Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, February 7, 1863

Two or three Members of the House have had an opportunity to spend their wrath on me in relation to appointment of midshipmen. Calvert is quite angry on two or three matters and takes this opportunity to vent his spite. Washburne of Illinois, who has the reputation of being the “meanest man in the House,” is sore under my reply to his inquiry concerning the “vessel Varuna”; others but little better than Washburne were abusive.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 234

James Buchanan to John Tyler, February 22, 1861

washington, February 22, 1861.

My Dear Sir: I found it impossible to prevent two or three companies of the Federal troops from joining in the procession to-day with the volunteers of the District, without giving serious offence to the tens of thousands of people who have assembled to witness the parade.

The day is the anniversary of Washington's birth, a festive occasion throughout the land, and it has been particularly marked by the House of Representatives.

The troops everywhere else join such processions in honor of the birthday of the Father of our Country, and it would be hard to assign a good reason why they should be excluded from the privilege in the Capital founded by himself. They are here simply as a posse comitatus, to aid the civil authorities in case of need. Besides, the programme was published in the National Intelligencer of this morning without my personal knowledge, the War Department having considered the celebration of the national anniversary by the military arm of the Government as a matter of course.

From your friend, very respectfully,

james Buchanan.

President Tyler.

SOURCE: Samuel Wylie Crawford, The Genesis of the Civil War: The Story of Sumter, 1860-1861, p. 274-5

William Barton Rogers to Henry Darwin Rogers, January 2, 1860

Boston, January 2, 1860.

My Dear Henry,  . . . Robert has had some trouble of late in arresting the foolish attempt of the Southern students to withdraw from Philadelphia. Through his exertions the University class lost only some fifteen, and those of the most worthless sort, but one hundred and fifty of the class at the Jefferson school went off in a body to Richmond. It seems that the movement was in part instigated by some of the professors in Richmond and other Southern cities, and, worse still, the foolish young men were received with rejoicings and a speech of congratulation from Governor Wise!!

No Speaker has yet been elected in Congress, but there is little doubt that the Republican candidate will be chosen. Nor do I think the Southern members, with all their threats of secession and resistance, will attempt anything of the kind. After blowing off their superfluous steam, they will subside into more rational speech and action. It is, however, clear that the conflict between pro-slavery and anti-slavery is henceforth to be perpetual until freedom has triumphed throughout all the States. Little as I can sympathize in John Brown's insurrectionary projects, I believe that the panic will bear good fruit by and by in hastening the legislation which was once in Virginia so near arranging a plan of prospective emancipation. . . .

I have been reading the early chapters of Darwin's book with great interest. . . .

I send you the proceedings of the Natural History Society, containing some little matters of mine which may be interesting. What I say in regard to the Vespertine and Umbral rocks of the Provinces, etc., is intended to show that we long ago recognized these two divisions as important in North American geology, although they are only now becoming recognized by Logan and Dawson. You will see also a short notice of my discovery of a Lingula in the slates of St. John, where no fossils had previously been found.

A Memorial prepared by me in behalf of the Natural History, Horticultural and other societies will be presented to the Legislature erelong, and it is thought the grant of land on the Back Bay will be made for their benefit. My Memorial has been highly approved.

. . . The more I look into Darwin's argument the more I like it, save in the one particular of ignoring entirely violent and sudden physical changes. The calmness and truth-loving spirit of the book are truly admirable. Much of it I know you will approve.

SOURCE: Emma Savage Rogers & William T. Sedgwick, Life and Letters of William Barton Rogers, Volume 2, p. 18-9

Major-General John A. Dix to Major Robert Anderson, March 4, 1861

Washington, March 4, 1861.

MY Dear Major, — I have just come from the inauguration of Mr. Lincoln, and in a day or two more I expect to be relieved from my duties as Secretary of the Treasury and return to my family, after my short, but laborious and responsible, term of official service. I shall send you, by the same mail which takes this note, an answer to a call made upon me by the House of Representatives for information in regard to certain transactions in the extreme Southern States. It discloses demoralization in all that concerns the faithful discharge of official duty which, if it had pleased God, I could have wished never to have lived to see. The cowardice and treachery of General Twiggs is more disheartening than all that has transpired since this disgraceful career of disloyalty to the government commenced. No man can help feeling that he is himself stained in reputation by this national degradation. I can hardly realize that I am living in the age in which I was born and educated.

