictions as expressed to me.

The President and Cabinet called on Mr. Seward at his house after the close of the council. He came down to meet us in his parlor. I was glad to see him so well and animated, yet a few weeks have done the work of years, apparently, with his system. Perhaps, when his wounds have healed, and the fractured jaw is restored, he may recover in some degree his former looks, but I apprehend not. His head was covered with a close-fitting cap, and the appliances to his jaw entered his mouth and prevented him from articulating clearly. Still he was disposed to talk, and we to listen. Once or twice, allusions to the night of the great calamity affected him more deeply than I have ever seen him.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 301-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, April 25, 1865

I find myself unable to get Stanton and McCulloch to the sticking-point on the subject of opening our ports to coast trade. This and Reconstruction were the last subjects before President Lincoln at the Cabinet-meeting on the day before his death.

The course and position were discussed to-day in Cabinet with some earnestness. Speed came strongly charged, and had little doubt that Sherman was designing to put himself at the head of the army. Thought he had been seduced by Breckinridge, and was flattering himself that he would be able to control and direct public affairs. Governor Dennison, while censuring Sherman, would not condemn him unheard; he may have some reasons that we know not of, may have been short of ammunition or supplies.

I suggested that it might be vanity, eccentricity, an error of judgment, the man may have thought himself to be what he is not, – that I had no fears of his misleading the army or seducing them to promote any personal schemes of ambition, if he had such. Every regiment, and probably every company, in that army had intelligent men, fit to be legislators; they were of us and a part of us, would no more tolerate usurpation on the part of Sherman than we would.

“Suppose,” said Speed, "he should arrest Grant when Grant arrived at Raleigh,” etc., etc. Men will have strange phantoms. I was surprised at Speed, but he has, evidently, conversed on this subject before with some one or more, who has similar opinions. This apprehension which I have sometimes heard intimated has never made a serious impression on me, for I have confidence in our people, and so I have in Sherman, who believed himself to be carrying out the wishes of Mr. Lincoln and the policy of the Administration. It is the result of the conference at City Point, and intended to be in furtherance of the proclamation of Weitzel, the revocation of which he has not seen.

In reflecting on this subject, I think we have permitted ourselves amid great excitement and stirring events to be hurried into unjust and ungenerous suspicions by the erroneous statements of the Secretary of War. Speed adopts and echoes the jealousies and wild vagaries of Stanton, who seems to have a mortal fear of the generals and the armies, although courting and flattering them. He went to Savannah to pay court to Sherman when that officer was the favored general and supposed to have eclipsed Grant, but, the latter having gained the ascendant by the fall of Richmond and the capture of Lee, Stanton would now reinstate himself with Grant by prostrating Sherman.

Had conversation with President Johnson in regard to a proclamation that we would no longer forbear proceeding against those who might be taken plundering our commerce as pirates. He concurred with me most fully, after discussing the question, and desired me to bring him the form of proclamation or have it prepared for the next Cabinet day. As the subject of preparing these papers belonged properly to the State Department, I felt it would be improper to slight Mr. Hunter, who is Acting Secretary. I therefore called upon him, and fortunately met Senator Sumner, Chairman of the Committee on Foreign Relations, who entered heartily into the measure and said he had some days since alluded to it as a step that should be taken.

When brought before the Cabinet, Stanton objected to it because the declaration had been made April 19, 1861, and though we had forborne for four years, no new enunciation should be made, but every man we now had or whom we should hereafter capture, should be hung. Speed took much the same ground, though more narrow and technical. President Johnson was very explicit in expressing his opinions, but as the subject was new and there were these differences of opinion it was postponed for consideration.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 296-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, April 5, 1865

We get no particulars of the surrender of Richmond, of the losses and casualties, of the time and circumstances of the evacuation. On Sunday afternoon Lee sent word to Davis that they were doomed, and advised his immediate departure. With heavy hearts and light luggage the leaders left at once.

Mr. Seward read to Mr. McCulloch and myself a proclamation which he had prepared for the President to sign, closing the ports to foreign powers, in the Rebel States. He and myself have had several conversations for the last two or three months on this subject. The time had arrived when it seemed to him proper to issue it, and unless the President returned forthwith it was, he thought, advisable that he, Mr. Seward, should go to Richmond and see him. He could also communicate with the President on the subject of payment of requisitions of the Navy and War Departments. Accordingly, a telegram was prepared and sent to the President, and Seward, anticipating that the President would remain a few days longer, made preparations to leave by procuring the promise of a revenue cutter to convey him. He is filled with anxiety to see the President, and these schemes are his apology.

