Showing posts with label Wendell Phillips. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Wendell Phillips. Show all posts

Thursday, July 26, 2018

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to a Louisa Storrow Higginson, October 27,1859

Worcester, October 27,1859
Dearest Mother:

While you are dreaming of me in this alarming manner, I am placidly laying out a new bed of crocuses and tulips for the spring, and buying at auction a second-hand tapestry Brussels, quite handsome, for seventy cents a yard, to put in the study. This afternoon an African brother visits us, not for insurrectionary purposes, but to aid in putting down the same on the study floor.

Of course I think enough about Brown, though I don't feel sure that his acquittal or rescue would do half as much good as his being executed; so strong is the personal sympathy with him. We have done what we could for him by sending counsel and in other ways that must be nameless. By we I mean Dr. Howe, W. Phillips, J. A. Andrew, and myself. If the trial lasts into next week, it is possible to make some further arrangements for his legal protection. But beyond this no way seems open for anything; there is (as far as one can say such a thing) no chance for forcible assistance, and next to none for stratagem. Never was there a case which seemed more perfectly impracticable: and so far as any service on the spot is concerned, there are others who could perform it better than I. Had I been a lawyer, however, I should probably have gone on at once, to act at least temporarily as his Counsel. A young man from Boston named Hoyt has gone on for this, and probably Montgomery Blair, of Washington, will be there to-day, to conduct the case.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 85-6

Sunday, July 15, 2018

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to Louisa Storrow Higginson, March 22, 1861

March 22, 1861
Dearest Mother:

Did you ever hear of George Smalley [the newspaper correspondent], a young lawyer who once lived here and was at one time engaged to our pretty Susan Gray? He is now in Boston; never heard Wendell Phillips speak till the time of Richard S. Fay's row, then fell desperately in love with him and in all the dangers since was his bodyguard, never leaving him and watching many nights in his house. This he enjoyed thoroughly, being a trained athlete and a natural soldier. When I saw him at Wendell's planning with us to mount guard, and then turning to pretty Phoebe to arrange little plans to keep everybody still and spare Mrs. P.'s nerves, I thought to myself that the adopted daughter might prove the next attraction, and now it turns out they are engaged. He is tall, erect, strong, blond, Saxon, and she a brunette with lovely eyes and a Welsh smile — you know her mother was Welsh; they will be a picturesque couple, and it is quite a chivalrous little affair.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 82-3

Thursday, June 28, 2018

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, January 27, 1857

Worcester, January 27, 1857

I send you my speech at our Convention. You asked if I was led into it. It was entirely my doing, from beginning to end; nobody else would have dared to do it, because I knew of nobody at first who would take part with me, except the Garrisonians who were Disunionists before, but I found several rather influential persons, and the whole thing has succeeded better than we expected.

A nice pamphlet report will soon appear. I am surprised that you should not see the weakness of Theodore Parker's idea of preserving the Union for the slaves, when everybody admits that but for the Union, ten would escape where one now does, and slavery be soon abolished in the Northern Slave States. Last week Colonel Benton was here, and when he said these things as arguments against Disunion, everybody applauded, much to his surprise. They say his speech did more than our Convention.

I had a note from Mr. Sumner the other day, who thinks that Virginia will secede, first or last, and take all the States except perhaps Maryland, which can only be held by force. If it were not for the necessity of keeping Washington and the Mississippi, it would be well to have it so, but since those must be kept, it is hard to predict the end. I think however that you need feel no anxiety in Brattleboro'; I don't think the battering-rams (of which the old lady in the Revolutionary times, according to Rose Terry, was so afraid, her only ideas of warfare being based on the Old Testament and Josephus) will get so far. And I think there is more danger of compromise than war, at any rate.

I don't know whether you are aware of an impression which exists in many minds, but which I cannot attach any weight to, as yet, that the seceding States will prefer to abolish slavery, under the direction of England and France, rather than come under Yankee domination again. Wendell Phillips thinks this and says the Fremonts are very confident of it. If they made such a bargain, I think it would end the war and separate us and I don't think it would be so formidable a result, certainly. Even as a matter of Union, it would lead to ultimate reconstruction, for nothing but slavery can ever keep us permanently apart. And the slaves may be better off if emancipated by their masters than by us. Still I don't believe there is any chance of it.

Nothing could have happened better fitted to create enthusiasm than to begin the war by such a distinct overt act from the Southern Confederacy — and by a great disappointment. When you consider that such a man as Mr. Ripley firmly expected to see fighting in the streets of New York with the friends of the South there, and that the New York Mayor advocated annexation to the Southern Confederacy, the unanimous enthusiasm there is astonishing, compelling Bennett [of the "New York Herald"] to turn his editorials to the Northern side, for personal safety. Nothing else has been so remarkable as this.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 78-80

Thursday, May 31, 2018

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, March 1859

March, 1859

My lectures are over [for the season]. One of the last was at Dedham, and I stayed at Edmund Quincy's charming, English-looking place. Did you ever hear of an English traveller who, looking out of Mr. Ticknor's window, pointed out as the only two Americans he had seen who looked like gentlemen, W. Phillips and Edmund Quincy?

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 72

Saturday, May 26, 2018

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, February 1859


Worcester, February, 1859

George Curtis lectured here last week. With the most delicious elocution we have — except perhaps Wendell Phillips's — and a fascinating rhetoric and an uncorrupted moral integrity, he showed yet a want of intellectual vigor and training which will always prevent him from being a great man. Yet he perfectly fascinated everybody.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 72

Wednesday, May 23, 2018

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to George William Curtis, January 23, 1857

Do you remember, on your last visit to Worcester, that I said that there was but one thing wanting to your position — that you should become an abolitionist? I rejoiced in your brave action and fine speeches. But anti-slavery has to you been a summer sea, and you riding nobly on the advancing waves. What is to be your future? We do not ask you to join us, till time be ripe.

