Showing posts with label Joseph Hooker. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Joseph Hooker. Show all posts

Saturday, October 27, 2018

Captain Charles Wright Wills: May 30, 1864

Monday, May 30, 1864.

At dark last night I was put in charge of our brigade skirmish line of four companies; by 9:30 I had everything arranged to our notion. About that time the musketry commenced fire on our left and continued for a half hour; it was very heavy. Some three or four pieces of artillery also opened on our side. That thing was repeated eight times during the night, the last fight being just before daylight. When I was down on the right of the line I could hear the Rebels talking about the fight and saying it was a mighty hard one, and “I wonder whether our men or the Yanks are getting the best of it.” These night fights are very grand. I understand this fighting occurred between Hooker and the “Johnnies.” Attacks were made by each side, repulses easy. I guess from what little I hear there was a good deal more shooting than hitting on both sides. I think it was the intention for us to move to the left last night, but so much fighting prevented it. I don't know when I have been so used up as this morning, and the whole command is not far from the same condition, but a few hours’ sleep made me all right again this morning. The Rebels are much more tired than we; they have had no rest since leaving Dalton. One of their wounded, a captain, told me that one of their surgeons told him their loss since leaving Dalton in killed and wounded would amount to 25,000. That's pretty strong, the third of it or 10,000 I could believe. I was relieved at dark to-day from skirmishing duty.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 251-2

Tuesday, October 9, 2018

Captain Charles Wright Wills: May 26, 1864 – 8 a.m.

Pumpkin Vine Creek, near Dallas, Ga.,
May 26, 1864, 8 a. m.

We did not make more than seven or eight miles yesterday, on account of some bad road that troubled the trains very much. We got into camp at dark, just as a thunderstorm broke. We hurried up our arrangements for the night — kicking out a level place on the hillside to sleep — gathering pine boughs to keep the water from washing us away, and spreading our rubbers over rail frames. Everything just finished, was just pulling our stock of bed clothes over me (one rubber coat), when the brigade bugle sounded the “assembly.” It was dark as pitch and raining far from gently — no use grumbling — so everybody commenced yelping, singing, or laughing. In ten minutes we were under way, and though we didn't move a mile, every man who didn't tumble half a dozen times would command good wages in a circus. We finally formed line of battle on a bushy hillside, and I dropped down on the wet leaves and slept soundly until 1 o'clock, and woke up wet and half frozen, took up my bed and made for a fire and dried out. Do you remember the case when the Saviour commanded a convalescent to take up his bed and walk? I always pitied that man, carrying a four-post bedstead, feathers, straw and covering and failed to see it, but if he had no more bedding than I had. I can better understand it. Heavy cannonading all the p. m. yesterday. It seemed some five or six miles east; don't understand the way matters are shaping at all. Sherman has such a way of keeping everything to himself. The country between Van Wirt and Dallas is very rough, but little of it under cultivation; along this creek are some nice looking farms. The Rebels were going to make a stand, but didn't.

Two p. m.—We started at 8 this morning, and have not made more than one and one-half miles. Soldiers from the front say that Hardee's Corps fronts us two miles ahead, and that he proposes to fight. I have heard no firing that near this morning, but have heard artillery eight or ten miles east. A number of prisoners have been sent back, who all report Hardee at Dallas. I think Thomas now joins our left. McPherson last night rode up to some Rebel pickets, who saluted him with a shower of hot lead, fortunately missing him. Osterhaus' commissary drives along a lot of cattle for the division. Last night he got off the road and drove them into a party of secesh, who took commissary, beef and all. Back at Kingston, a big box came to General Harrow with heavy express charges. An ambulance hauled it 20 miles before it caught up with him, and on opening it he found a lot of stones, a horse's tail, and a block of wood with a horses' face pinned on it labeled, “head and tail of your Potomac horse.” At Van Wirt before we got there the Rebels had a celebration over Lee's capturing Grant and half of his army. There's a great deal of ague in the regiment. We will have a great deal of sickness after the campaign closes. I have only seen one man at home in Georgia who looked capable of doing duty as a soldier. My health is excellent. This creek runs into the Talladega river.

One mile south of Dallas, 2 p. m.

