Diary of Salmon P. Chase: Sunday, October 5, 1862

At home to favor foot. Much better in the afternoon, and rode over to Insane Asylum to see Hooker. Was glad to find him much improved. He said we had plenty of good officers, and that all the courage, ability and genius we needed could be found among our Volunteer Colonels. He then said that an aide of McClellan's had been down to see him with an inquiry as to how soon he would be able to take the field, and expressing his confidence with hints of important command of army moving from Washington. He expressed the belief that no decisive victory would be achieved so long as McClellan had command.

Before starting on this visit, John A. Stevens, Jr., called wishing me to see Col. Hamilton about Texas;¹ and I asked him to bring him to dinner. Accordingly both came. Secretary Stanton also, by accident, and Mr. Montgomery, by Katie's invitation. After dinner, Col. Hamilton spoke fully of Texas — described his escape and hiding in the woods — said that many hundred loyal Texans were now concealed in Texas as refugees — declared that the War was a war of the oligarchy upon the people — that Slavery was the basis of the oligarchy, but that the perpetuation of slavery was not more their object, than the despotic power of the class over the mass. I entered fully into his feelings; and promised to go with him to the President's tomorrow.

After he went, Gov. Morton came in and spoke very earnestly of the condition of matters in Indiana. Apprehends State defeat on the 14th, and loss of all the Congressional Districts except Julian's, Colfax's, and perhaps Shank's. Wants Indiana Regiments in the State furloughed so that they can vote. Thinks Buell utterly unfit for command of the great army under him — is slow, opposed to the Proclamation, and has bad influence every way. Wishes me to go with him to President's about the regiments, which I promised to do tomorrow.

______________

¹ Andrew Jackson Hamilton, 1815-1875. G. S. Denison gives an account of him in his letter of September 19, 1862, p. 314.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 100-1

Francis Lieber to Senator Charles Sumner, March 6, 1864

March 6.

When I wrote to you yesterday, in great haste, I omitted mentioning the historic act — the, to me, great symbolic fact — of the presentation of colors to the regiment of blacks in Union Square by our Club. There were drawn up in line over a thousand armed negroes, where but yesterday they were literally hunted down like rats. It was one of the greatest days of our history, — at least, of the history of this city. A few months ago the question was put to us whether a Massachusetts colored regiment might march through New York to embark. It was decided, and justly so, that it could not be done without being prepared for bloodshed. That was shortly before the riots; and now, within half a year, a colored regiment is cheered, and kerchiefs wave from every window. I was deeply, deeply moved. It was for once a visible step forward. . . .

. . . Is the law of Massachusetts, or amendment of the constitution of Massachusetts, giving to soldiers and sailors abroad in war the right of sending home their votes in State elections, separately printed? If so, could I have a copy? I want it for a grave purpose; at least, the writing an addition to that passage in my “Civil Liberty” where I have treated of the voting of armies appears sufficiently grave to me. I have to make this distinction, of which I never thought before: namely, the voting of soldiers as soldiers, that is to say, by companies and battalions, — en bloc, the French way, and which is unconditionally to be condemned, — and the voting of soldiers as citizens sending home their votes to their respective election districts. . . .

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 342-3

Francis Lieber to Dr. Daniel Coit Gilman, July 6, 1863

New York, July 6, 1863.

I thank you, my dear sir, for your information concerning the paper in the “Law Register.” I wish people would glance at what I have said on voting and debating armies in my “Civil Liberty,” and wonder that Governor Seymour (New York) did not quote that when, in his Message, he quoted me on the danger of Executive influence on elections. It is all a mistake to let armies vote, — an essential mistake; and it is a great mistake in our friends to try to give the vote to armies because it galls us now and works very hard against us. Tables are constantly turned in history. Nothing worse and more ruinous than to get power over opponents for the time being, instead of by permanent legislation. . . .

