Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, July 26, 1864

Fessenden has got out an advertisement for a new loan and an address to the people in its behalf. Am not certain that the latter is judicious. Capitalists will not as a general thing loan or invest for patriotism, but for good returns. The advertisement gives high interest, but accompanied by the appeal will excite doubt, rather than inspire confidence among the money-lenders. I am inclined to think he will get funds, for his plan is sensible and much wiser than anything of his predecessor. The idea with Chase seemed to be to pay low interest in money but high prices in irredeemable paper, a scheme that might have temporary success in getting friends and popularity with speculators but is ruinous to the country. The errors of Chase in this respect Mr. Fessenden seems inclined to correct, but other measures are wanted and I trust we shall have them.

Only Bates, Usher, and myself were at the Cabinet to day. Stanton sent over to inquire if his attendance was necessary.

There are rumors that the retreating Rebels have turned upon our troops in the valley, and that our forces, badly weakened by the withdrawal of the Sixth Army Corps, are retreating towards Harper's Ferry. This is not improbable. They may have been strengthened as our forces were weakened.

Rode out this evening, accompanied by Mrs. Welles, and spent an hour with the President and Mrs. Lincoln at the Soldiers' Home.

The papers contain a letter from Governor Letcher stating that General Hunter gave the order for burning his (L.'s) house. I shall wish to hear from H. before believing that he could give such an order, and yet I confess I am not without apprehensions, for Hunter is not always possessed of so much prudence as one should have who holds so responsible a position. The burning of the Institute at the same place and time was not creditable to the army, and if there is any justification or ameliorating circumstances, they should be made to appear. The crude and indefensible notions of some of our people, however, are not general. Indiscriminate warfare on all in the insurrectionary region is not general, and few would destroy private property wantonly.

The New York papers are engaged in a covert and systematic attack on the Navy Department, — covert so far as the Republican or Administration press is concerned. Greeley of the Tribune is secretly hostile to the President and assails him indirectly in this way; so of the Evening Post, a paper hitherto friendly but whose publisher is under bail for embezzlement and fraud which the Navy Department would not conceal. The Times is a profligate Seward and Weed organ, wholly unreliable and in these matters regardless of truth or principle. It supports the President because it is the present policy of Seward. The principal editor, Raymond, is an unscrupulous soldier of fortune, yet recently appointed Chairman of the Republican National Executive Committee. He and some of his colleagues are not to be trusted, yet these political vagabonds are the managers of the party organization. His paper, as well as others, are in a combination with Norman Wiard and pretenders like him against the monitors. Let the poor devils work at that question. The people will not be duped or misled to any great extent by them.

There are demonstrations for a new raid into Maryland and Pennsylvania. I told the President I trusted there would be some energy and decision in getting behind them, cutting them off, and not permitting them to go back, instead of a scare and getting forces to drive them back with their plunder. He said those were precisely his views and he had just been to see and say as much to Halleck. I inquired how H. responded to the suggestion. The President said he was considering it, and was now wanting to ascertain where they had crossed the Potomac and the direction they had taken.

I apprehend it is not a large force, but a cavalry raid, which will move rapidly and create alarm. Likely they will go into the Cumberland Valley and then west, for they will scarcely take the old route to return. But these are crude speculations of mine. I get nothing from Halleck, and I doubt if he has any plan, purpose, or suggestion. Before he will come to a conclusion the raiders will have passed beyond his reach.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 86-8

Diary of John Hay: September 20, 1863

Sunday morning, the 20th of September, the President showed me Rosecrans’ despatches of the day before, detailing the first day's fighting, and promising a complete victory on the next day. The President was a little uneasy over the promise, and very uneasy that Burnside was not within supporting distance.

The next morning he came into my bed-room before I was up, and sitting down on my bed said: — “Well, Rosecrans has been whipped as I feared. I have feared it for several days. I believe I feel trouble in the air before it comes. Rosecrans says we have met with a serious disaster — extent not ascertained. Burnside instead of obeying the orders which were given on the 14th, & going to Rosecrans, has gone up on a foolish affair to Jonesboro to capture a party of guerillas who are there.”

Day by day the news brightens up. Thomas held his own magnificently, and virtually whipped the enemy opposed to him. The scattered divisions came together. The enemy halted. Rosecrans established himself again at Chattanooga. The stampede seemed to be over.