After a lively skirmishing Jeff C. Davis' division of the 14th Army Corps occupied Dallas at 2 p. m. The Rebels retired stubbornly. We passed Dallas about dark, and are now the front and extreme right of the whole army. I guess fighting is over for the night. Two very lively little fights have occurred before dark. The heavy fighting yesterday was Hooker. He whipped and drove them four miles, taking their wounded.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 247-8

Tuesday, July 31, 2018

Captain Charles Wright Wills: May 13, 1864

Still in Snake Creek Gap, May 13, 1864.

Moved forward a half mile and our regiment built a strong line of log works. We have had a perfect rush of generals along the line to-day: Hooker, Sickles, McPherson, Thomas, Palmer, Sherman and a dozen of smaller fry. The boys crowded around Sherman and he could not help hearing such expressions as “Where's Pap?” “Let's see old Pap,” etc., nor could he help laughing, either. The men think more of Sherman than of any general who ever commanded them, but they did not cheer him. I never heard a general cheered in my life, as he rode the lines. Sherman said in hearing of 50 men of our regiment, “Take it easy to-day, for you will have work enough to-morrow. It will be quick done though.” Now see what that means.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 239

Tuesday, July 17, 2018

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 1, 1863

We have a rumor to-day that Meade is sending heavy masses of troops to the West to extricate Rosecrans, and that Gen. Hooker is to menace Richmond from the Peninsula, with 25,000 men, to keep Lee from crossing the Potomac.

We have absolutely nothing from Bragg; but a dispatch from Gen. S. Jones, East Tennessee, of this date, says he has sent Gen. Ranseur [sic] after the rear guard of the enemy, near Knoxville.

A letter from W. G. M. Davis, describes St. Andrew's Bay, Florida, as practicable for exporting and importing purposes. It may be required, if Charleston and Wilmington fall — which is not improbable.

Nevertheless, Bragg's victory has given us a respite in the East, and soon the bad roads will put an end to the marching of armies until next year. I doubt whether the Yankees will desire another winter campaign in Virginia.

The papers contain the following account of sufferings at Gettysburg, and in the Federal prisons:
“A lady from the vicinity of Gettysburg writes: ‘July 18th— We have been visiting the battle-field, and have done all we can for the wounded there. Since then we have sent another party, who came upon a camp of wounded Confederates in a wood between the hills. Through this wood quite a large creek runs. This camp contained between 200 and 300 wounded men, in every stage of suffering; two well men among them as nurses. Most of them had frightful wounds. A few evenings ago the rain, sudden and violent, swelled the creek, and 35 of the unfortunates were swept away; 35 died of starvation. No one had been to visit them since they were carried off the battle-field; they had no food of any kind; they were crying all the time “bread, bread! water, water!” One boy without beard was stretched out dead, quite naked, a piece of blanket thrown over his emaciated form, a rag over his face, and his small, thin hands laid over his breast. Of the dead none knew their names, and it breaks my heart to think of the mothers waiting and watching for the sons laid in the lonely grave on that fearful battle-field. All of those men in the woods were nearly naked, and when ladies approached they tried to cover themselves with the filthy rags they had cast aside. The wounds themselves, unwashed and untouched, were full of worms. God only knows what they suffered.

“‘Not one word of complaint passed their lips, not a murmur; their only words were “Bread, bread! water, water!” Except when they saw some of our ladies much affected, they said, “Oh, ladies, don't cry; we are used to this.” We are doing all we can; we served all day yesterday, though it was Sunday.’ This lady adds: ‘There were two brothers — one a colonel, the other a captain — lying side by side, and both wounded. They had a Bible between them.’ Another letter from Philadelphia says: ‘There are over 8000 on the island (Fort Delaware), the hospitals crowded, and between 300 and 400 men on the bare floor of the barracks; not even a straw mattress under them. The surgeon says the hundred pillows and other things sent from here were a God-send. Everything except gray clothing will be thankfully received, and can be fully disposed of. It is very difficult to get money here. I write to you in the hope that you may be able to send some comforts for these suffering men. Some two or three thousand have been sent to an island in the East River, most of them South Carolinians, and all in great destitution. Your hearts would ache as mine does if you knew all I hear and know is true of the sufferings of our poor people.’