Make Sumner your star, till time has taught you to see the greater greatness of Phillips. . . . Remember that with or without Frémont, slaves are carried from Philadelphia, and to lift a finger is Treason. Colored men are thrust illegally out of cars in New York, and to take their part is Fanaticism. In presence of these things, with your upright and unspoiled nature, the end is sure, you will be more than a Republican orator, and God may grant you the privilege of being an Abo.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 71-2

Saturday, March 31, 2018

Samuel Gridley Howe to Horace Mann, 1848

Sunday, —1848.

My Dear Mann: — I have been much exercised in spirit about your position, but conclude that you find it necessary to maintain it.

I can understand how poignant must be your grief at the thought of leaving the field of your labours; but without allowing myself to look back I see much in the future to console me.

I could not say anything last evening, for Charlie1 talks faster and better than I can. May it not be that you will do even more for the cause of education out of the office of Secretary2 than in it? Will not the moral effect of your unofficial labours be greater than that of your official ones? Can you not attain a position in which you will bring even more official influence to bear upon your favourite subject?

Should you, as you may, put yourself at the head of the great anti-slavery (not abolition)3 party which is growing up here, you can become Governor or anything else that you aspire to. It is true that you will aspire to nothing but what will give you greater means of usefulness, but that very disinterestedness will promote your high ends. It appears to me that you should in the very outset, in the letter to the committee of nomination, take the high ground you will afterwards maintain.

It is absurd for me to reach up from my littleness to tender counsel to one so high as you, but my love for you is as great as though we stood face to face.

You can afford to trample all doctrines of expediency, all trimming, all manœuvering, all tactics under foot. If you have one fault it is over caution; you are not reliant enough upon your own powers, — and upon the power of the earnest, honest, noble purposes of your mind. I hope you will throw all calculations about effect to the winds, and speak right out to the electors what your heart prompts you. I hope you will not, as Sumner advises, try to write a letter to disarm the liberty party, but one that ought to do so whether it is likely to do so or not.

Oh! for a man among our leaders who fears neither God, man nor devil, but loves and trusts the first so much as to fear nothing but what casts a veil over the face of truth. We must have done with expediency: we must cease to look into history, into precedents, into books for rules of action, and look only into the honest and high purposes of our own hearts; that is, when we are sure we have cast out the evil passions from them.

Would to God I could begin my life again; or even begin a new one from this moment, and go upon the ground that no fault or error or shortcoming should ever be covered up from my own eyes or those of others.

I believe you can write a letter that will ring through this land like a clarion, and proclaim that a champion is entering the political arena with vizor up and with no other arms than truth and honesty and courage. I know you will do so. I only want to warn you against the over activity of your caution. You are too much afraid of the Devil and his imps; you do not rely enough upon your own generous and high impulses. Believe me, you need no armour and should fear no open assaults or secret ambuscades.

However, I need not write any more; all I have said is nothing worth except to show you that I am ever and most sincerely yours.

S. G. Howe.
_______________

1 Charles Sumner.

2 Of the Board of Education

1 At this time the opponents of slavery formed two distinct parties, the Abolitionists, headed by Garrison and Phillips, who refused to vote or take office under a Constitution sanctioning slavery, and the more moderate Anti-slavery Party, who, working for the same end, the emancipation of the negro, believed that they could best do so by taking part in politics and working with the tools already provided.

SOURCE: Laura E. Richards, Editor, Letters and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Volume 2, p. 256-8

Friday, October 20, 2017

Franklin B. Sanborn to John Brown, July 27, 1859

[July 27, 1859.]

Dear Friend, — Yours of the 18th has been received and communicated. S. G. Howe has sent you fifty dollars in a draft on New York, and I am expecting to get more from other sources (perhaps some here), and will make up to you the three hundred dollars, if I can, as soon as I can; but I can give nothing myself just now, being already in debt. I hear with great pleasure what you say of the success of the business, and hope nothing will occur to thwart it. Your son John was in Boston a week or two since. I tried to find him, but did not; and being away from Concord, he did not come to see me. He saw S. G. Howe, George L. Stearns, Wendell Phillips, Francis Jackson, etc.; and everybody liked him. I am very sorry I could not see him. All your Boston friends are well. Theodore Parker is in Switzerland, much better, it is thought, than when he left home. Henry Sterns, of Springfield, is dead.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 534-5

Saturday, August 12, 2017

Theodore Parker to Ralph Waldo Emerson, December 9, 1859

Dec. 9, 1859.

My Dear Emerson, — Mr. Apthorp leaves me a corner of his paper, which I am only too glad to fill with a word or two of greeting to you and yours. I rejoiced greatly at the brave things spoken by you at the Fraternity Lecture, and the hearty applause I knew it must meet with there. Wendell Phillips and you have said about all the brave words that have been spoken about our friend Captain Brown — No! J. F. Clarke preached his best sermon on that brave man. Had I been at home, sound and well, I think this occasion would have either sent me out of the country — as it has Dr. Howe — or else have put me in a tight place. Surely I could not have been quite unconcerned and safe. It might not sound well that the minister of the Twenty-Eighth Congregational Church had “left for parts unknown,” and that “between two days,” and so could not fulfil his obligations to lecture or preach. Here to me “life is as tedious as a twice-told tale;” it is only a strennous idleness, — studying the remains of a dead people, and that too for no great purpose of helping such as are alive, or shall ever become so. I can do no better and no more. Here are pleasant Americans, — Mrs. Crawford, my friend Dr. Appleton, and above all the Storys, — most hospitable of people, and full of fire and wit. The Apthorps and Hunts are kind and wise as always, and full of noble sentiments. Of course, the great works of architecture, of sculpture and painting, are always here; but I confess I prefer the arts of use, which make the three millions of New England comfortable, intelligent, and moral, to the fine arts of beauty, which afford means of pleasure to a few emasculated dilettanti. None loves beauty more than I, of Nature or Art; but I thank God that in the Revival of Letters our race — the world-conquering Teutons — turned off to Science, which seeks Truth and Industry, that conquers the forces of Nature and transfigures Matter into Man; while the Italians took the Art of Beauty for their department. The Brownings are here, poet and poetess both, and their boy, the Only. Pleasant people are they both, with the greatest admiration for a certain person of Concord, to whom I also send my heartiest thanks and good wishes. To him and his long life and prosperity!