SOURCE: Thomas Sergeant Perry, Editor, The Life and Letters of Francis Lieber, p. 335

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, November 11, 1864

November 11, 1864

The McClellan procession might have spared their tapers, as he has gone up, poor Mac, a victim to his friends! His has been a career manqué, and a hard time he has had, and low he has fallen. The men who stood, as green soldiers, with him in front of Yorktown, where are they? Many thousands lie in the barren land of the Peninsula and the valley of Virginia; thousands more in the highlands of Maryland and Pennsylvania and in the valley of the Shenandoah. Many are mustered out — their time expired — or sick, or crippled. The small remnant are sifted, like fine gold, through this army, non-commissioned officers, or even full officers. What an experience it is for an infantry soldier! To have carried a musket, blanket, and haversack to the Peninsula, and to the gates of Richmond, then back again to the second Bull Run; up to Antietam in Maryland; down again to Fredericksburg; after the enemy again to the Rappahannock; and at last, the great campaign, like all others concentrated in six months, from the Rapid Ann to Petersburg! All this alone on foot, in three long years, at all seasons and all hours, in every kind of weather, carrying always a heavy load, and expecting to fight at any moment; seeing so many men shot in each fight — the great regiment dwindling to a battalion — the battalion to a company — the company to a platoon. Then the new men coming down; they shot off also. Till at last the infantry-man, who left Boston thinking he was going straight to Richmond, via Washington, sits down before Petersburg and patiently makes his daily pot of coffee, a callous old soldier, who has seen too many horrors to mind either good or bad. It is a limited view of a great war, but, for that very reason, full of detail and interest.

Of course we might have known that this pack of political “commissioners” could not get down here without a shindy of some sort. The point they brought up was fraudulent votes. A long-haired personage, fat and vulgar-looking, one of that class that invariably have objectionable finger-nails, came puffing over to General Meade's tent, with all the air of a boy who had discovered a mare's nest. He introduced himself as a Mr. Somebody from Philadelphia, and proceeded to gasp out that a gentleman had been told by an officer, that he had heard from somebody else that a Democratic Commissioner had been distributing votes, professedly Republican, but with names misspelled so as to be worthless. “I don't see any proof,” said the laconic Meade. “Give me proof, and I'll arrest him.” And off puffed Mr. Somebody to get proof, evidently thinking the Commanding General must be a Copperhead not to jump at the chance of arresting a Democrat. The result was that a Staff officer was sent, and investigation held, and telegraphs dispatched here and there, while the Somebody puffed about, like a porpoise in shallow water! Finally, four or five people were arrested to answer charges. This seemed to please Stanton mightily, who telegraphed to put 'em in close arrest; and, next morning, lo! a lieutenant-colonel sent, with a guard of infantry, by a special boat from Washington, to conduct these malefactors to the capital — very much like personages, convicted of high treason, being conveyed to the Tower. Were I a lieutenant-colonel, I should feel cheap to be ordered to convey a parcel of scrubby politicians under arrest! But that is the work that Washington soldiers may expect to spend their lives in. General Meade, I fancy, looked with high contempt on the two factions. “That Somebody only does it,” he said, “to appear efficient and get an office.  As to X, he said he thought it a trying thing for a gentleman to be under close arrest; and I wanted to tell him it wasn't so disgraceful as to have been drunk every night, which was his case!” That's the last I have heard of the culprits, who, with their accusers, have all cleared out, like a flock of crows, and we are once again left to our well-loved ragamuffins, in dirty blouses and spotted sky-blue trousers.

The day was further marked by an émeute in the culinary department. I would have you to know that we have had a nigger boy, to wait on table, an extraordinary youth, of muscular proportions and of an aspect between a drill sergeant, an undertaker and a clergyman — solemn, military and mildly religious. It would, however, appear, that beneath this serious and very black exterior worked a turbulent soul. The diminutive Monsieur Mercier, our chef, had repeatedly informed me that “le petit” (the unbleached brother is about a head taller than Mercier) was extremely indolent and had a marked antipathy to washing dishes — an observation which interested me little, as my observation went to show that the washing of dishes by camp-followers tended rather to dirty than to cleanse the platter, and that the manifest destiny of the plate military was to grow dirtier and dirtier, till it at last got broken. However, Anderson was reproved for not washing his crockery, and replied with rude words. On being reproved again, he proposed to smite Mercier, remarking, he “would as soon knock down a white man as a nigger.”