“Another writes: Philadelphia, July 20th, 1863. ‘I mentioned in my last the large number of Southern prisoners now in the hands of the Federal Government in Fort Delaware, near this city. There are 8000, a large portion of whom are sick and wounded; all are suffering most seriously for the want of a thousand things. Those in the city who are by birth or association connected with Southern people, and who feel a sympathy for the sufferings of these prisoners, are but few in number, and upon these have been increasing calls for aid. Their powers of contribution are now exhausted. I thought it my duty to acquaint you and others in Europe of this state of things, that you might raise something to relieve the sufferings of these prisoners. I believe the government has decided that any contributions for them may be delivered to them. There is scarcely a man among them, officers or privates, who has any money or any clothes beyond those in which they stood when they were captured on the battlefield. You can, therefore, imagine their situation. In the hospitals the government gives them nothing beyond medicines and soldier's rations. Sick men require much more, or they perish; and these people are dying by scores. I think it a matter in which their friends on the other side should take prompt and ample action.’”

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 57-9

Thursday, June 14, 2018

Lieutenant-Colonel William T. Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, July 20, 1863

Headquarters Del. Dept.
Wilmington, Del., July 20th, 1863.
My dear Mother:

You have heard before now, I suppose, that I was in New-York a few days last week. I saw Horace then, but the excitement of the riots excluded all other topics of conversation.

Lilly was kind enough to write me a letter which I shall gladly answer, as I have time enough now to remember all correspondents that remember me. If nothing else, I have abundant opportunities to read and write. After the draft has been enforced in this State, the necessity for Martial Law will probably have passed away. Then I hope either to have more active service, or to get relieved altogether. My summer experience will lead me to enjoy with the greater zest, the coming winter.

Gen. Tyler has behaved most handsomely I think, for when he was ordered to Maryland Heights, it was with the understanding that he was to have an important command, if not that of the Middle Department itself. But the loss of Milroy's Army, the advance of Hooker, and consequent assignment of French to the Heights, the troubles in Baltimore, one and all operated to break up all plans, and to leave him in his present position. I have not heard him utter, for all, a single word of complaint, though necessarily his position must be very irksome to him.

Aunt Maria, Uncle Phelps and Nellie were in NewYork for a few hours while I was there, but I did not know it until it was too late. Mr. ——, who lives opposite my Uncle's, sent for me to come and see him. He proposed that I should take charge of a patrol to protect their part of the town. I turned to young —— and suggested that he would make one of the patrol. "No," says the young man, "but I'll furnish a porter from father's store as a substitute." Indeed thought I, with such heroic youths, there is no need of doing anything here. I can let this part of the city take care of itself.

Your affec. Son,
Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 290-1

Monday, May 21, 2018

Lieutenant-Colonel William T. Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, June 19, 1863

Coleman's Eutaw House,
Baltimore, June 19th, 1863.
My dear Mother:

Here I am in Baltimore in safety, neither able to go forward, nor willing to turn back. As yet, all communication with Harper's Ferry is cut off, but the position Hooker now occupies is such as will enable him soon to include the Ferry within his lines, so I am stopping quietly at the Eutaw House, but almost momentarily expecting to hear from Col. Piatt that the cars will once more be in running order. Probably this will be before the day is over, and I trust I may be able to be of some use. Don't be alarmed though, I am not going to attempt anything Quixotic, so, if the opportunity does not soon come I shall return, and proceed to Simsbury.

I have nothing special to say, beyond wishing to set your mind at rest. The 7th Regiment arrived here yesterday, and makes a fine appearance. Will soon write a more interesting letter, to be dated either from Maryland Heights or Simsbury.

Good-bye. Love to all.
Very afFec'y.,
W. T. Lusk.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 282

Friday, April 13, 2018

Captain William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, January 27, 1863

79th Highlanders,                  
Camp Near Falmouth, Va.,  
Jan. 27th, 1863.
My dear Mother:

I have not written either you or other friends to whom I am indebted in an epistolary, for some little time past, because I sincerely cherished the hope that a short leave of absence was at length about to be granted me. As a last card I wrote to Doster to try what he could do for me in Washington. I immediately received a reply from him to the effect that he had applied to the War Department and that I might hope for the coveted “leave” the next day. That was more than a week ago, so I suppose I have had my usual ill-luck, and have nothing more to hope for. Morrison becomes more affable and annoying every day. He cannot forgive me the fright I gave him in regard to the Majority. Fear of American influence in the Regiment is his great Bug-a-boo. He watches me like a cat, and I suppose will catch me at something one of these days, which will serve as a pretext for disgracing me. Then he will talk hypocritically of his great regard and fondness for me, but that he is a soldier and must do his duty. Nothing can exceed the sweetness and amiability of the gentleman toward those he particularly dislikes. Bah! Why should I trouble you with these things? I do not doubt that at best your own fond fears make things out much worse than they really are. I hope I may soon see Sam here. He wrote me he intended running down. I should feel delighted to see him.