Theodore Parker.1
_______________

1 Parker's letter to Francis Jackson on the deed and death of Brown was one of his last public utterances, — for he died and was buried in Florence, where Mrs. Browning was afterwards buried, in May, 1860.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 513

Wednesday, May 3, 2017

Anthony Burns

BURNS, Anthony, fugitive slave, b. in Virginia about 1830; d. in St. Catharines, Canada, 27 July, 1862. He effected his escape from slavery in Virginia, and was at work in Boston in the winter of 1853-'4. On 23 May, 1854, the U. S. house of representatives passed the Kansas-Nebraska bill repealing the Missouri compromise, and permitting the extension of negro slavery, which had been restricted since 1820. The news caused great indignation throughout the free states, especially in Boston, where the anti-slavery party had its headquarters. Just at this crisis Burns was arrested by U. S. Marshal Watson Freeman, under the provisions of the fugitive-slave act, on a warrant sworn out by Charles F. Suttle. He was confined in the Boston court-house under a strong guard, and on 25 May was taken before U. S. Commissioner Loring for examination. Through the efforts of Wendell Phillips and Theodore Parker, an adjournment was secured to 27 May, and in the mean time a mass-meeting was called at Faneuil hall, and the U. S. marshal summoned a large posse of extra deputies, who were armed and stationed in and about the court-house to guard against an expected attempt at the rescue of Burns. The meeting at Faneuil hall was addressed by the most prominent men of Boston, and could hardly be restrained from adjourning in a body to storm the court-house. While this assembly was in session, a premature attempt to rescue Burns was made under the leadership of Thomas W. Higginson. A door of the courthouse was battered in, one of the deputies was killed in the fight, and Col. Higginson and others of the assailants were wounded. A call for re-enforcements was sent to Faneuil hall, but in the confusion it never reached the chairman. On the next day the examination was held before Commissioner Loring, Richard H. Dana and Charles M. Ellis appearing for the prisoner. The evidence showed that Burns was amenable under the law, and his surrender to his master was ordered. When the decision was made known, many houses were draped in black, and the state of popular feeling was such that the government directed that the prisoner be sent to Virginia on board the revenue cutter “Morris.” He was escorted to the wharf by a strong guard, through streets packed with excited crowds. At the wharf the tumult seemed about to culminate in riot, when the Rev. Daniel Foster (who was killed in action early in the civil war) exclaimed, “Let us pray!” and silence fell upon the multitude, who stood with uncovered heads, while Burns was hurried on board the cutter. A more impressively dramatic ending, or one more characteristic of an excited but law-abiding and God-fearing New England community, could hardly be conceived for this famous case. Burns afterward studied at Oberlin college, and eventually became a Baptist minister, and settled in Canada, where, during the closing years of his life, he presided over a congregation of his own color. See “Anthony Burns, A History,” by C. E. Stevens (Boston, 1854).

SOURCE: James Grant Wilson & John Fiske, Editors, Appleton's Cyclopædia of American Biography, Volume 1, p. 460

Tuesday, March 14, 2017

Diary of John Hay: Tuesday, December 24, 1863

I dined to-day with S. S. Cox. He spoke of Greeley’s foolish  Chase explosion the other night at Wendell Phillip’s Cooper Institute meeting, and said Chase was working night and day. He has gotten nearly the whole strength of the New England States. If there is any effort made in Ohio he can be beaten there.  He has little strength in his own State.

I asked him whom his party would nominate.

C. “Gen'l McClellan! We will run McClellan. He is our best ticket. He lost some prestige by his Woodward letter. But it was necessary. He never would have gotten the nomination without it.”

“You don't agree with the Herald on Grant?”

C. “Grant belongs to the Republicans. We can't take him after his letter to Washburne. But for that, we might have taken him. The Republicans won't take him either. They have got his influence, and have no further use for him.”

“If I were a soldier I should much prefer commanding the U. S. Army for life, to four years in the Executive Mansion. I think Grant would.”

“So would McClellan, I know."

I met him again to-night in the Theatre. He says he is getting tired of Washington. He wants to spend a few years in Europe. He will go, if McClellan is next President; — thinks he will anyhow. Says it is delightful to be in the minority; you are not bored by your people for office. — “Glad you like it!” quoth I. “We will try to keep you so.”

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 143-4; for the entire diary entry see Tyler Dennett, Editor, Lincoln and the Civil War in the Diaries and Letter of John Hay, p. 143-4

Tuesday, July 19, 2016

Wendell Phillips's Freedom Speech: Faneuil Hall, Boston, Massachusetts December 8, 1837

MR. CHAIRMAN: — We have met for the freest discussion of these resolutions, and the events which gave rise to them. [Cries of “Question,” “Hear him,” “Go on,” “No gagging,” etc.] I hope I shall be permitted to express my surprise at the sentiments of the last speaker, — surprise not only at such sentiments from such a man, but at the applause they have received within these walls. A comparison has been drawn between the events of the Revolution and the tragedy at Alton. We have heard it asserted here, in Faneuil Hall, that Great Britain had a right to tax the Colonies, and we have heard the mob at Alton, the drunken murderers of Lovejoy, compared to those patriot fathers who threw the tea overboard! [Great applause.] Fellow-citizens, is this Faneuil Hall doctrine? [“No, no.”] The mob at Alton were met to wrest from a citizen his just rights, — met to resist the laws. We have been told that our fathers did the same; and the glorious mantle of Revolutionary precedent has been thrown over the mobs of our day. To make out their title to such defence, the gentleman says that the British Parliament had a right to tax these Colonies. It is manifest that, without this, his parallel falls to the ground; for Lovejoy had stationed himself within constitutional bulwarks. He was not only defending the freedom of the press, but he was under his own roof, in arms with the sanction of the civil authority. The men who assailed him went against and over the laws. The mob, as the gentleman terms it, — mob, forsooth! certainly we sons of the tea-spillers are a marvellously patient generation! — the “orderly mob” which assembled in the Old South to destroy the tea were met to resist, not the laws, but illegal exactions. Shame on the American who calls the tea-tax and stamp-act laws! Our fathers resisted, not the King's prerogative, but the King's usurpation. To find any other account, you must read our Revolutionary history upside down. Our State archives are loaded with arguments of John Adams to prove the taxes laid by the British Parliament unconstitutional,—beyond its power. It was not till this was made out that the men of New England rushed to arms. The arguments of the Council Chamber and the House of Representatives preceded and sanctioned the contest. To draw the conduct of our ancestors into a precedent for mobs, for a right to resist laws we ourselves have enacted, is an insult to their memory. The difference between the excitements of those days and our own, which the gentleman in kindness to the latter has overlooked, is simply this: the men of that day went for the right, as secured by the laws. They were the people rising to sustain the laws and constitution of the Province. The rioters of our day go for their own wills, right or wrong. Sir, when I heard the gentleman lay down principles which place the murderers of Alton side by side with Otis and Hancock, with Quincy and Adams, I thought those pictured lips [pointing to the portraits in the Hall] would have broken into voice to rebuke the recreant American, — the slanderer of the dead. [Great applause and counter applause.] The gentleman said that he should sink into insignificance if he dared to gainsay the principles of these resolutions. Sir, for the sentiments he has uttered, on soil consecrated by the prayers of Puritans and the blood of patriots, the earth should have yawned and swallowed him up.