In the midst of these evidences of degeneracy — in the face of the humiliating spectacle of base intrigues to overthrow the government by those who are living upon its bounty, and of a pusillanimous or perfidious surrender of the trusts confided to them — the country turns with a feeling of relief, which you cannot understand, to the noble example of fidelity and courage presented by you and your gallant associates. God knows how ardently I wish you a safe deliverance! But let the issue be what it may, you will connect with your name the fame of historical recollections, with which life itself can enter into no comparison. One of the most grateful of my remembrances will be that I was once your commanding officer.

I write in haste, but from the heart, and can only add, may God preserve you and carry you in triumph through the perils of your position! I have never doubted, if you were assailed, that the honor of the country would be gloriously vindicated, and the disgrace cast upon it by others would be signally rebuked by your courage and constancy.

I am, my dear Major, faithfully your friend,

John A. Dix.

Major Robt. Anderson.

P.S. — It is gratifiying to know that your State remains faithful to the Union.

My kind regards to Lieutenant Hall.

SOURCE: Morgan Dix, Memoirs of John Adams Dix, Volume 2, p. 7-8

Congressman Israel Washburn, Jr. to James S. Pike, January 25, 1860

Washington, January 25, 1860.

Dear Pike: “Want of penetration!” “By the Lord, I knew ye!” but as I had been told that you were coming to Washington about this time, I supposed Greeley would be most likely to get the letter, and I desired mainly to thank the Tribune.

Tom Corwin has made a six hour’ speech, wise and witty, a little pro-slavery, a good deal anti-slavery, but quite likely to bring out twenty speeches on the two sides, and not unlikely in the end to elect a Democratic Speaker, and certain to make the country hold the Republicans responsible for the non-organization; i.e., responsible to a considerable extent. Only think, a six hours’ speech on all subjects under the sun addressed to the clerk, and this in rebuke of those Republicans who have labored all these weeks to bring the House to its duty, and prevent speaking on our side!

Are you for Edward Bates for President? A categorical answer requested.

Yours truly,

I. Washburn, Jr.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 479

Congressman James M. Ashley to Abraham Lincoln, January 31, 1865

House Of Representatives, January 31, 1865.

Dear Sir: The report is in circulation in the House that Peace Commissioners are on their way or in the city, and [it] is being used against us. If it is true, I fear we shall lose the bill. Please authorize me to contradict it, if it is not true.

Respectfully,

J. M. Ashley.

To the President.

SOURCE: John G. Nicolay and John Hay, Editors, The Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 10, p. 349

Abraham Lincoln to Congressman James M. Ashley, January 31, 1865

So far as I know there are no Peace Commissioners in the city or likely to be in it.

A. Lincoln.

January 31, 1865.

SOURCE: John G. Nicolay and John Hay, Editors, The Complete Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 10, p. 349

Diary of Reverend James Freeman Clarke: January 12, 1863

Smithsonian; Sanitary; Capitol; Senate, House, and Library; Long Bridge.

SOURCE: Edwin Everett Hale, Editor, James Freeman Clarke: Autobiography, Diary and Correspondence, p. 285

Captain Charles Russell Lowell to Anna Jackson Lowell, February 1, 1863

Boston,¹ Feb. 4, 1863.

I am very glad to see that the Negro Army Bill has got so well through the House, — Governor Andrew is going to try a Regiment in Massachusetts. I am afraid he is too sanguine — it would be wiser to start with a smaller number, to be increased to a regiment in South Carolina, Texas, or Louisiana. The blacks here are too comfortable to do anything more than talk about freedom. I hope you are not too comfortable; comfort is so “demoralizing.”

¹ Relative positions were now reversed, as Captain Lowell had been detailed to raise and drill the Second Massachusetts Cavalry, and his mother had been summoned to Washington, to the bedside of her daughter Anna, a nurse in Armory Square Military Hospital, who had fallen ill.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 233-4, 413