I wish I could ascertain something positive regarding the new Regiment. If it is not going to succeed, I would try and get something in the line of my profession provided for me. However I hate to back down, as I resolved at the outset that, for the period of the war, I would serve in any capacity Providence might find best, only reserving my intention to induce Providence to be as pliable as possible.

Joe Hooker commands the army of the Potomac. Everybody appears entirely indifferent to the matter. Heroes of many defeats, we are not inclined to give gratuitous confidence to anyone. Whoever finally succeeds any better than McClellan did, has a fine chance for immortality. The army of the Potomac is splendid in material, and once taught that their best efforts are not to be wasted, they will tell for themselves a splendid story. With McClellan they did best, because they believed that his plans contained all that human skill was capable of. Every new General will be splendidly supported in his first battle. If the battle end in another Golgotha, the old cry will be raised, “McClellan, or a new man!” Sumner and Franklin, piqued, it is reported are about to withdraw likewise. So, peaceful revolutions are occurring in the Army. Let us pray, and hope for the best. Possibly we are adopting the right course to find the right man, possibly the right course to insure our ruin. If Burnside was not a Napoleon, he was a first-rate soldier, and in a subordinate position can do splendid service to the country. Alas! Good-bye.

Affec'y.,
Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 273-5

Saturday, March 24, 2018

Captain Charles Wright Wills: December 8, 1863

Mud Creek Cove, Jackson County, Ala.
December 8, 1863.

I was at Stevenson yesterday and put a letter in the office for you, but with my accustomed shrewdness failed to either stamp or frank it. It graphically described the gallant exploits of the detachment I have the honer to command during the past three weeks, and its loss will be deplored in common with the other heavy losses of this “cruel war.” I can now but give you the topics it discussed or elaborated, and leave to your imagination the finishing and stringing together the skeleton. First and foremost, stealing horses; second, defying bravely the tears and entreaties of helpless women, and taking their last measure of meal and rasher of bacon; third, the splendid conduct of our regiment and brigade at the late Mission Ridge fight; fourth, reflections. Do you remember, how, after the evacuation of Corinth one and one-half years ago, Halleck thought the rebellion virtually ended? And how many of the soldiers wrote home that they expected to be mustered out within three months? Then Halleck sent Buell with half of the army toward Chattanooga, Sherman and Hurlburt to Memphis, McClernand and Logan to Jackson, Tennessee; kept some four divisions at Corinth, and with three others opened and guarded 95 miles of railroad east to Decatur. That was what he called letting the army enjoy the rest they had earned by their glorious victory. The whole of the splendid army that had forced the Rebels to leave Corinth, was divided, subdivided and the subdivisions divided until, except Buell’s, there was hardly a detachment left strong enough to hold its own against any overgrown band of guerrillas. The result you know. Buell's retreat with his heavy losses of detachments at Munfordsville, etc., our evacuation of the M. & C. R. R. between Memphis and Corinth, the driving in of our guards from Decatur to Corinth, and the fight there in October which we gained only because our side weighed only one ounce the most; and finally they shut us up in Memphis, Bolivar, Corinth and Nashville so closely that foraging parties hardly dared venture ten miles from the siege guns, and there our army stayed until relieved by “500,000 more.” I don't like to slander so great and noble a man as Grant, by insinuating that he has any notion similar to Halleck’s, but what I have seen with my naked eye, and heard from good authority with my uncovered ears, makes me think he has in his opinion at the Lookout, Mission Ridge, Ringgold fight, bursted the rebellion to flinders. I know that Sherman with six divisions has gone to Knoxville. John E. Smith's and Osterhaus' divisions are at Bridgeport on their way to Huntsville or Decatur. Some 12 companies of artillery, (nearly enough for a corps) went to Nashville yesterday, and Hooker with the nth and 12th Corps, are going back to the Potomac. Does that sound anything like active forward movements? And don't it sound exactly like Halleck's disposition of the army after he got Corinth? I predict that no good will come from scattering the army in this way, and much harm. Bragg has fallen back to Dalton, only 25 or 30 miles from Chattanooga, and 15 less than Beauregard ran from Corinth. The Rebel cavalry are already driving in our foragers at Chattanooga. That's all I have to say about the matter. Our regiment, brigade and division have gone with Sherman to Burnside's relief. They are probably at Knoxville now. All accounts agree that the regiment behaved splendidly; and Fulton county ought to either disown her soldiers or quit disgracing them by her d-----sh copperheadism. You didn't have any fears for my safety when you heard of the fight, did you? Of course you knew I wouldn't be there. I heard three days before the fight that it would probably open Sunday or Monday. Tuesday I was out in the Cumberland mountains, near Paint Rock, some 50 miles from Chattanooga, when suddenly we heard the sound of cannonading. I thought of our regiment being in the fight and my company away, and cursed my luck to the best of my ability. I never expect to be in a battle. Being shot by a guerrilla is as good as I will probably get. It is strange that there was only the one vicinity in which we could hear the firing that day, and 25 miles nearer the scene of action they were unable to hear it. We are meeting with good success hunting horses. We only lack about 200 of having enough to mount the brigade and will have them by the time they get back from Knoxville. My men were never as healthy as now. My old convalescent “stand-bys” now walk into their double rations of fresh meat and corn pone tremendously, and do their share of duty splendidly. For four weeks we have had nothing to eat but corn bread and fresh pork. I am beginning to like it. It positively does taste better every day, and I destroy immense quantities. When reading about the elephant browsing upon the tree tops, did you ever imagine what an awful crashing he would make? That's about like the smash I make among the spareribs and hoecake. I thought that when they set me up as horse thief, that my measure was filled, that earth had nothing left too bitter for me to quaff or “chaw.” But last night a draught was put to my lips of which I drank, and lo, I am undone. Can't look an honest man in the face. Fortunately there are no honest men in this command, so I am spared the mortification of turning my eyes. I was sent out to steal sheep. Can't call taking aught from these poor miserable citizen devils here anything but stealing. I made a pretty good haul. They go to the front to-day; I expect for hospital use. Of course we have to take them, but these citizens are on the verge of bankruptcy as far as eating is concerned. Saw Bill and Davis Trites at Bridgeport two days since. All right. Had just got back with their division from Chattanooga. Were both well. Captain Walsh, who was killed, was one of the finest officers in our regiment. I had formed a strong attachment for him, and mourn his loss as a dear friend and splendid fellow. His company, in camp, joins mine on the left and we were more intimate than I was with any other officer in this command.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 202-5