[Applause and hisses, with cries of “Take that back.” The uproar became so great that for a long time no one could be heard. At length G. Bond, Esq., and Hon. W. Sturgis came to Mr. Phillips's side at the front of the platform. They were met with cries of “Phillips or nobody,” “Make him take back ‘recreant,’” “He sha'n't go on till he takes it back.” When it was understood they meant to sustain, not to interrupt, Mr. Phillips, Mr. Sturgis was listened to, and said: “I did not come here to take any part in this discussion, nor do I intend to; but I do entreat you, fellow-citizens, by everything you hold sacred, — I conjure you by every association connected with this Hall, consecrated by our fathers to freedom of discussion, — that you listen to every man who addresses you in a decorous manner.” Mr. Phillips resumed.]

Fellow-citizens, I cannot take back my words. Surely the Attorney-General, so long and well known here, needs not the aid of your hisses against one so young as I am, — my voice never before heard within these walls!

Another ground has been taken to excuse the mob, and throw doubt and discredit on the conduct of Lovejoy and his associates. Allusion has been made to what lawyers understand very well, — the “conflict of laws.” We are told that nothing but the Mississippi River rolls between St. Louis and Alton; and the conflict of laws somehow or other gives the citizens of the former a right to find fault with the defender of the press for publishing his opinions so near their limits. Will the gentleman venture that argument before lawyers? How the laws of the two States could be said to come into conflict in such circumstances I question whether any lawyer in this audience can explain or understand. No matter whether the line that divides one sovereign State from another be an imaginary one or ocean-wide, the moment you cross it the State you leave is blotted out of existence, so far as you are concerned. The Czar might as well claim to control the deliberations of Faneuil Hall, as the laws of Missouri demand reverence, or the shadow of obedience, from an inhabitant of Illinois.

I must find some fault with the statement which has been made of the events at Alton. It has been asked why Lovejoy and his friends did not appeal to the executive, — trust their defence to the police of the city. It has been hinted that, from hasty and ill-judged excitement, the men within the building provoked a quarrel, and that he fell in the course of it, one mob resisting another. Recollect, Sir, that they did act with the approbation and sanction of the Mayor. In strict truth, there was no executive to appeal to for protection. The Mayor acknowledged that he could not protect them. They asked him if it was lawful for them to defend themselves. He told them it was, and sanctioned their assembling in arms to do so. They were not, then, a mob; they were not merely citizens defending their own property; they were in some sense the posse comitatus, adopted for the occasion into the police of the city, acting under the order of a magistrate. It was civil authority resisting lawless violence. Where, then, was the imprudence? Is the doctrine to be sustained here, that it is imprudent for men to aid magistrates in executing the laws?

Men are continually asking each other, Had Lovejoy a right to resist? Sir, I protest against the question, instead of answering it. Lovejoy did not resist, in the sense they mean. He did not throw himself back on the natural right of self-defence. He did not cry anarchy, and let slip the dogs of civil war, careless of the horrors which would follow.

Sir, as I understand this affair, it was not an individual protecting his property; it was not one body of armed men resisting another, and making the streets of a peaceful city run blood with their contentions. It did not bring back the scenes in some old Italian cities, where family met family, and faction met faction, and mutually trampled the laws under foot. No; the men in that house were regularly enrolled, under the sanction of the Mayor. There being no militia in Alton, about seventy men were enrolled with the approbation of the Mayor. These relieved each other every other night. About thirty men were in arms on the night of the sixth, when the press was landed. The next evening, it was not thought necessary to summon more than half that number; among these was Lovejoy. It was, therefore, you perceive, Sir, the police of the city resisting rioters, — civil government breasting itself to the shock of lawless men.

Here is no question about the right of self-defence. It is in fact simply this: Has the civil magistrate a right to put down a riot?

Some persons seem to imagine that anarchy existed at Alton from the commencement of these disputes. Not at all. “No one of us,” says an eyewitness and a comrade of Lovejoy, “has taken up arms during these disturbances but at the command of the Mayor.” Anarchy did not settle down on that devoted city till Lovejoy breathed his last. Till then the law, represented in his person, sustained itself against its foes. When he fell, civil authority was trampled under foot. He had “planted himself on his constitutional rights,” — appealed to the laws, — claimed the protection of the civil authority, — taken refuge under “the broad shield of the Constitution. When through that he was pierced and fell, he fell but one sufferer in a common catastrophe.” He took refuge under the banner of liberty, — amid its folds; and when he fell, its glorious stars and stripes, the emblem of free institutions, around which cluster so many heart-stirring memories, were blotted out in the martyr's blood.