On Wednesday night, the 23d, coming home, I found on my table some interesting despatches from the rebel papers which I thought the President would like to read. They contained pretty full accounts of rebel losses in the late battles; among other things chronicling the death of B. Hardin Helm, Mrs. L.’s brother-in-law, who spent some time with the family here and was made a paymaster by the President. I took them over to the War Department to give them to an orderly to carry to the President. I found there the Secretary of War who was just starting to the Soldiers' Home to request the President to come to the Department to attend a council to be held there that night, rendered expedient, as he said, by recent despatches from Chattanooga.

While I was in the room they were endeavoring to decipher an intricate message from Rosecrans giving reasons for the failure of the battle. The Secretary says: “I know the reasons well enough. Rosecrans ran away from his fighting men and did not stop for thirteen miles.” A moment after, he broke in: “No, they need not shuffle it off on McCook. He is not much of a soldier. I never was in favor of him for a Major-General. But he is not accountable for this business. He and Crittenden both made pretty good time away from the fight to Chattanooga, but Rosecrans beat them both.”

I went out to the Soldiers' Home through a splendid moonlight, and found the President abed. I delivered my message to him as he dressed himself, and he was considerably disturbed. I assured him as far as I could that it meant nothing serious, but he thought otherwise, as it was the first time Stanton had ever sent for him. When we got in, however, we found a despatch from Rosecrans stating that he could hold Chattanooga against double his number; could not be taken until after a great battle; his stampede evidently over.

They came together to discuss the practicability of reinforcing Rosecrans from Meade. Present: A. Lincoln, Halleck, Stanton, Seward, Chase, Watson and Hardie, and for a while McCallum. It was resolved to do it. The 11th and 12th Corps were selected for the purpose, Hooker to be placed in command of both. Finished the evening by a supper with Stanton, where few ate.

On the morning of the 26th Gen'l H , 11th Corps, came in as he was passing through town. A fine, handsome, thoughtful looking New an exchanged prisoner whom the rebs captured at Gettysburg; later in the evening came S , 12th Corps. He said he would call in the morning. He did so, Sunday morning, accompanied by Governor S . The result of the visit, a request by the President to General R urging him to take S from H 's force and give H some corresponding force. S does not seem to me a very large man. He seems peevish, irritable, fretful. H says he is all that on account of his digestive apparatus being out of repair. H does not speak unkindly of him while he never mentions H but to attack him.

To-night (Sept. 27) drove out to the Soldiers' Home with Hooker. The President who had been spending the evening at the War Department, arranging some plan by which Burnside may be allowed to continue his occupation and protection of East Tennessee, went out at nine o'clock, and Hooker, who wanted to take leave, went out afterwards picking me up on the street. He does not specially approve of the campaign down there. He thinks we might force them to fight at disadvantage, instead of allowing them to continually choose the battle-ground. Does not think much can be made by lengthening Rosecrans’s line indefinitely into Georgia. Atlanta is a good thing on account of the railroads and storehouses and factories. But a long line weakens an army by constant details, while the enemy, falling back gradually, keeps his army intact till the itinerary equalises the opposing forces.

Hooker goes in the morning. I hope they will give him a fair show. Slocum's hostility is very regrettable. Hooker is a fine fellow. The President says: — “Whenever trouble arises I can always rely upon Hooker’s magnanimity.” The President this morning asked him to write to him. I told him if he did not wish to write to the Tycoon, he might write to me. I wish I were able to go with him. But Nicolay is in the mountains getting beef on his bones, and I am a prisoner here. With Rosecrans, Sherman, Burnside and Hooker, they will have a magnificent army there in a few days and some great fighting if Burnside does not run. Deserters say R. P. Hill is coming. I don't believe that.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 103-7; For the whole diary entry see Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and letters of John Hay, p. 92-4.

Diary of John Hay: August 23, 1863

Last night we went to the Observatory with Mrs. Long. They were very kind and attentive. The Pre^st took a look at the moon & Arcturus. I went with him to the Soldiers’ Home, and he read Shakespeare to me, the end of Henry V, and the beginning of Richard III, till my heavy eyelids caught his considerate notice, and he sent me to bed. This morning we ate an egg, and came in very early.

He went to the library to write a letter to Conkling, and I went to pack my trunk for the North. . . . Staid about a week at Long Branch. Fine air — disgusting bathing — pretty women, and everything lovely. No politics, no war, nothing to remind me while there that there was such a thing as government or a soul to save. Count Gurowski was an undertone of nuisance — that was all.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 94; For the whole diary entry see Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and letters of John Hay, p. 82-3.