Within half an hour after parting from Mr. Seward, his horses ran away with the carriage in which he was taking a ride, he jumped from the vehicle, was taken up badly injured, with his arm and jaw broken, and his head and face badly bruised.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 275

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, April 11, 1865

The cotton question was the chief topic at the Cabinet. Secretary McCulloch is embarrassed how to dispose of the Savannah capture. I am afraid of replevin and other troubles. Told him I thought it an error that the Rebel cotton had not been brought forward and sold in parcels instead of accumulating public and private in such quantity as to attract the vultures.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 278

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, March 21, 1865

Called on the President this morning concerning the Smith case. Asked if the same course should be pursued with Ben as with Frank. He said yes if there was no more evidence. I asked what I was to do with the employees who had been in complicity with Smith and passed his articles. We then had a little conversation as regards the master machinist, Merriam, and one or two others. The President said if they had been remiss, Smith's pardon ought not to cover them.

I stated the case of Armbrister of Philadelphia, a young contractor who had been detected like Smith, and under the stern commands of his father-in-law had made a full confession, and the latter had made full restitution to the amount of more than $14,800. That the President said was a large amount, greatly exceeding Smith's. I told him Smith had not been taken in hand by his father-in-law, had made no confession, no restitution. Now the question was whether I should prosecute and have him fined and imprisoned after doing all in his power to make the government good, while Smith, an older and, I feared, a much greater offender, who made no confession, no restitution, went unpunished.

The President was annoyed. I told him there were a number of persons under bonds, who had confessed and made restitution of smaller amounts. Were their offenses to be overlooked or excused?

After some little talk, he wished me to get our solicitor to look into these cases, and call again. He has evidently acted without due consideration, on the suggestion and advice of Sumner, who is emotional, and under the pressure of Massachusetts politicians, who have been active to screen these parties regardless of their guilt.

When at the Cabinet to-day, the President and McCulloch wished to know if I would be willing to take Arnold of Chicago for Solicitor of the Navy, and release Chandler for a Treasury appointment. While I think Arnold a worthy and an estimable man, I told the President and Secretary of the Treasury I preferred that Chandler should go forward with his duties. McCulloch was a little pressing; the President, however, did not urge the matter

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 261-2; William E. Gienapp & Erica L. Gienapp, Editors, The Civil War Diary of Gideon Welles, Lincolns Secretary of the Navy, p. 607-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, March 24, 1865

Attorney-General Speed calls upon me in some trouble. The Secretary of the Treasury has asked his opinion whether appropriations for the next fiscal year which have been covered into the Treasury can be now drawn upon. This has been the practice during the War, but the First Comptroller objects to passing requisitions and questions its legality. In this ruling the Comptroller is probably strictly legally correct, but to attempt to rigidly enforce the law would be disastrous. The fault originates in the Treasury; the usage has been theirs; not only this, it has been their delinquency which makes the present difficulty. Paymasters do not settle their accounts promptly. The Fourth Auditor's office is two years behind, and their requisitions cannot be adjusted and carried to the proper appropriation until their accounts are settled at the Auditor's office. The Attorney-General thinks he shall legally be compelled to go with the Comptroller if required to give an opinion, and he thinks McCulloch inclined to exact it. In that event both Navy and Army must come to a standstill, the credit of the Treasury will be injured, loans cannot be negotiated, and the government will be involved in financial embarrassments.

A paymaster, for instance, especially a new one, commits errors in his drafts. He makes a requisition, perhaps for $100,000, and, in uncertainty from what appropriation the money should come, he draws the whole amount from “Pay of the Navy"; but $12,000 should have been from "Equipment,” for coal, etc., $10,000 from “Provisions and Clothing," $10,000 from “Construction," and $12,000 is to pay prize; so that only $56,000 should have been taken from “Pay of the Navy.” But this cannot be corrected and carried to the proper heads until the paymaster's account is settled, which will not be sooner than 1867. In the mean time the appropriation of “Pay of the Navy” is exhausted, through ignorance of the new paymasters and the carelessness of the old ones.