It has been stated, perhaps inadvertently, that Lovejoy or his comrades fired first. This is denied by those who have the best means of knowing. Guns were first fired by the mob. After being twice fired on, those within the building consulted together and deliberately returned the fire. But suppose they did fire first. They had a right so to do; not only the right which every citizen has to defend himself, but the further right which every civil officer has to resist violence. Even if Lovejoy fired the first gun, it would not lessen his claim to our sympathy, or destroy his title to be considered a martyr in defence of a free press. The question now is, Did he act within the Constitution and the laws? The men who fell in State Street on the 5th of March, 1770, did more than Lovejoy is charged with. They were the first assailants. Upon some slight quarrel they pelted the troops with every missile within reach. Did this bate one jot of the eulogy with which Hancock and Warren hallowed their memory, hailing them as the first martyrs in the cause of American liberty?

If, Sir, I had adopted what are called Peace principles, I might lament the circumstances of this case. But all you who believe, as I do, in the right and duty of magistrates to execute the laws, join with me and brand as base hypocrisy the conduct of those who assemble year after year on the 4th of July, to fight over the battles of the Revolution, and yet “damn with faint praise,” or load with obloquy, the memory of this man, who shed his blood in defence of life, liberty, property, and the freedom of the press!

Throughout that terrible night I find nothing to regret but this, that within the limits of our country, civil authority should have been so prostrated as to oblige a citizen to arm in his own defence, and to arm in vain. The gentleman says Lovejoy was presumptuous and imprudent, — he “died as the fool dieth.” And a reverend clergyman of the city* tells us that no citizen has a right to publish opinions disagreeable to the community! If any mob follows such publication, on him rests its guilt! He must wait, forsooth, till the people come up to it and agree with him! This libel on liberty goes on to say that the want of right to speak as we think is an evil inseparable from republican institutions! If this be so, what are they worth? Welcome the despotism of the Sultan, where one knows what he may publish and what he may not, rather than the tyranny of this many-headed monster, the mob, where we know not what we may do or say, till some fellow-citizen has tried it, and paid for the lesson with his life. This clerical absurdity chooses as a check for the abuses of the press, not the law, but the dread of a mob. By so doing, it deprives not only the individual and the minority of their rights, but the majority also, since the expression of their opinion may sometimes provoke disturbance from the minority. A few men may make a mob as well as many. The majority, then, have no right, as Christian men, to utter their sentiments, if by any possibility it may lead to a mob! Shades of Hugh Peters and John Cotton, save us from such pulpits!

Imprudent to defend the liberty of the press! Why? Because the defence was unsuccessful? Does success gild crime into patriotism, and the want of it change heroic self-devotion to imprudence? Was Hampden imprudent when he drew the sword and threw away the scabbard? Yet he, judged by that single hour, was unsuccessful. After a short exile, the race he hated sat again upon the throne.

Imagine yourself present when the first news of Bunker Hill battle reached a New England town. The tale would have run thus: “The patriots are routed, — the redcoats victorious, — Warren lies dead upon the field.” With what scorn would that Tory have been received, who should have charged Warren with imprudence! who should have said that, bred a physician, he was “out of place” in that battle, and “died as the fool dieth”! [Great applause.] How would the intimation have been received, that Warren and his associates should have waited a better time? But if success be indeed the only criterion of prudence, Respice finem, — wait till the end.

Presumptuous to assert the freedom of the press on American ground! Is the assertion of such freedom before the age? So much before the age as to leave one no right to make it because it displeases the community? Who invents this libel on his country? It is this very thing which entitles Lovejoy to greater praise. The disputed right which provoked the Revolution — taxation without representation — is far beneath that for which he died. [Here there was a strong and general expression of disapprobation.] One word, gentlemen. As much as thought is better than money, so much is the cause in which Lovejoy died nobler than a mere question of taxes. James Otis thundered in this Hall when the King did but touch his pocket. Imagine, if you can, his indignant eloquence, had England offered to put a gag upon his lips. [Great applause.]

The question that stirred the Revolution touched our civil interests. This concerns us not only as citizens, but as immortal beings. Wrapped up in its fate, saved or lost with it, are not only the voice of the statesman, but the instructions of the pulpit, and the progress of our faith.

The clergy “marvellously out of place” where free speech is battled for, — liberty of speech on national sins? Does the gentleman remember that freedom to preach was first gained, dragging in its train freedom to print? I thank the clergy here present, as I reverence their predecessors, who did not so far forget their country in their immediate profession as to deem it duty to separate themselves from the struggle of '76, — the Mayhews and Coopers, who remembered they were citizens before they were clergymen.

Mr. Chairman, from the bottom of my heart I thank that brave little band at Alton for resisting. We must remember that Lovejoy had fled from city to city, — suffered the destruction of three presses patiently. At length he took counsel with friends, men of character, of tried integrity, of wide views, of Christian principle. They thought the crisis had come: it was full time to assert the laws. They saw around them, not a community like our own, of fixed habits, of character moulded and settled, but one “in the gristle, not yet hardened into the bone of manhood.” The people there, children of our older States, seem to have forgotten the blood-tried principles of their fathers the moment they lost sight of our New England hills. Something was to be done to show them the priceless value of the freedom of the press, to bring back and set right their wandering and confused ideas. He and his advisers looked out on a community, staggering like a drunken man, indifferent to their rights and confused in their feelings. Deaf to argument, haply they might be stunned into sobriety. They saw that of which we cannot judge, the necessity of resistance. Insulted law called for it. Public opinion, fast hastening on the downward course, must be arrested.

Does not the event show they judged rightly? Absorbed in a thousand trifles, how has the nation all at once come to a stand? Men begin, as in 1776 and 1640, to discuss principles, to weigh characters, to find out where they are. Haply we may awake before we are borne over the precipice.

I am glad, Sir, to see this crowded house. It is good for us to be here. When Liberty is in danger, Faneuil Hall has the right, it is her duty, to strike the key-note for these United States. I am glad, for one reason, that remarks such as those to which I have alluded have been uttered here. The passage of these resolutions, in spite of this opposition, led by the Attorney-General of the Commonwealth, will show more clearly, more decisively, the deep indignation with which Boston regards this outrage.
_______________

* See Rev. Hubbard Winslow's discourse on Liberty! in which he defines “republican liberty” to be “liberty to say and do what the prevailing voice and will of the brotherhood will allow and protect.”