Diary of John Hay: September 26, 1862

Last night, September 25, the President and I were riding to Soldiers’ Home; he said he had heard of an officer who had said they did not mean to gain any decisive victory, but to keep things running on so that they, the army, might manage things to suit themselves. He said he should have the matter examined, and if any such language had been used his head should go off.

I talked a great deal about the McClellan conspiracy, but he would make no answer to anything. He merely said that McC. was doing nothing to make himself either respected or feared.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 67-8; Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War: in the Diaries and letters of John Hay, p. 50-1.

Diary of John Hay: September 1, 1862

Saturday morning, the 30th of August, I rode out into the country and turned in at the Soldiers' Home. The President’s horse was standing by the door, and in a moment the President appeared, and we rode into town together.

We talked about the state of things by Bull Run and Pope’s prospect. The President was very outspoken in regard to McClellan’s present conduct. He said that it really seemed to him McC. wanted Pope defeated. He mentioned to me a despatch of McC.^s in which he proposed, as one plan of action, to “leave Pope to get out of his own scrape and devote ourselves to securing Washington.” He spoke also of McC’s dreadful panic in the matter of Chain Bridge, which he had ordered blown up the night before, but which order had been countermanded; and also of his incomprehensible interference with Franklin’s Corps which he recalled once, and then, when they had been sent ahead by Halleck’s order, begged permission to recall them again; and only desisted after Halleck’s sharp injunction to push them ahead till they whipped something, or got whipped themselves. The President seemed to think him a little crazy. Envy, jealousy and spite are probably a better explanation of his present conduct. He is constantly sending despatches to the President and Halleck asking what is his real position and command. He acts as chief alarmist and grand marplot of the army.

The President, on my asking if Halleck had any prejudices, rejoined: — “No! Halleck is wholly for the service. He does not care who succeeds or who fails, so the service is benefited.”

Later in the day we were in Halleck’s room. Halleck was at dinner and Stanton came in while we were waiting for him, and carried us off to dinner. A pleasant little dinner and a pretty wife as white and cold and motionless as marble, whose rare smiles seemed to pain her. Stanton was loud about the McC. business. He was unqualifiedly severe upon McClellan. He said that after these battles there should be one court-martial, if never any more. He said that nothing but foul play could lose us this battle, and that it rested with McC. and his friends. Stanton seemed to believe very strongly in Pope. So did the President, for that matter. We went back to the Headquarters and found General Halleck. He seemed quiet and somewhat confident. He said the greatest battle of the century was now being fought. He said he had sent every man that could go to the field. At the War Department we found that M^r Stanton had sent a vast army of volunteer nurses out to the field, probably utterly useless, over which he gave Gen^l Wadsworth command.

Everything seemed to be going well and hilarious on Saturday, and we went to bed expecting glad tidings at sunrise. But about eight o'clock the President came to my room as I was dressing, and calling me out, said: — “Well, John, we are whipped again, I am afraid. The enemy reinforced on Pope and drove back his left wing, and he has retired to Centreville where he says he will be able to hold his men. I don't like that expression. I don't like to hear him admit that his men need holding.”

After awhile, however, things began to look better, and, people's spirits rose as the heavens cleared. The President was in a singularly defiant tone of mind. He often repeated, “We must hurt this enemy before it gets away.” And this morning, Monday, (September 1), he said to me, when I made a remark in regard to the bad look of things: — “No, Mr. Hay, we must whip these people now. Pope must fight them; if they are too strong for him he can gradually retire to these fortifications. If this be not so, — if we are really whipped, and to be whipped, we may as well stop fighting.”

It is due in great measure to his indomitable will that army movements have been characterized by such energy and celerity for the last few days. There is one man who seems thoroughly to reflect and satisfy him in everything he undertakes. This is Haupt, the Railroad man at Alexandria. He has, as Chase says, a Major General's head on his shoulders. The President is particularly struck with the business-like character of his despatch, telling in the fewest words the information most sought for, which contrasted so strongly with the weak, whining, and incorrect despatches of the whilom General-in-Chief. If heads or shoulder straps could be exchanged, it would be a good thing, in either case, here. A good railroader would be spoiled, but the General gained would compensate. The corps of Haupt starting from Alexandria, have acted as pioneers, advance-guard, voltigeurs, and every other light infantry arm of the service.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 60-4;  Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War: in the Diaries and letters of John Hay, p. 44-7.