At this juncture the majestic Biddle interfered and endeavored to awe the crowd; but the crowd would not be awed, so Biddle put Anderson at the pleasant occupation of walking post with a log on his shoulder. Upon being liberated from this penalty, he charged upon Mercier, giving him the dire alternative of “Pay me mer wages, or I'll smash yer crockery!” This being disorderly, I allowed him to cool his passions till next morning in the guardhouse, when he was paid off.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 262-5

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, Friday, October 14, 1864

October 14, 1864

How shall I vote? I don't know that I shall be given the chance; but, if I am, I shall vote for the blue-blooded Abraham. It was with a feeling of depression that I heard the first rumors that the Dems had carried Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana; and when the truth came out, I felt glad. This proves to me that I look on the Mac party with misgiving. The soldiers' vote is an unexpected one; they are said to show five to one for the Administration, which tells me that they identify it with the support of the war; for the troops in their private thoughts make the thrashing of the Rebs a matter of pride, as well as of patriotism.

I venture to say that at no time during the war have the Rebel papers talked so desperately; they speak of the next month settling the question, and of arming the negroes. If they do this latter, the slavery candle will burn at both ends. I have no idea that the next month will settle it, though, of course, there is a chance for important movements during the autumn, as at other seasons of good weather. We must keep at them — that is the only way; no let up, no armistice. They perfectly hate what we are doing now, going a couple of miles and fortifying, then going two more and fortifying again; then making a sudden rush, taking a position and a lot of cannon, and again fortifying that. All these moves being a part of what we may call a throttling plan. Their struggles, though often apparently successful, do them thus far no good. They flank us on the Weldon railroad and brush off 2000 prisoners: no use! we hold the road. They flank us again at the Pegram house, and capture 1000 more: no use; we hold the Pegram position and add it to former acquisitions. Then they flank Butler and get eight of his guns; but they have to go back, and Benjamin remains in what General Halleck terms a “threatening attitude.”  . . . Yesterday, Loring, whom I saw over at General Parke's Headquarters, was speaking of the quaint ways of talking among soldiers. Their lines are at peace out there, and the soldiers don't fire; notwithstanding, some sharpshooters, with telescopic rifles, are posted here and there. As he rode along, he met two of these gentry coming with faces as of men who had labored in a good cause, without profit. “Hullo!” said L., “did you get good places out in front?” “Yes, fust-rate places: but no shooting, no shooting!” General Meade rode to Parke's on account of a statement from a deserter, that the enemy would attack our left. “If they do” quoth the General, proud of his engineering skill, “if they do, they’ll get into a nice hornet's nest.” It is funny to see two engineers, like Meade and Parke, ride along works and pleasantly discuss them. In their enthusiasm, they always personify redoubts as far as to give them eyes, and speak of their “looking” in sundry directions, meaning thereby that they can fire there. “Here is a nice swallow-tail lunette,” says Parke as if introducing a pâté de foie gras; “these two faces, you see, look down the two roads of approach, and here is a face that looks into that ravine: nothing could live in that ravine, nothing!” This last he emphasizes, as if the presence of life in the ravine aforesaid was a thing in the highest degree sinful, and this redoubt was virtuously bent on preserving the public morality. “Yes,” replies Father Meade, “that seems all right; now you want to slash out, about 300 yards further, and get a good field of fire so that the enemy's sharpshooters can't annoy your gunners.” The use of the word “annoy” is another military eccentricity. When half the men are killed or wounded by the enemy's riflemen, an officer will ride pleasantly in to the chief of artillery, and state that the battery is a good deal “annoyed” by sharpshooters, giving to the novice the impression that the sharpshooters complained of have been using provoking and impertinent language to the battery. To-day I was the sole companion of the General on his exercise ride, on which occasions, instead of riding behind him, I ride beside him, but keep as it were a little back of his horse's head. When we approach any body of troops, I fall entirely to the rear — strong on etiquette we are! For two or three days he has been in the best of humors and sits in the evening by the camp-fire before my tent, talking familiarly with all the aides; a rare thing with him. . . .

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 244-5

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, November 22, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, November 22, 1864.