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, February 22, 1864

Headquarters Army Of Potomac

February 22, '64

General Meade is in excellent spirits and cracks a great many jokes and tells stories. You can't tell how different he is when he has no movement on his mind, for then he is like a firework, always going bang at someone, and nobody ever knows who is going to catch it next, but all stand in a semi-terrified state. There is something sardonic in his natural disposition, which is an excellent thing in a commander; it makes people skip round so. General Humphreys is quite the contrary. He is most easy to get on with, for everybody; but, practically, he is just as hard as the Commander, for he has a tremendous temper, a great idea of military duty, and is very particular. When he does get wrathy, he sets his teeth and lets go a torrent of adjectives that must rather astonish those not used to little outbursts. There came down with the General (who returned yesterday from Washington) a Mr. Kennedy, Chief of the Census Bureau, a very intelligent man, full of figures. He can tell you how many people have pug noses in Newton Centre, and any other little thing you want. There was a bill passed in the House of Reps to raise 100,000 negro troops, from the free colored men of the North. When the bill came before the Senate, Mr. Kennedy sent in word that there were less than 50,000 colored men who were free and capable of bearing arms in the whole North, which rather squelched the bill! He says that the free negroes South increase hardly at all; while those in the North even decrease; but the slaves increase more than any other class. So I think it will be best to free the whole lot of them and then they will sort of fade out.

There are perfect shoals of women-kind now in the army — a good many, of course, in Culpeper, where they can live in houses. The rest of them must live a sort of Bedouin life. The only one I have seen of late is Mrs. Captain Commissary Coxe, for behold we had a service al fresco, near General Patrick's tent. There was Mr. Rockwell as clergyman, quite a good preacher, and very ready to speak, nevertheless not too long in his remarks. I marched over with a camp-stool very solemnly. There were quite a collection of officers from the Headquarters, also a company of cavalry, which was marched down dismounted and stood meekly near by; for this cavalry belongs to General Patrick, and the General is pious, and so his men have to be meek and lowly. Likewise came some of the red-legs, or Zouaves, or 114th Pennsylvania, who finally had an air of men who had gone to a theatre and did not take an interest in the play. There too were some ladies, who were accommodated with a tent open in front, so as to allow them to see and hear. The band of the Zouaves sang the hymns and were quite musical. . . . To-night is a great ball of the 2d Corps. The General has gone to it; also General Humphreys. None of the Staff were invited, save George Meade, to the huge indignation of the said Staff and my great amusement.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 73-5

Senator James W. Grimes to Commodore Samuel F. Du Pont, February 9, 1862

Washington, February 9, 1862.

I was sorry to learn, a few days ago, that you felt some chagrin at the fact that the resolution tendering to you and to the officers under your command the thanks of Congress for your exploit at Port Royal had not been acted upon. As I am alone responsible for everything in relation to it, I will tell you exactly what the facts were.

The highest honor we can confer at present upon any naval officer is a vote of thanks. To make such honors worth anything they must not be too common or cheap. Knowing that several resolutions of similar import, but for small affairs, were to be offered, I determined to forestall the action of the Senate by setting the example of referring such resolutions to the Committee on Naval Affairs, and thus get the control of them. Accordingly, I introduced the resolutions of thanks to you, and suffered them to remain quietly in the committee, smothering similar resolutions to others, until the sentiment of the Senate on such subjects should become a little rectified. In the mean time, the bill for retirement of old officers became a law, and since then I have waited for the President's recommendation, which would also, if acted upon, place you permanently on the active list. That came to us day before yesterday, and yesterday we passed the resolutions of thanks by a unanimous vote. There will be no difficulty whatever about its passage through the House of Representatives. You will, I trust, perceive that so far from there being the slightest disposition to ignore or slumber over the merits of your case, I have acted solely with a view to subserve your individual interests, and at the same time to advance the good of the service.

We are now all rejoicing over Foote's success in Tennessee. We are much more hopeful than we have been, and I fancy that I can see the end to the rebellion. The army is sore and a little dispirited at the naval successes, while they achieve none. May God bless and prosper you in all your efforts!

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 168-9

Senator James W. Grimes to Elizabeth S. Nealley Grimes, November 13, 1861

Washington, November 13, 1861.

I cannot enlighten you very much about Fremont. He has no doubt done some impolitic and some very foolish things; but I judge from all I can learn that most of the extravagances with which he is charged were prompted or perpetrated by or under the direction of General McKinstry, a regular army officer, who was placed by the Government in charge of his department as quartermaster. Whatever may have been his acts, or omissions to act, however, there is no question in my mind that the real cause of his removal was the proclamation he issued, and which he failed to modify in accordance with the President's wishes. That was the great sin for which he was punished. The Committee of the House of Representatives appointed to investigate Cameron's alleged frauds was composed of Fremont's enemies, and they were soon induced to abandon Cameron and fall upon Fremont. They have drawn out all the ex parte testimony they could that was calculated to implicate him and his friends, giving him no opportunity to deny or rebut it; and yet one of the committee who is very virulent against Fremont told me yesterday that they were unable to trace the transactions which they deemed so exceedingly censurable to him or to his knowledge.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 154-5

Congressman Thomas S. Bocock To Congressman Muscoe R. H. Garnett, November 8, 1859

(Confidential.)