SOURCE: Wendell Phillips, Speeches, Lectures, and Letters, Volume 1, p. 2-10

Sunday, July 12, 2015

Lydia Maria Child to Governor Henry A. Wise

In your civil but very diplomatic reply to my letter, you inform me that I have a constitutional right to visit Virginia, for peaceful purposes, in common with every citizen of the United States. I was perfectly well aware that such was the theory of constitutional obligation in the Slave States; but I was also aware of what you omit to mention, viz.: that the Constitution has, in reality, been completely and systematically nullified whenever it suited the convenience or the policy of the Slave Power. Your constitutional obligation, for which you profess so much respect, has never proved any protection to citizens of the Free States, who happened to have a black, brown, or yellow complexion; nor to any white citizen whom you even suspected of entertaining opinions opposite to your own, on a question of vast importance to the temporal welfare and moral example of our common country. This total disregard of constitutional obligation has been manifested not merely by the Lynch Law of mobs in the Slave States, but by the deliberate action of magistrates and legislators. What regard was paid to constitutional obligation in South Carolina, when Massachusetts sent the Hon. Mr. Hoar there as an envoy, on a purely legal errand? Mr. Hedrick, Professor of Political Economy in the University of North Carolina, had a constitutional right to reside in that State. What regard was paid to that right, when he was driven from his home, merely for declaring that he considered Slavery an impolitic system, injurious to the prosperity of States? What respect for constitutional rights was manifested by Alabama, when a bookseller in Mobile was compelled to flee for his life, because he had, at the special request of some of the citizens, imported a few copies of a novel that everybody was curious to road? Your own citizen, Mr. Underwood, had a constitutional right to live in Virginia, and vote for whomsoever he pleased. What regard was paid to his rights, when he was driven from your State for declaring himself in favor of the election of Fremont? With these, and a multitude of other examples before your eyes, it would seem as if the less that was said about respect for constitutional obligations at the South, the better. Slavery is, in fact, an infringement of all law, and adheres to no law, save for its own purposes of oppression.

You accuse Captain John Brown of “whetting knives of butchery for the mothers, sisters, daughters and babes” of Virginia; and you inform me of the well-known fact that he is “arraigned for the crimes of murder, robbery and treason.” I will not here stop to explain why I believe that old hero to be no criminal, but a martyr to righteous principles which he sought to advance by methods sanctioned by his own religious views, though not by mine. Allowing that Capt. Brown did attempt a scheme in which murder robbery and treason were, to his own consciousness, involved, I do not see how Gov. Wise can consistently arraign him for crimes he has himself commended. You have threatened to trample on the Constitution, and break the Union, if a majority of the legal voters in these Confederated States dared to elect a President unfavorable to the extension of Slavery. Is not such a declaration proof of premeditated treason? In the Spring of 1842, you made a speech in Congress, from which I copy the following: —

“Once set before the people of the Great Valley the conquest of the rich Mexican Provinces, and you might as well attempt to stop the wind. This Government might end its troops, but they would run over them like a herd of buffalo. Let the work once begin, and I do not know that this House would hold me very long. Give me five millions of dollars, and I would undertake to do it myself. Although I do not know how to set a single squadron in the field, I could find men to do it. Slavery should pour itself abroad, without restraint, and find no limit but the Southern Ocean. The Camanches should no longer hold the richest mines of Mexico. Every golden image which had received the profanation of a false worship, should soon be melted down into good American eagles. I would cause as much gold to cross the Rio del Norte as the mules of Mexico could carry; aye, and I would make better use of it, too, than any lazy, bigoted priesthood under heaven.”

When you thus boasted that you and your “booted loafers” would overrun the troops of the United States “like a herd of buffalo,” if the Government sent them to arrest your invasion of a neighboring nation, at peace with the United States, did you not pledge yourself to commit treason? Was it not by robbery, even of churches, that you proposed to load the mules of Mexico with gold for the United States? Was it not by the murder of unoffending Mexicans that you expected to advance those schemes of avarice and ambition? What humanity had you for Mexican “mothers and babes,” whom you proposed to make childless and fatherless‘? And for what purpose was this wholesale massacre to take place? Not to right the wrongs of any oppressed class; not to sustain any great principles of justice, or of freedom; but merely to enable “Slavery to pour itself forth without restraint.” Even if Captain Brown were as bad as you paint him, I should suppose he must naturally remind you of the words of Macbeth:

“We but teach,
Bloody instructions, which, being taught, return
To plague the inventor: This even-handed justice
Commends the ingredients of our poisoned chalice
To our own lips.”

If Captain Brown intended, as you say, to commit treason, robbery and murder, I think I have shown that he could find ample authority for such proceedings in the public declarations of Gov. Wise. And if, as he himself declares, he merely intended to free the oppressed, where could he read a more forcible lesson than is furnished by the State Seal of Virginia? I looked at it thoughtfully before I opened your letter; and though it had always appeared to me very suggestive, it never seemed to me so much so as it now did in connection with Captain John Brown. A liberty-loving hero stands with his foot upon a prostrate despot; under his strong arm, manacles and chains lie broken; and the motto is, “Sic Semper Tyrannis;” “Thus be it ever done to Tyrants.” And this is the blazon of a State whose most profitable business is the Internal Slave-Trade! — in whose highways coffles of human chattles, chained and manacled, are frequently seen! And the Seal and the Coffles are both looked upon by other chattels, constantly exposed to the same fate! What if some Vezey, or Nat Turner, should be growing up among those apparently quiet spectators? It is in no spirit of taunt or of exultation that I ask this question. I never think of it but with anxiety, sadness, and sympathy. I know that a slaveholding community necessarily lives in the midst of gunpowder; and, in this age, sparks of free thought are flying in every direction. You cannot quench the fires of free thought and human sympathy by any process of cunning or force; but there is a method by which you can effectually wet the gunpowder. England has already tried it, with safety and success. Would that you could be persuaded to set aside the prejudices of education, and candidly examine the actual working of that experiment! Virginia is so richly endowed by nature that Free Institutions alone are wanting to render her the most prosperous and powerful of the States.