Wednesday, March 21, 2018

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, May 20, 1863

Camp White, West Virginia, [May 20 (?)], 1863.

Dear Uncle: — If I wrote you two or three days ago after getting your last, I take this one back; or let it go to my credit on future account. We are expecting to have our communications cut with the outside world soon again. We are tolerably fixed for it, and can worry through, if not too long continued.

We do not know accurately yet what has happened to Hooker. He is repulsed and his movement a failure. I hope he is left relatively as well off as he was before. If so, he is still, for all I see, our general. I can perceive nothing injurious to him personally in the failure. He has shown his disposition to do something, and, for all that appears, capacity. This is all we can demand. The radical vice is, as I have said to you before, I fear, in the army. Somebody behaves badly. This is always to be expected in all armies. But in this army it seems always to be at the vital point, where it is ruinous. I always feel when the Potomac Army moves, that if they are not routed, we are to be glad. So now, from present accounts, I feel happy that it is no worse. If our army under Hooker can keep employed the largest and best Rebel army, they are probably fulfilling their mission.

To do more than this, would speedily end the Rebellion. To do merely this, will end it in time.
Perhaps I better take stock in your bank. I could now pay one or two thousand cash, and by selling my Hamilton property, could increase it soon to five thousand dollars. What say you?

Sincerely,
R. B. Hayes.
S. BlRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 410-1

Tuesday, March 20, 2018

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, May 17, 1863

Camp White, May 17, 1863.

Dear Uncle:— . . . We are in no danger here. We have built a tolerably good fort which we can hold against superior forces perhaps a week or two or more. We have a gunboat which will be useful as long as the river is navigable. My whole brigade has been here. The most of it is good and the rest is improving.

I like your bank project.

The Richmond hoax was a severe one. It did not reach us in a way to command belief. I still stick to Hooker. The Rebel loss of Jackson gives us the best of that effort. I hope the Potomac Army will get a victory sometime.