Diary of Salmon P. Chase, Tuesday, September 9, 1862

Maj. Andrews came to breakfast. Told him I had seen Secretary of War, who had assured me that Col. Crook's commission as Brigadier had been sent him.

Went to Department. Directed Commission for 10th New York district to be sent to Hyatt. Directed Mr. Rogers to proceed to New York and expedite alteration in Exchange and Custom House, and make proper contracts for the same.

Went to President's to attend Cabinet Meeting, but there was only a talk. I proposed the creation of a Department beyond the Mississippi and that Clay be placed in command, with whom Frank P. Blair should be associated; and that an Expedition should be organized to Petersburgh and afterwards to Charleston.

Genl. Van Ransellaer called to ask my interest for him as Paymaster-General; and Mr. Carroll, to ask the same for Genl. Griffin. — Went to War Department, where Watson told me that Genl. McClellan had telegraphed expressing doubt if there was any large rebel force in Maryland, and apprehension that their movement might be a feint. — Watson dined with me. Read him Denison's letter from New-Orleans about evacuation of Baton Rouge — Butler's black Regiment — etc., etc.

Just after dinner, Capt. —— came in with Mr. G—,who had been arrested near Soldiers' Home as a suspicious character — taken before Genl. Wadsworth, to whom he said he was known to me — sent by Genl. W. to me — identified and discharged. He is an Englishman of a Manchester House, who brought a letter from Mr. Sayard to acting Minister Stuart, by whom he had been commended to me. Riding around to gratify curiosity he had fallen into trouble.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 71

Abraham Lincoln to Mary Todd Lincoln, November 9, 1862

Washington,

Nov. 9. 1862

Mrs. A. Lincoln

Boston, Mass.

Mrs. Cuthbert & Aunt Mary want to move to the White House, because it has grown so cold at Soldiers Home. Shall they?

A. LINCOLN

SOURCE:  Roy P. Basler, Editor, The Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Vol. 5, p. 492

Diary of John Hay, August 30 – September 1, 1862

Saturday morning, the 30th of August, I rode out into the country and turned in at the Soldiers' Home. The President's horse was standing by the door, and in a moment the President appeared, and we rode into town together.

We talked about the state of things by Bull Run and P[ope] 's prospect. The President was very outspoken in regard to McC 's present conduct. He said that it really seemed to him McC wanted P defeated. He mentioned to me a despatch of McC[lellan] 's in which he proposed, as one plan of action, to "leave P[ope] to get out of his own scrape and devote ourselves to securing Washington." He spoke also of Mc[Clellan] 's dreadful panic in the matter of Chain Bridge, which he had ordered blown up the night before, but which order had been countermanded; and also of his incomprehensible interference with Franklin's Corps which he recalled once, and then, when they had been sent ahead by H[alleck]'s order, begged permission to recall them again; and only desisted after H[alleck]'s sharp injunction to push them ahead till they whipped something, or got whipped themselves. The President seemed to think him a little crazy. Envy, jealousy and spite are probably a better explanation of his present conduct. He is constantly sending despatches to the President and H asking what is his real position and command. He acts as chief alarmist and grand marplot of the army.

The President, on my asking if H[alleck] had any prejudices, rejoined : — "No! H[alleck] is wholly for the service. He does not care who succeeds or who fails, so the service is benefited."

Later in the day we were in H[alleck]'s room. H[alleck] was at dinner and S[tanton] came in while we were waiting for him, and carried us off to dinner. A pleasant little dinner and a pretty wife as white and cold and motionless as marble, whose rare smiles seemed to pain her. S[tanton] was loud about the McC[lellan] business. He was unqualifiedly severe upon McC[lellan] . He said that after these battles there should be one court-martial, if never any more. He said that nothing but foul play could lose us this battle, and that it rested with McC[lellan] and his friends. S[tanton] seemed to believe very strongly in P[ope]. So did the President, for that matter.

We went back to the Headquarters and found Gen'l H[alleck] . He seemed quiet and somewhat confident. He said the greatest battle of the century was now being fought. He said he had sent every man that could go to the field. At the War Department we found that Mr. S[tanton] had sent a vast army of volunteer nurses out to the field, probably utterly useless, over which he gave Gen'l W___ command.