In your letter, you suggest that such a scheme as Captain Brown’s is the natural result of the opinions with which I sympathize. Even if I thought this to be a correct statement, though I should deeply regret it, I could not draw the conclusion that humanity ought to be stifled, and truth struck dumb, for fear that long-successful despotism might be endangered by their utterance. But the fact is, you mistake the source of that strange outbreak. No abolition arguments or denunciations, however earnestly, loudly, or harshly proclaimed, would have produced that result. It was the legitimate consequence of the continual and constantly-increasing aggressions of the Slave Power. The Slave States, in their desperate efforts to sustain a bad and dangerous institution, have encroached more and more upon the liberties of the Free States. Our inherent love of law and order, and our superstitious attachment to the Union, you have mistaken for cowardice; and rarely have you let slip any opportunity to add insult to aggression.

The manifested opposition to Slavery began with the lectures and pamphlets of a few disinterested men and women, who based their movements upon purely moral and religious grounds; but their expostulations were met with a storm of rage, with tar and feathers, brickbats, demolished houses, and other applications of Lynch Law. When the dust of the conflict began to subside a little, their numbers were found to be greatly increased by the efforts to exterminate them. They had become an influence in the State too important to be overlooked by shrewd calculators. Political economists began to look at the subject from a lower point of view. They used their abilities to demonstrate that slavery was a wasteful system, and that the Free States were taxed, to an enormous extent, to sustain an institution which, at heart, two-thirds of them abhorred. The forty millions, or more, of dollars, expended in hunting Fugitive Slaves in Florida, under the name of the Seminole War, were adduced, as one item in proof, to which many more were added. At last, politicians were compelled to take some action on the subject. It soon became known to all the people that the Slave States had always managed to hold in their hands the political power of the Union, and that while they constituted only one-third of the white population of these States, they hold more than two-thirds of all the lucrative, and once honorable offices; an indignity to which none but a subjugated people had ever before submitted. The knowledge also became generally diffused, that while the Southern States owned their Democracy at home, and voted for them, they also systematically bribed the nominally Democratic party, at the North, with the offices adroitly kept at their disposal.

Through these, and other instrumentalities, the sentiments of the original Garrisonian Abolitionists became very widely extended, in forms more or less diluted. But by far the most efficient co-laborers we have ever had have been the Slave States themselves. By denying us the sacred Right of Petition, they roused the free spirit of the North, as it never could have been roused by the loud trumpet of Garrison, or the soul-animating bugle of Phillips. They bought the great slave, Daniel, and, according to their established usage, paid him no wages for his labor. By his cooperation, they forced the Fugitive Slave Law upon us, in violation of all our humane instincts and all our principles of justice. And what did they procure for the Abolitionists by that despotic process? A deeper and wider detestation of Slavery throughout the Free States, and the publication of Uncle Tom’s Cabin, an eloquent outburst of moral indignation, whose echoes wakened the world to look upon their shame.

By fillibustering and fraud, they dismembered Mexico, and having thus obtained the soil of Texas, they tried to introduce it as a Slave State into the Union. Failing to effect their purpose by constitutional means, they accomplished it by a most open and palpable violation of the Constitution, and by obtaining the votes of Senators on false pretences.*

Soon afterward, a Southern Slave Administration ceded to the powerful monarchy of Great Britain several hundred thousands of square miles, that must have been made into Free States, to which that same Administration had declared that the United States had “an unquestionable right;” and then they turned upon the weak Republic of Mexico, and, in order to make more Slave States, .wrested from her twice as many hundred thousands of square miles, to which we had not a shadow of right.

Notwithstanding all these extra efforts, they saw symptoms that the political power so long held with a firm grasp was in danger of slipping from their hands, by reason of the extension of Abolition sentiments, and the greater prosperity of Free States. Emboldened by continual success in aggression, they made use of the pretence of “Squatter Sovereignty” to break the league into which they had formerly cajoled the servile representatives of our blinded people, by which all the territory of the United States south of 36° 30’ was guaranteed to Slavery, and all north of it to Freedom. Thus Kansas became the battle-ground of the antagonistic elements in our Government. Ruflians hired by the Slave Power were sent thither temporarily, to do the voting, and drive from the polls the legal voters, who were often murdered in the process. Names, copied from the directories of cities in other States, were returned by thousands as legal voters in Kansas, in order to establish a Constitution abhorred by the people. This was their exemplification of Squatter Sovereignty. A Massachusetts Senator, distinguished for candor, courtesy, and stainless integrity, was half murdered by slaveholders, merely for having the manliness to state these facts to the assembled Congress of the nation. Peaceful emigrants from the North, who went to Kansas for no other purpose than to till the soil, erect mills, and establish manufactories, schools, and churches, were robbed, outraged, and murdered. For many months, a war more ferocious than the warfare of wild Indians was carried on against a people almost unresisting, because they relied upon the Central Government for aid. And all this while, the power of the United States, wielded by the Slave Oligarchy, was on the side of the aggressors. They literally tied the stones, and let loose the mad dogs. This was the state of things when the hero of Osawatomie and his brave sons went to the rescue. It was he who first turned the tide of Border-Ruffian triumph, by showing them that blows were to be taken as well as given.

You may believe it or not, Gov. Wise, but it is certainly the truth that, because slaveholders so recklessly sowed the wind in Kansas, they reaped a whirlwind at Harper’s Ferry.

The people of the North had a very strong attachment to the Union; but, by your desperate measures, you have weakened it beyond all power of restoration. They are not your enemies, as you suppose, but they cannot consent to be your tools for any ignoble task you may choose to propose. You must not judge of us by the crawling sinuosities of an Everett; or by our magnificent hound, whom you trained to hunt your poor cripples, and then sent him sneaking into a corner to die — not with shame for the base purposes to which his strength had been applied, but with vexation because you withheld from him the promised bone. Not by such as these must you judge the free, enlightened yeomanry of New England. A majority of them would rejoice to have the Slave States fulfil their oft-repeated threat of withdrawal from the Union. It has ceased to be a bugbear, for we begin to despair of being able, by any other process, to give the world the example of a real republic. The moral sense of these States is outraged by being accomplices in sustaining an institution vicious in all its aspects; and it is now generally understood that we purchase our disgrace at great pecuniary expense. If you would only make the offer of a separation in serious earnest, you would hear the hearty response of millions, “Go, gentlemen, and

‘Stand not upon the order of your going,
But go at once!’”