Sincerely,
R. B. Hayes.
S. BlRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 410

Saturday, March 17, 2018

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, May 7, 1863

Camp White, May 7, 1863.

Dearest:— The boxes came safely. The flag will not be cut. The coat fits well. Straps exactly according to regulations or none. The eagles are pretty and simple and I shall keep them until straps can be got of the size and description prescribed, viz., “Light or sky-blue cloth, one and three-eighths inches wide by four inches long; bordered with an embroidery of gold one-fourth of an inch wide; a silver embroidered spread eagle on the center of the strap.” I am content with the eagles as they are but if straps are got, let them be “according to red-tape.” The pants fit Avery to a charm and he keeps them. What is the price? I'll not try again until I can be measured. I do not need pants just now.

We have a little smallpox in Charleston. Lieutenant Smith has it, or measles. Also raids of the enemy threatened. I wouldn't come up just now; before the end of the month it may be all quiet again. Bottsford's sister and other ladies are going away today.

We are building a fort on the hill above our camp — a good position. We are in suspense about Hooker. He moves rapidly and boldly. If he escapes defeat for the next ten days he is the coming man. — Pictures O. K., etc., etc. — Love to all.

Affectionately,
R. B. Hayes.
Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 408-9

Friday, March 16, 2018

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: May 7, 1863

Another movement of the army of the Potomac, this time under General Hooker, a man of energy and courage. Whether able and skilful enough to handle so great an army is the question. He is confident and bold. His crossing the Rappahannock was sudden and apparently successful. It looked a little like separating his army. The great fighting [at Chancellorsville] was on Saturday and Sunday, reported vaguely as “indecisive.” Again this suspense — “with us or with our foes?” All day Sunday I was thinking and talking of the battle. The previous news satisfied me that about that time fighting would be done.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 408

Friday, December 15, 2017

Major-General Darius N. Couch to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, June 30, 1863 – Received 5:50 p.m.

HARRISBURG, PA., June 30, 1863,                       
(Received 5.30 p.m.)
Maj. Gen. H W. HALLECK,
General-in-Chief:

As telegraphed previously, part of the rebel forces, if not all, have fallen back toward Chambersburg, passing Shippensburg last night in great haste. I expect every moment to hear that my cavalry, under General Smith, has reoccupied Carlisle. My latest information is that Early, with his 8,000 men, went toward Gettysburg or Hanover, saying they expected to fight a great battle there. At Carlisle they said they were not going to be outflanked by Hooker.

D. N. COUCH,          
Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 3 (Serial No. 45), p. 434

Sunday, December 3, 2017

Diary of Salmon P. Chase: September 23, 1863

I shall not soon forget the events of the night of this day.  Our news from Chattanooga was more hopeful – but it was evident that Rosecrans’s army was in great peril. Meade was in the neighborhood of [Manassas], following Lee, and it was hoped, about to win a decisive victory over him– But he was cautious & it was uncertain if he would strike at all.  I went home from the Department thinking over the state of things – with great anxiety. It was about midnight, and I had just retired when the door bell rang and the message was brought to me, “The Secretary of War desires that you will come to the Department immediately and has sent a carriage for you.”

“What can be the matter?” I said to myself as I hastily rose and dressed. “Has the enemy attacked Rosecrans? Has he captured him and his army? Has he driven our men across the Tennessee?”

When I reached the War Department I found Mr. Stanton there, silent and stern.

“Is there any bad news?” I asked

“None,” was the brief reply. General Halleck was present, and the President either was there already or soon came in; Mr. Seward also came.

At length when we five were assembled Mr. Stanton began:

“I have invited this meeting because I am thoroughly convinced that something must be done, and done immediately, to insure the safety of the army under Rosecrans, and wish to have it considered and decided whether anything, and if anything, what shall be done?”

Then turning to Gen. Halleck he asked:

“What forces can Burnside send to Rosecrans at Chattanooga?”

Gen. Halleck replied, “20,000 men.”

Stanton — “How soon?”

Halleck — “In ten days if not interruped.”

President — “Before ten days Burnside can put in enough to hold the place.”

Halleck — “He can bring up 12,000 perhaps in eight days.”

President — “When Burnside's men begin to arrive the place will be safe, but the pinch is now.”

Stanton — “If the enemy presses or attacks Burnside, what then?”