I do not know how the fact of my not voting has reached Philadelphia, or is there considered a matter of importance. One of the Republican agents, formerly an officer in the Reserves, came to see me and desired I would vote at the polls of the regiment where he was going to be. I declined going to his polls, but did not intimate to him whether I was or was not going to vote. It is probable, however, that some zealous partisan has watched to see what I did. I cannot but be flattered that so much importance is attached to my action, particularly as nearly all other general officers, including Grant, did the same — that is, not vote.

I should like to see the article in the British Military Review you refer to. It is some consolation to know that distinguished foreigners think well of you.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 244-5

Major-General George G. Meade to John Sergeant Meade,* November 17, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, November 17, 1864.

Well, the election is over, and nobody hurt. In the army it passed off very quietly, Mr. Lincoln receiving two votes to McClellan's one. This result was fully anticipated by me—indeed, McClellan's vote was larger than I expected.

The election being over, it is now to be hoped the earnest attention and best energies of the Government and people will be devoted to raising and sending men enough so to swell our armies that our onward movement will be irresistible, and the Confederacy convinced that further resistance is useless. There are significant signs that our enemies are beginning to feel the exhaustion and effects of a three years' war. Among these the most important is the proposition of Mr. Davis to arm forty thousand slaves, who are to receive their freedom as a boon for faithful services. They are to be employed, it is ingeniously said, as engineer troops, and to act as a reserve to be called on in an emergency. This is a plausible disguise, to sound the temper of the Southern people on the question of arming and freeing the slaves. Nothing but the conviction of the necessity of this measure could ever have justified its enunciation. It has produced the most violent discussions pro and con in the Southern journals, and bids fair to be as great a firebrand with them as it has been with us. My own judgment is it will be abandoned, for although the number as yet is fixed at forty thousand, as a test, to see if the negroes can be relied on and will fight, I believe that the experiment will prove that the arming the slaves is more dangerous to the Confederacy than to us. I have no doubt that many will be faithful to their masters, but the great body will, after being armed, desert to us or go back to their homes. Now, in view of the position the South has always taken on this subject the change of ground can only be attributed to desperation, and a conviction that the war in its present gigantic proportions cannot much longer be carried on by the whites at the South. Should this theory be correct, the end cannot be far distant, when we have such armies in the field, as we ought to and I hope soon will have.

I have recently picked up a story in verse by Owen Meredith, called “Lucille.” I don't suppose you are well enough to read a great deal. The story is quite interesting, and told with much pathos, though I don't think the poetry very superior.

We have recently had an influx of John Bulls in the form of officers and others. You would have been delighted to see the admirable display of whiskers, fine clothes, etc. An amusing incident occurred with Rosencrantz, who was showing a couple of them our lines. On finding him a foreigner, they were delighted and said, now you can tell us what the American officers really think of us. “Veil,” said Rosey, “they no like you, they say, ‘ven this war be over they vill take Canada.’” “God bless me, you don’t say so,” they exclaimed, and did not ask Rosey any more questions of this nature. Approaching a part of the lines, where it was dangerous from sharpshooters, Rosey said they had better not go, but they pooh-poohed him, and he started on. Pretty soon the balls began to fly pretty thick and close, when they changed their mind, expostulated, and finally begged Rosey to turn back, but he had his dander up and replied, “No, ve vill go on, ve vill go on,” and go on he did, and return, fortunately without any one being hit.

_______________

* Son of General Meade.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 242-4

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, November 15, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, November 15, 1864.

I am very glad Bishop Odenheimer was so kind as to visit you and talk to Sergeant, and am truly happy to hear dear Sergeant proposes to make public what I felt sure was the case, that he is a sincere and good Christian. With such a life of devotion to duty, and freedom from all the faults that youth is liable to, it needed for me no more evidence to feel satisfied that my dear boy was in the right path as far as human infirmity admitted.

I hear from City Point this evening that McClellan's resignation has been accepted, and that Sheridan has been appointed a major general in the regular army. It is also reported that General Canby, commanding in Louisiana, has been mortally wounded whilst going up Red River.