Appomattox, Va. November 8th, 1859.

My Dear Garnett: I received your letter last evening and return many thanks for your kindness. I shall leave here for Martinsburg, about the 20th and soon afterwards expect to be in Washington.

I shall be very much gratified if you would, as you propose, go on some days before the meeting of Congress. Though I have not allowed myself to become much interested about the speakership I will affect no indifference on the subject. I consider my chances for election it is true very poor. The elections of this year have resulted very adversely to Democratic prospects. Parties are so balanced as to invite combinations and they are always controlled by management. In this sense I am not and do not desire to be a manager, because I am unwilling to create false expectations and will not make improper committals. Under all the circumstances however, I would be glad to receive the endorsement of my political friends, whatever might be the result of the election. The Richmond papers circulate mainly in my District as well as in the State, and they seem always to fall into the hands of men who ignore my existence.

The Examiner, (I suppose through the influence of Aylett) ignores me as completely as “The Enquirer.” On this account I would like this endorsement as well as on others which I need not give but which you will appreciate.

As to the chances for the nomination I know but little positively, but I think they are good. A large number of the members of the last House voluntarily tendered me their support, a tolerable proportion of whom are reelected.

The views of the South Carolina gentlemen are known to you. I regret however that only one or two of them attend our nominating Caucuses. I hear through reliable sources that all the Democratic members from Ohio are for me. I have reason to think that the Illinois Democratic delegation, will be found to be so likewise with the exception of Mr. Morris. Craige, Branch, and Ruffin of North Carolina, Crawford of Georgia, Curry, Stallworth, Cobb, and Moore of Alabama, Lamar and McRae of Mississippi, Stevenson and Burnett of Kentucky, Kunkel of Maryland all I think more or less decidedly declared the same preference. Rust of Arkansas is an old friend and a very true man. I have no doubt of him. John Cochrane of New York intimated friendship but was non-committal. I know nothing of the views of that delegation, nor of the Pennsylvania, nor of the Indiana. In relation to my colleagues I feel sure of Edmundson, Millson, Clemens and Jenkins, besides yourself. I think I may safely count on Pryor also. Our good friend W. O. Goode was warmly enlisted in the matter. He wrote me a note not long before his death saying that he hoped to be in Washington at the opening of the session with the view to aid in this object. Smith, Leake, De Jarnette, Harris and Martin I have no reason to count on. Gen[era]l Clark of Missouri expressed favorable intentions, but I suppose that all Missouri will be for Phelps.

Gen[era]l Reuben Davis said he was for Barksdale first and for myself second and I duly appreciate the compliment. I have gone thus into detail, to put you in possession of the field. You might consult freely with South Carolina, Craige of N[orth] C[arolina], Vallandigham and Pendleton of Ohio. Carey, Stallworth, Lamar, Rust, Kuntel, Stevenson and Burnett and of course with my Virginia friends. Give my best regards to Hunter. Two friends of his will be sent to Charleston from the Lynchburg District.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter, 1826-1876, p. 273-4

Senator James W. Grimes to Elizabeth S. Nealley Grimes, June 4, 1860

Washington, June 4, 1860.

We have just had a four hours speech from Sumner on the “Barbarism of Slavery.” In a literary point of view it was of course excellent. As a bitter, denunciatory oration, it could hardly be exceeded in point of style and finish. But, to me, many parts of it sounded harsh, vindictive, and slightly brutal. It is all true that slavery tends to barbarism, but Mr. Sumner furnishes no remedy for the evils he complains of. His speech has done the Republicans no good. Its effect has been to exasperate the Southern members, and render it utterly impossible for Mr. Sumner to exercise any influence here for the good of his State. Mr. C. F. Adams made a manly, statesmanly speech in the House of Representatives, four days ago, which was attentively listened to by everybody. He read it, as did Mr. Sumner his.