Wrote a letter to Olcott, the detective, as Stanton calls him, or, as he calls himself and wishes to be called, Commissioner, in answer to a strange letter from him proposing to make a report for Congress, to prevent the repeal of the law which subjects contractors to military arrest and trial by court martial. I gave him to understand that I had no hand in originating the law and could not, nor did I feel disposed to, interpose to prevent its repeal when Congress thought proper. Notified him that he would hereafter correspond with the Solicitor instead of Assistant Secretary, enjoined economy, etc., etc. It will not do to let this man go on unchecked. He is zealous, in a certain sense I think honest, but is rash, reckless, at times regardless of the rights of others, assumes authority, but I am inclined to believe acts with good intentions; and he is wild in his expenditures. Of course he will be dissatisfied and not unlikely abusive of me for checking and correcting his errors.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 264-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, March 25, 1865

Called on Secretary McCulloch to-day in relation to payment of our requisitions which the Comptroller, under the impression he is the government, has rejected. He sees the difficulty and the necessity of doing away with the objections interposed by the Comptroller, but yet knows not how to do it.

Senator Sumner called on me in relation to the case of the Smiths, or rather he introduced that subject among others in his visit. He usually calls on me for half an hour or an hour's conversation Saturday afternoon. He read me two or three letters from Boston correspondents, lauding his course and censuring the prosecution. They had touched his weak point. He was feeling well and was ready now to “do something for these men, who had been greatly, deeply wronged.” I asked him if he was satisfied the government had not been injured by their transactions. He said the government could have been injured to but a small amount in very extensive transactions, and the injury, if there was any, only a single article, on which the government was under a strange misapprehension. Mr. Hooper was cited as authority in the matter of Banca and Revlly tin, which he claimed was identical. I told him the last Prices Current showed a difference of eight cents a pound. But I asked him what he had to say of the transaction of the Smiths in regard to anchors, an article in which they did not deal, but for which they had by some means and for some purpose got the contract; had them by collusion paid for in May; they were arrested on the 17th of June, when the articles, though paid for, were not all delivered. They had underlet the contract to Burns, who made the deliveries, and the anchors were many of them worthless, would not pass inspection; and the arrest before full and final delivery was plead as the excuse, although requisition had been issued in May. What of the files, machine-cut, instead of hand-cut as contracted? What of the combination with Henshaw not to bid, whereby they got a contract for a number of hundred tons of iron at $62.50, when other parties sold at the same time for $53? Sumner had not looked into these matters. He could not answer me. I showed him the correspondence of the Smiths with the Trenton Iron Company, expressly stipulating for inferior iron to be delivered to the navy yard, if it would pass inspection. After reading, he said he did not like the transaction. Evidently knew not the case in which he had interfered. I stated to him Ambrister case, and asked his advice how to proceed, when had confessed and made full restitution, while the Smiths had done neither, and were pardoned.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 266-7; William E. Gienapp & Erica L. Gienapp, Editors, The Civil War Diary of Gideon Welles, Lincolns Secretary of the Navy, p. 610-1

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, March 28, 1865

Edgar, Fox, and others left to-day for a trip on the Santiago de Cuba, to Havana, Charleston,

etc., etc. They were to return by the 15th prox., but will hardly get back before the 17th.

The President being absent on a visit to the army near Richmond, there was to-day no Cabinet-meeting.

Comptroller Taylor declines to pass requisitions, and refuses to obey the Secretary of the Treasury; will act on the order of the President. I see not the distinction. If illegal, the order of the President does not legalize it.

The strict letter of the law is doubtless with the Comptroller in this matter of drawing money before the commencement of the fiscal year. But, unfortunately for him, he has acted otherwise and the usage of himself and predecessor, Comptroller Whittlesey, under Mr. Secretary, now Chief Justice, Chase, have been wholly different. Mr. Taylor said yesterday that he did not pass requisitions last year, that the appropriation bill did not pass until after the commencement of the fiscal year. But he is mistaken. The appropriation was covered into the Treasury in May, and we had drawn, and he had passed, over four millions before the 1st of July. He has this year paid over one million before he accidentally discovered that his action conflicted with the law. The Secretary of the Treasury sent to notify me that a draft for ten thousand dollars on “Pay of the Navy” was presented by Riggs & Co., and desired to know if I would not pay from some other appropriation. I declined to do the illegal act and complicate and embarrass accounts.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 267-8