An officer called to see me to-day, just from Detroit, bringing me many kind messages from friends. This officer says that, whilst at a hotel in Columbus, Ohio, he heard a man publicly proclaim that the Army of the Potomac, under my influence, was going to vote for McClellan. My friend told the individual his statement was false, that he knew me and the army, and he knew I would never influence a man for either side, and he knew the army would vote largely for Mr. Lincoln. But this report of my interference was circulated all through the Western country.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 242

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, October 11, 1864

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac, October 11, 1864.

I have been occupied all day riding round the lines, showing them to Major General Doyle, of the British Army, Governor of Nova Scotia, who has done this army the honor to visit it. The general is a very clever, intelligent and educated Irish gentleman. He is a brother to the then young Doyle, who, some thirty years since, was in this country attached to the British Legation under Sir Charles Vaughn.

The general expressed himself very much amazed at the length of our lines and the amount of engineering work we had done, and said that in Europe they had no conception of the character of the war we are engaged in, the obstacles we have to encounter, and the completeness of our organization. De Chanal, indeed all our foreign visitors, say the same thing; and say it is impossible for us to realize the ignorance that exists in Europe of America and American affairs. General Doyle is the person who behaved so well recently at Halifax when the steamer Chesapeake was seized and carried in there, he giving up the vessel and crew to a United States vessel of war that was after her. Another visitor whom I had yesterday was a Mr. McGrath, a Commissioner from Pennsylvania, sent down to take the soldiers' vote to-day. He seemed rather disgusted with the result of his mission; said very few of the soldiers had qualified themselves to vote and altogether appeared quite indifferent. He seemed to think the soldiers' vote would be very insignificant. I have noticed this fact myself, that is the indifference to politics on the part of officers and men. They don't seem to have much respect for either party, and are of the opinion that the safety and honor of the country are more dependent on what we do here than on the success of any political party. I don't say this is a very healthy or proper state of feeling, but I say it exists, and is due, I believe, in a great measure, to a want of confidence in the integrity and patriotism of party leaders.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 233-4

Governor Samuel J. Kirkwood to the Legislature of Iowa, September 3, 1862

Executive Office, Sept. 3, 1862.

Gentlemen of The Senate and House of Representatives:

You have been convened in extraordinary session to consider some questions vitally affecting the public welfare, which, in my judgment, require your immediate action.

When you closed your last regular session, the belief prevailed very generally that the strength of the rebellion against the General Government had been broken, and your legislation upon some questions of great public interest was controlled by that belief. The lapse of time has shown that belief to be erroneous, and a change of legislation on those questions has therefore become necessary.

The provision made for our sick and wounded soldiers, and for their return to their homes on furlough, will, under existing circumstances, prove wholly inadequate. The largely increased number of our soldiers that will be shortly in the field, and the great length of time they will be exposed to the danger of disease and the casualties of battle, will render absolutely necessary a large increase of the fund provided for their care and comfort. The extraordinary expenses of my office have also been, and will probably continue to be, largely increased in consequence of the new demands that have been and may be made upon the State. I, therefore, recommend to your favorable consideration such increase of the contingent fund for extraordinary expenses of this office as will be sufficient to enable me to do for the gallant men, who so nobly represent our State in the army of the Union, when suffering from wounds and disease, that which every loyal heart so anxiously desires should be done, and also enable me to carry on successfully the many and arduous labors imposed upon this office, in promptly responding to all the demands made upon the State for the support of the Government.

The labors of the office of Adjutant-General have been largely increased, and must continue to be very great as long as the war lasts, and for some time after its close. This State will soon have in the field nearly or quite 50,000 men, and the interest and welfare of our soldiers and their friends require that the records of that office should be fully and carefully kept. The Adjutant-General now discharges, in addition to the proper duties of that office, the duties of Quartermaster-General and Paymaster-General. It is, in my judgment, impossible for one officer properly to superintend the labors of these three departments.  The amount of labor and attention required is more than one person can give, and the necessary work cannot be so promptly done or so well done as if there was a proper division of labor. I recommend that I should be authorized to appoint an assistant Adjutant-General, who shall act as Paymaster-General. A Quartermaster-General can be appointed under existing law, and then the duties now imposed upon the Adjutant-General can be so divided and arranged as, in my judgment, to greatly benefit the public service.