Mr. Seward is now here, and made a speech in Executive session the other day on the Mexican Treaty, that to my view showed more intellectual vigor than did his speech which you heard. His speech to which I refer was short, extemporaneous, and very able, converting almost the whole Senate to his views.

The nomination of Lincoln strikes the mass of the people with great favor. He is universally regarded as a scrupulously honest man, and a genuine man of the people.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 127-8

Senator James W. Grimes to Elizabeth S. Nealley Grimes, December 10, 1859

Washington, December 10, 1859.

One week of congressional life is over, and I think it to be the stupidest business I was ever engaged in. We have done nothing in the Senate but discuss “John Brown,” “the irrepressible conflict,” and “the impending crisis,” and no one can imagine where the discussion will stop. The House of Representatives is still unorganized, and daily some members come near to blows. The members on both sides are mostly armed with deadly weapons, and it is said that the friends of each are armed in the galleries. The Capitol resounds with the cry of dissolution, and the cry is echoed throughout the city. And all this is simply to coerce, to frighten the Republicans and others into giving the Democrats the organization of the House. They will not succeed.

I called on Mrs. Trumbull to-day. She is the only woman I have spoken with since I came here. I called on another, to whose party I was invited the other day, and did not go; but she was not at home. You cannot imagine how I dislike this fashionable formality. It is terribly annoying, and I think I shall repudiate the whole thing.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 121-2

Senator James W. Grimes to Elizabeth S. Nealley Grimes, November 30, 1859

Washington, November 30, 1859.

Everybody but me is busy about the organization of the House of Representatives. That, and the execution of John Brown day after to-morrow, are the only topics discussed.

I heard Wendell Phillips lecture on l'Ouverture at Philadelphia, to an immense and breathless audience.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 121

Congressman James A. Garfield to Corydon E. Fuller, December 13, 1863

Washington, Dec. 13, 1863.

My Dear Corydon: — On my arrival here one week ago, I found yours of the 1st of November awaiting me. I am sorry it was not forwarded to me, but it lay here with fifty or sixty others.

I had expected to get here some time before the session began, to secure rooms and take a more active part in the organization of the House, but I was detained at home for the saddest of reasons. We buried our precious little “Trot” the day before I left home. I sat by her bedside for nearly two weeks, watching the little dear one in her terrible struggle for life.

We had at length reached a point where the fever was over, and we had hopes of her recovery, when the diphtheria set in, and we were compelled to sit still and see her die. We buried her on the third day of December, at the very hour she would have reached the end of her fifth month of her fourth year.

I have no words to tell you how dreary and desolate the world is since the light of her little life has gone out. It seems as if the fabric of my life were torn to atoms and scattered to the winds. I try to be cheerful, and look up through the darkness and see the face of our Father looking upon me in love, but it is very, very hard. I will try to be cheerful.

“Yet in these ears till hearing dies

One set, slow bell will seem to toll

The passing of the sweetest soul

That ever looked with human eyes.”

You must pardon me, dear Corydon, if I seem almost dead to life and all that belongs to it.

My bereavement made me still more want to go back to the army, but the President did not think it safe to risk a vote, and so I resigned the Major Generalship and took my seat.

You have seen how triumphantly we elected your friend Colfax. I talked with him of you, and he spoke of you in high terms.

I wish I knew of some way in which I could assist you to a position which would put you into better opportunities for work and usefulness. Tell me if you find any place where I can be of service to you.

Give my love to Mary. I wish she would write to poor Crete, and I wish you would, too. You must forgive this hurried note, for I have a great crush of work upon me just now.

With much love, I am, as ever,

Your own,

James.

SOURCE: Corydon Eustathius Fuller, Reminiscences of James A. Garfield: With Notes Preliminary and Collateral, p. 344-5

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, March 18, 1862

CAMP NEAR ALEXANDRIA, March 18, 1862.

I note all you write about McClellan. I fear it is all true, and that the most desperate efforts have been made and are still being made to take away his command and destroy him. Franklin told me that McClellan said to him, as they followed Lander's corpse, that he almost wished he was in the coffin instead of Lander. It is reported that they were about to introduce into the House of Representatives a vote of want of confidence in him, but were restrained by fearing it would not pass. It is said the President remains his friend.