Halleck — “Burnside must take his measures accordingly — fight or act defensively.”

Stanton — “If the enemy has enough to detach a force against Burnside, and also attack Rosecrans?”

Halleck — “Rosecrans must be relieved otherwise.”

Stanton — “When can Sherman relieve him?”

Halleck — “In about ten days, if already marched from Vicksburg. If not marched should come up the river and overland from Memphis. He has 20,000 or 25,000 men. Every available man is ordered forward and boats have gone down the river from Cairo to bring them up.”

Stanton — “Then your estimate of what can be done by Sherman is only conjectural?”

Halleck — “Of course it is impossible to speak definitely in such a matter.”

Stanton —“Can men be had from any other quarter?”

Halleck — “Perhaps a few from Kentucky — don't know how many. All are already ordered to Rosecrans.”

Stanton — “Mr. President, I think it perfectly clear from what has been said that certain or even probable relief will reach Rosecrans from any quarter that has been named. I do not believe a man will get to him from Burnside or Sherman in time to be of any use in the emergency which is upon us. The army of the Potomac is doing nothing important, nor is it likely to be more actively employed. I propose therefore, to send 20,000 men from the army of the Potomac to Chattanooga under the command of General Hooker.”

This proposition was objected to quite strongly by General Halleck and the President. Both expressed the belief that the troops could not be got through to Chattanooga, or near enough to be of essential service to the army of Rosecrans as soon as troops could be furnished from Burnside's or Sherman's command, and both were unwilling to withdraw troops from Meade. Mr. Stanton said that he had fully considered the question of practicability and should not have submitted his proposition had he not fully satisfied himself on that head by conference with the ablest railroad men of the country. General Halleck had given no definite assurance as to the time in which relief could be given by Sherman or Burnside. His nearest approach to definiteness was eight days by Burnside if uninterrupted by the enemy. Was not the enemy sure to interrupt? And was it not well known that activity by Burnside would involve the abandonment of east Tennessee, to which Burnside was strongly opposed and therefore extremely unwilling to move? Whereas if it should be determined to send men from the Army of the Potomac the order for the two corps could be given in the morning — by night the column would be entering Washington, the troops could be put in cars at once and in five days the advance might be entering Nashville.

“Why,” said the President, “You can't get one corps into Washington in the time you fix for reaching Nashville”; and he illustrated his idea of the impossibility by some story which I have forgotten.

Stanton was greatly annoyed & made some remark to the effect that the danger was too imminent & the occasion to serious for jokes; but added that as he saw himself overruled he would give up the point; and invited us all into the adjoining room where he had caused a light collation to he prepared.

I then remarked that I hoped the proposition would not be abandoned: that it seemed to me exceedingly important; & that we could resume its consideration with advantage after a little refreshment.  I added a very brief resume of Mr. Stantons arguments already urged – expressed my entire confidence in his ability to do what he proposed–& declared it to be my deliberate judgment that to refuse to adopt it was to refuse to adopt the only plan [by] which the Army of Rosecrans [w]ould with any certainty be saved.

We, then, went to the collation.  On returning to the Secretarys room Mr. Seward took up the subject & supported Mr. Stantons proposition with excellent arguments.

The scale was now turned. Every objection was abandoned except that of weakening Meade & finally the President said that he wd. telegraph Meade in the morning & if he did not propose an immediate movement, the order for the two corps to move should be given at once by Gen Halleck.  It was near morning when we went home.  Two or three hours later the telegram was sent – the answer recd – the order for the movement given.

The result is well known.  The advance of Hooker’s command reached Nashville in a week – frustrated the attempt to break up Rosecrans’ communications; & his army was saved; and Chattanooga was saved; & the future was saved.  Neither Shermans column nor Burnsides came up in time to be of any use in this special work.  Burnsides did not come up at all.  Sherman’s came; but came after the peril was past; though in time for the glorious achievements which soon afterwards electrified the country.  The country does not know how much it owes Edwin M. Stanton for that nights work.