In my judgment, the compensation of the Adjutant-General is not adequate, either to the labor or responsibility of his position, and I recommend an addition thereto, either by allowing him a contingent for traveling expenses or by an increase of his salary.

Congress has provided by law an allotment system by which our soldiers can set aside a portion of their monthly pay and have the same paid at their homes to such persons as they may designate, without risk or expense. The benefits of this system are obvious and great. Commissioners have been appointed by the President, but under the law the compensation of these commissioners must be paid by the States, and as no appropriation has been made for that purpose, our soldiers and their friends have not, as yet, enjoyed the benefits of the system. One of the commissioners is now engaged in procuring the allotments of our regiments before they leave the State, and I earnestly recommend such an appropriation as will secure the benefits of this system to all our soldiers.

Since your adjournment Congress has passed a law donating public lands to such of the several States and territories as may provide colleges for the benefit of agriculture and the mechanic arts. Under this law, this State is entitled to a donation of 240,000 acres of land. It is a most munificent donation, and for a most worthy purpose. It is of great importance that immediate action be had by you touching this grant. By taking such action the State can secure the entire amount of the lands within her own limits, and consequently control their management and disposition. Should action in this matter be postponed till the next regular session, other States may select their lands within the limits of this State, and manage and dispose of them in a manner very undesirable to us. I recommend the subject to your careful consideration.  *  *  *

It is of the highest importance that the numerical strength of the regiments from this State be maintained in the field. Many of our old regiments have been much reduced in numbers, and thus the expense of maintaining them in proportion to their numbers is much increased, while their efficiency is much diminished. Our new regiments will go out full, and the old ones will soon be filled, but in a short time their numbers will be again reduced. To remedy this evil, 1 recommend that with the approval of the proper Federal authorities a camp of instruction be established at some suitable point in this State sufficient to accommodate 1,000 men; that the several counties be required to furnish their equitable proportion of that number of men to place in camp under instruction; that when men are needed to fill the ranks of any of our regiments, requisitions be made for the proper number which shall be filled as nearly as may be from the men in camp from the counties in which the companies composing the regiment were organized, and their places in camp be immediately supplied by new men from the same counties. This is entirely just to all the counties; will send the men into companies composed of their neighbors and friends, and will keep up our regiments to their effective strength.

On the 17th day of August I issued a proclamation urging upon our people the strong necessity of filling up our old regiments, and as an inducement to enlistments for that purpose declared my intention of recommending to you the payment of bounties by the Stale to all who should enlist for the old regiments, between the date of proclamation and the first day of the present month. I have not yet learned the number of men who have thus enlisted between the dates named, but I recommend to you that an appropriation for the purpose of paying to each of them such bounty as you may deem advisable.

The theory of our government is that the people rule. This theory can be carried into practical effect only through the ballot box. Thereby the people mould and direct the operations of the government and settle all questions affecting the public welfare. The right of suffrage is therefore highly prized by all good citizens, and should be exercised by them at all times, and especially at times when questions of grave importance are presented for solution. There never has been, perhaps there never will again be a time when questions so important, interests so vital as those now demanding action at the hands of our people were, or will be submitted to them. The very life of the nation is at stake, and may be as fatally lost at the ballot box as on the battlefield. Under such circumstances it is not only the right but the duty of all good citizens to exercise the right of suffrage, and to see to it that the principles for the preservation of which our people are so freely offering their treasure and life, are not jeopardized, are not lost in the halls of legislation — State or National. A very large number of the electors of the State are in the army. We say but little when we say that these men are as good citizens, as intelligent, as patriotic, as devoted to their country, as those who remain at home. Under existing laws these citizens cannot vote, and unless these laws can be changed it may be that the same cause they are periling life in the field to maintain, may be lost at home through supineness or treachery. I therefore recommend that the laws be so modified that all members of Iowa regiments, who would be entitled to vote if at home on the day of election, be allowed to vote wherever they may be stationed in the United States, and that provision be made for receiving and canvassing their votes.