McClellan is not the man to make himself popular with the masses. His manners are reserved and retiring. He was not popular either in Chicago or Cincinnati, when at the head of large railroad interests. He has never studied or practiced the art of pleasing, and indeed has not paid that attention to it which every man whose position is dependent on popular favor must pay, if he expects to retain his position. Now, you know long before the tide turned, I told you of ill-advised acts on his part, showing a disposition to gratify personal feelings, at the expense of his own interests. I have no doubt now that the enmity of Heintzelman, Sumner, McDowell and Keyes can all be traced to this very cause — his failure to conciliate them, and the injustice they consider his favoritism to others has been to them. So long as he had full swing, they were silent, but so soon as others had shaken the pedestal he stood on, they join in to lend their hands.

Don't you remember as early as last September, telling us how indignant Charles King was at the treatment of General Scott by McClellan, and that the General had said he would have arrested him for disrespect if he had dared to? In the selection of his staff he has not shown the judgment he might have done. There are too many men on it that are not worthy to be around a man with McClellan's reputation. Again, you know my opinion of his treatment of the Ball's Bluff affair, through personal regard for Stone. All these little things have combined, with his political foes, to shake his position. I think, however, it is pretty well settled that Old Abe has determined he will not cut his head off till he has had a chance, and as I wrote you before, all will depend now on the hazard of a die. Any disaster, never mind from what cause, will ruin him, and any success will reinstate him in public favor.

It is very hard to know what is going to be done, or what the enemy will do. My opinion is that they are concentrating all their available forces around Richmond, and that they will make there a determined and desperate resistance. Of course, this defense will be made at first in advance, as far as they deem it prudent to go, or as they can readily retire from, as for instance, the Rappahannock on the north, Fredericksburg and the Potomac on the east, Yorktown and Norfolk on the southeast. Where McClellan will attack them is not known, but before many days are over it will be settled, and we will have a fight either at Fredericksburg, Yorktown or Norfolk. For my part, the sooner we meet them the better. The thing has to be done, and there is nothing gained by delay. The morale is on our side; our recent victories, their retreat from Manassas, all combine to inspirit us and demoralize them; and if our men only behave as we hope and believe they will, I think before long we shall have Richmond.

I rode over this morning and saw Willie.¹ I found on my arrival that there was in camp a party of ladies and gentlemen, consisting of Mr. Charles King, of New York, and his daughter, Mrs. Captain Ricketts, and her sister, who is married to a son of Charles King, a captain in the Twelfth (Willie's) Regiment. These ladies had come out to see Captain King, accompanied by Colonel Van Rensselaer, who you remember married a niece of Charles King. They had prepared a lunch, and all the officers were partaking of it, and having, as is usual, a merry time. Soon after I rode up, Miss King recognized Kuhn, who was with me, and sent Captain Wister,² of the regiment after him, and in a few minutes Colonel Van Rensselaer came up to me, and, after the usual salutations, politely asked me to permit him to present me to the party. Of course I had to say yes, and went up with him and joined the party. Mrs. Ricketts, you know, was a Miss Lawrence. I had known her mother and family all my life. She is now a great heroine. After doing the civil to the party I retired.

__________

¹ William Sergeant, brother of Mrs. Meade.

² Francis Wister, captain 12th U. S. Infantry.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 253-4

“Abolitionism.”

The aegis of the Federal Government will soon be withdrawn from slavery.  On the land and on the sea, wherever the flag of the Union is unfurled under the jurisdiction on its broad folds.  Another step in the right direction was taken in Congress on Monday last, by the House of Representatives passing Mr. Arnold’s “National Freedom” bill, abolishing and prohibiting slavery in all the Territories of the United States, also in all Federal dock-yards, forts, magazines, arsenals or other Government buildings or premises, in all vessels on the high seas and on national highways that are beyond the territory or jurisdiction of the several States from which or to which the said vessels may be going, and indeed “in all places whatsoever where the National Government is supreme, or has exclusive jurisdiction and power.”  The world moves!

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Thursday Morning, May 15, 1862, p. 2

The Washington Dispatches say . . .

. . . that the Committee of Ways and Means are at present besieged by a horde of speculators some of whom have stored large quantities of goods now on the free list, and would like to see a large duty laid on their importation, to enhance their value.  Others are endeavoring to find out what articles are to be taxed and what to remain on the free list, in order that they may telegraph their confederate speculators in the large cities.  The Committee of Ways and Means, however intend to exercise the utmost secrecy until the bills are ready to be presented to the House.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 2