Everything seemed to be going well and hilarious on Saturday, and we went to bed expecting glad tidings at sunrise. But about eight o'clock the President came to my room as I was dressing, and calling me out, said: — “Well, John, we are whipped again, I am afraid. The enemy reinforced on P[ope] and drove back his left wing, and he has retired to Centreville where he says he will be able to hold his men. I don't like that expression. I don't like to hear him admit that his men need holding."

After awhile, however, things began to look better, and, people's spirits rose as the heavens cleared. The President was in a singularly defiant tone of mind. He often repeated, "We must hurt this enemy before it gets away." And this morning, Monday, (September 1), he said to me, when I made a remark in regard to the bad look of things: —  “No, Mr. Hay, we must whip these people now. P[ope] must fight them; if they are too strong for him he can gradually retire to these fortifications. If this be not so, — if we are really whipped, and to be whipped, we may as well stop fighting."

It is due in great measure to his indomitable will that army movements have been characterized by such energy and celerity for the last few days. There is one man who seems thoroughly to reflect and satisfy him in everything he undertakes. This is H[aupt], the Railroad man at Alexandria. He has, as C___ says, a Major General's head on his shoulders. The President is particularly struck with the business-like character of his despatch, telling in the fewest words the information most sought for, which contrasted so strongly with the weak, whining, and incorrect despatches of the whilom General-in-Chief. If heads or shoulder straps could be exchanged, it would be a good thing, in either case, here. A good railroader would be spoiled, but the General gained would compensate. The corps of H[aupt] starting from Alexandria, have acted as pioneers, advance-guard, voltigeurs, and every other light infantry arm of the service.

SOURCES: John Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts From Diary, Volume 1, p. 60-4; Haper’s Monthly Magazine, Vol. 130, No.775, December 1914, p. 95.

Mary Todd Lincoln to Mrs. John C. Sprigg, May 29, 1862

May 29^th

Executive Mansion.

My Dear Mrs Sprigg:

Your very welcome letter was received two weeks since, and my sadness & ill health have alone prevented my replying to it. We have met with so overwhelming an affliction in the death of our beloved Willie a being too precious for earth, that I am so completely unnerved, that I can scarcely command myself to write – What would give to see you & talk to you in our crushing bereavement, if any one's presence could afford comfort – it would be yours. You were always a good friend & dearly have I loved you. All that human skill could do was done for our sainted boy, I fully believe the severe illness, he passed through, now, almost two years since, was but a warning to us that one so pure, was not to remain long here and at the same time, he was lent us a little longer – to try us & wean us from our world, whose chains were fastening around us & when the blow came it found us unprepared to meet it. Our home is very beautiful, the grounds around us are enchanting the world still smiles & pays homage, yet the charm is dispelled – everything appears a mockery, the idolized one is not with us, he has fulfilled his mission and we are left desolate. When I think over his short but happy childhood, how much comfort he always was to me, and how fearfully I always found my hopes concentrating on so good a boy as he was – when I can bring myself to realize that he has indeed passed away my question to myself is 'can life be endured?' Dear little Taddie who was so devoted to his darling Brother, although is deeply afflicted as ourselves, bears up and teaches us a lesson, in enduring the stroke, to which we must submit. Robert will be home from Cambridge in about six weeks and will spend his vacation with us. He has grown & improved more than any one you ever saw. Well we ever meet & talk together as we have done. Time how many sad changes it brings. The 1st of July we go out to the 'Soldier's Home', a very charming place 2 ½ miles from the city, several hundred feet above our present situation, to pass the summer. I dread that it will be a greater resort than here if possible, when we are in sorrow quiet is very necessary to us. Mr. Dubois, I suppose has reached home, ere this. I see by the papers that Mr. Burch is married - We have some pieces of furniture still remaining at his house, may I ask a favor of you. It is this. If Mr. Black can have room for them, can they be moved to any place above his store, where he may have room for them. The sofa, at Mr. Burch's, was new. A few months before we left. May I also ask you to speak to Mr. Black, and see if the 8 boxes we left with him are all there. I fear we have been troublesome friends. I send you a list of the articles sent me by Mr. B. If you feel the least delicacy about this - I will not wish you to do it. Whenever you have leisure, I hope you will write me. With love to you all, I remain ever your attached friend

Mary Lincoln.

SOURCES: Published in The New York Times, January 16, 1882, p. 2; The letter was offered for sale at Heritage Auctions, accessed January 3, 2014; Library of Congress, Voices of the Civil War: Our Crushing Berievement, accessed January 3, 2014; Library of Congress Blog: A Grief Like No Other, accessed January 3, 2014;