There are in this State some religious bodies who entertain peculiar views on the subject of bearing arms, and whose religious opinions conscientiously entertained preclude their doing so. Their members are generally among our most quiet, orderly and industrious and peaceful citizens, and their sympathies are wholly with the government in this struggle now going on for its preservation, yet they cannot conscientiously bear arms in its support. It appears to me it would be unjust and wholly useless to force such men into the army as soldiers, and yet it would not be just to the government or to other citizens that they should be wholly relieved from the burdens that others have to bear. I suggest therefore that these persons who cannot conscientiously render military duty be exempted therefrom in case of draft upon payment of a fixed sum of money to be paid to the State.

Startling rumors have recently reached me of danger to our people on the northwestern frontier from hostile Indians. I immediately despatched Schuyler R. Ingham of Des Moines to the scene of danger with arms and ammunition and full authority to act as circumstances might require. I have not yet had a report from him, but will immediately upon receipt of such report communicate with you by special message should the emergency require your attention.

The condition of the country is such as justly to cause anxiety and distrust, but not despondency to the patriot. It is true the rebellion against the government has assumed a magnitude and shown a strength we did not anticipate, but it is also true that the government has exhibited a degree of power for its suppression that the most sanguine did not dream of. Our rulers and our people have at last realized the extent of the task before them, and have girded themselves to the work like men. We have all, rulers and people, at last learned, on a page all blotted with tears and blood, that in this war conciliation and kindness are more than useless, and that the enemy, whose social fabric is based upon force, respects only force, and can be subdued by force alone. We are learning, if we have not yet learned, that it is wise to strike the enemy where he is weakest, and to strike him there continually and with all our power, that God's blessing upon our cause will surely bring its triumph, and that we cannot with confidence claim that blessing until our cause by being made in all things like Him — pure and holy, fully deserves it. If we have fully learned these lessons, and shall fairly act upon them, we will soon triumph. If we have not learned them we will yet do so and we will then triumph.

SAMUEL J. KIRKWOOD.

SOURCE: Henry Warren Lathrop, The Life and Times of Samuel J. Kirkwood, Iowa's War Governor, p. 220-4

Diary of Private Charles H. Lynch: March 28, 1864

Camp Hill, Bolivar Heights. Early this morning received orders to prepare three days' rations. Reported we are to go up the valley, scouting. Waiting for orders. At noontime rumors began to circulate that the regiment was ordered home to vote. The news seemed too good to be true. Orders came to detail two men from each company to remain as camp guard. Those who were detailed to remain felt very badly. All were anxious to see home. At this time the anti-war party was very strong in Connecticut, which may seem very strange. They were called copper-heads. Late in the afternoon orders came to fall in. A gay and happy crowd, marching and singing as we go down through Harper's Ferry, where a train was in waiting. Did not take us long to board the train, which soon got under way, bound for Baltimore. Singing, cheering, making merry as the train began to move, on over the Potomac River into Maryland.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 48

From Cairo and Halleck’s Army

(Special to the Chicago Journal.)

CAIRO, May 20.

The steamer Platte Valley, from Pittsburg Landing Monday a. m., has just arrived, but brings nothing important.  Heavy cannonading was heard at the Landing on Sunday night, but no significance was attached to it.  The usual skirmishing occurs daily, but no general engagement is anticipated for some days.

Under the operation of Gen. Halleck’s recent order, an advance guard of Bohemians arrived this morning.  The remainder of the corps, numbering about twenty, is expected to-day, all correspondents having been excluded from within the lines.

The Commissioners to received the votes of Illinois troops on the new Constitution returned from below to-day.  They took the votes of the Illinois soldiers stationed at Columbus and Hickman.  Nearly twelve hundred votes were polled, of which over nine hundred were against its adoption.  It is significant that most of those voting against it are democrats.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, May 22, 1862, p. 1

Defeated

Trenton, N.J., April 6. – the bill allowing the New Jersey soldiers to vote, was discussed to-day in the Assembly, and defeated by a strict party vote, the Democrats opposing.

– Published in The Union Sentinel, Osceola, Iowa, Saturday, April 9, 1864