SOURCES: Ellis Paxson Oberholtzer, “A Midnight Confrence and Other Passages from the Papers of Secretary Salmon P. Chase,” Scribner’s Magazine, Volume XLV, No. 2, February 1900, p. 144-50; The Salmon P. Chase Papers, Volume 1: Journals, 1829-1872, p. 450-3

Edwin M. Stanton to Major Charles A. Dana, September 24, 1863 – 3:30 a.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,         
Washington, September 24, 1863 3.30 a.m.
Maj. C. A. DANA, Chattanooga:

We have made arrangements to send 15,000 infantry, under General Hooker, from here and will have them in Nashville in five or six days from to-day, with orders to push on immediately wherever General Rosecrans wants them.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       
Secretary of War.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 1 (Serial No. 48), p. 151-2

Saturday, December 2, 2017

William P. Smith to Edwin M. Stanton, September 27, 1863 – Received 11:50 a.m.

CAMDEN STATION,          
Baltimore, Md., September 27, 1863.
(Received 11.50 a.m.)
Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War:

At 9.15 this a.m. we had started from Washington for the west 12,600 men, 33 cars of artillery, and 21 cars of baggage and horses. The first four trains, with 2,500 men, reached Benwood, the end of our line, 412 miles from Washington, at 11 this a.m., and continuing to move at the ratio expected by us, or two hours less than our promise of forty-four hours through. At Benwood a substantial and superior bridge of scows and barges, strongly  connected, is in full readiness to make the transfer across the Ohio, and adequate cars are waiting at Bellaire.

W. P. SMITH.
(Same to Major-General-Hooker and to Col. D.C. McCallum.)

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 1 (Serial No. 48), p. 167

William P. Smith to Edwin M. Stanton, September 27, 1863 – Received 12:50 p.m.

CAMDEN STATION,          
Baltimore, Md., September 27, 1863.
(Received 12.50, p.m.)
Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War:

Our agent at Grafton has orders, he says, to hold all the Third Division, Eleventh Corps there until General Schurz arrives. May I suggest that this kind of thing will cripple your whole movement? I have therefore given a peremptory order to our agent that the trains shall not be so held unless his order comes from you.

W. P. SMITH.
(Same to General Hooker.)

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 1 (Serial No. 48), p. 167

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General Carl Schurz, September 27, 1863 – 9:40 p.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,         
September 27, 1863 9.40 p.m.
Maj. Gen. CARL SCHURZ,
Fairmont:

Major-General Hooker has the orders of this Department to relieve you from command and put under arrest any officer who undertakes to delay or interfere with the orders and regulations of the railroad officers in charge of the transportation of troops.

EDWIN M. STANTON,       
Secretary of War.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 1 (Serial No. 48), p. 169

Friday, December 1, 2017

Edwin M. Stanton to Major-General Carl Schurz, September 28, 1863 – 1:35 p.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,         
September 28, 1863 1.35 p.m.
Maj. Gen. CARL SCHURZ,
Benwood, via Wheeling:

General Hooker is authorized to relieve from command any officer that interferes with or hinders the transportation of troops in the present movement. Whether you have done so, and whether he has relieved you from command, ought to be known to yourself. The order will certainly be enforced against any officer, whatever his rank may be, who delays or endangers transportation of troops.

EDWIN M. STANTON.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 29, Part 1 (Serial No. 48), p. 172

Thursday, November 30, 2017

Major-General Joseph Hooker to Edwin M. Stanton, October 11, 1863

STEVENSON, ALA., October 11, 1863.     
(Received 2.20 a.m., 12th.)
Hon. E. M. STANTON,
Secretary of War:

If you projected the late movement of the Eleventh and Twelfth Corps you may justly claim the merit of having saved Chattanooga to us. As soon as the rebels found that it was not prudent to attack that position they determined to throw a heavy force upon the communications, and destroy them and the depots, and thus starve out the army. They hoped to do this before my force came up, and undoubtedly would have succeeded but for a prompt movement on our part. As it was the rebel raiders made sad havoc on our wagon trains, and when they struck the railroad point after point was abandoned, oftentimes without the discharge of a shot in their defense. They cut off the Second Division of the Twelfth Corps, and the balance were under such headway they could not be stopped until brought up by the Tennessee River at Bridgeport. They were soon in their right places, but most of them without artillery, baggage, transportation, or horses for field officers — very much as I found myself when I embarked in Pope's campaign. The enemy captured some small parties, destroyed bridges at Duck and Stone's Rivers, and interrupted all communication for four days, but it is now restored. Our cavalry is in full pursuit of the raiders, and we have gained decided advantage over them. Last accounts they were making for Columbia.

JOSEPH HOOKER,
Major-General.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 30, Part 3 (Serial No. 52), p. 291