Yours, with all due respect,
L. MARIA CHILD.
_______________

* The following Senators, Mr. Niles, of Connecticut, Mr. Dix, of New York, and Mr. Tappan, of Ohio, published statements that their votes had been obtained by false representations; and they declared that the case was the same with Mr. Heywood, of North Carolina.

SOURCE: The American Anti-Slavery Society, Correspondence between Lydia Maria Child and Gov. Wise and Mrs. Mason, of Virginia, p. 6-12

Monday, February 16, 2015

Charles Eliot Norton to George William Curtis, March 19, 1862

Shady Hill, 19 March, 1862.

. . . I am not as critical as Iago, but I do not like McClellan's address to his troops. It is too French in style and idiom. He “loves his men like a father”? “A magnificent army”? “God smiles upon us.” How does he know? And “victory attends us”? This last phrase is plainly a mistranslation from the French “La Victoire nous attend,” — which means, what our General ought to have said, Victory awaits us.

But I am more than content with our progress. Wendell Phillips in Washington! The new article of War! The slaves running away in Virginia! Fremont re-instated in command! Freedom cannot take any backward steps — and it looks as if she would soon begin to move forward with faster and more confident steps than heretofore.

What a fine fight that was in Hampton Roads! Honour to the men of the Cumberland. I heard a most interesting and deeply moving account of the incidents of the fight and the sinking from Dr. Martin, the surgeon of the ship.

And how splendidly the Monitor was managed! . . .

SOURCE: Sara Norton and  M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Letters of Charles Eliot Norton, Volume 1, p. 253-4

Sunday, February 1, 2015

George William Curtis to Charles Eliot Norton, July 19, 1863

New York, July 19th, '63.

On Tuesday evening, upon an intimation from a man who had heard the plot arranged in the city to come down and visit me that night, and find Horace Greeley and Wendell Phillips, “who were concealed in my house,” I took the babies out of bed and departed to an unsuspected neighbor's. On Wednesday a dozen persons informed me and Mr. Shaw that our houses were to be burned; and as there was no police or military force upon the island, and my only defensive weapon was a large family umbrella, I carried Anna and the two babies to James Sturgis's in Roxbury. Frank was with Mrs. Shaw at Susie Minturn's up the river. Today I am going with him to Roxbury, but shall return immediately, so that I cannot see you. We have now organized ourselves in the neighborhood for mutual defense, and I do not fear any serious trouble.

The good cause gains greatly by all this trouble. The government is strong enough to hold New York, if necessary, as it holds New Orleans, Baltimore, and St. Louis. There must be a great deal more excitement, and if Seymour can bring the State, under a form of law, against the national government, he will do it. It will be done by a state decision of the unconstitutionality of the conscription act. But as a riot it has been suppressed, as an insurrection it has failed. No Northern conspiracy for the rebellion can ever have so fair a chance again as it had in this city last week, without soldiers, with a governor friendly to the mob, and with only a splendid police which did its duty as well as Grant's army.

SOURCE: Edward Cary, George William Curtis, p. 165-6

Sunday, January 11, 2015

Oliver Wendell Holmes Sr. to John Lothrop Motley, February 16, 1861

Boston, February 16, 1861.

My Dear Motley: It is a pleasing coincidence for me that the same papers which are just announcing your great work are telling our little world that it can also purchase, if so disposed, my modest two-volume story. You must be having a respite from labor. You will smile when I tell you that I have my first vacation since you were with us, — when was it? in ’57? — but so it is. It scares me to look on your labors, when I remember that I have thought it something to write an article once a month for the “Atlantic Monthly”; that is all I have to show, or nearly all, for three and a half years, and in the meantime you have erected your monument, more perennial than bronze, in these two volumes of alto-relievo. I will not be envious, but I must wonder — wonder at the mighty toils undergone to quarry the ore before the mold could be shaped and the metal cast. I know you must meet your signal and unchallenged success with little excitement, for you know too well the price that has been paid for it. A man does not give away the best years of a manhood like yours without knowing that his plant has got to pay for his outlay. You have won the name and fame you must have foreseen were to be the accidents of your career. I hope, as you partake the gale with your illustrious brethren, you are well ballasted with those other accidents of successful authorship.

I am thankful for your sake that you are out of this wretched country. There was never anything in our experience that gave any idea of it before. Not that we have had any material suffering as yet. Our factories have been at work, and our dividends have been paid. Society — in Boston, at least — has been nearly as gay as usual. I had a few thousand dollars to raise to pay for my house in Charles Street, and sold my stocks for more than they cost me. We have had predictions, to be sure, that New England was to be left out in the cold if a new confederacy was formed, and that the grass was to grow in the streets of Boston. But prophets are at a terrible discount in these times, and, in spite of their predictions, Merrimac sells at 1125. It is the terrible uncertainty of everything — most of all the uncertainty of opinion of men. I had almost said of principles. From the impracticable abolitionist, as bent on total separation from the South as Carolina is on secession from the North, to the hunker, or submissionist, or whatever you choose to call the wretch who would sacrifice everything and beg the South's pardon for offending it, you find all shades of opinion in our streets. If Mr. Seward or Mr. Adams moves in favor of compromise, the whole Republican party sways like a field of grain before the breath of either of them. If Mr. Lincoln says he shall execute the laws and collect the revenue though the heavens cave in, the backs of the Republicans stiffen again, and they take down the old revolutionary king's arms, and begin to ask whether they can be altered to carry Minie bullets.

In the meantime, as you know very well, a monstrous conspiracy has been hatching for nobody knows how long, barely defeated in its first great move by two occurrences —Major Anderson's retreat to Fort Sumter, and the exposure of the great defalcations. The expressions of popular opinion in Virginia and Tennessee have encouraged greatly those who hope for union on the basis of a compromise; but this evening's news seems to throw doubt on the possibility of the North and the border States ever coming to terms; and I see in this same evening's paper the threat thrown out that if the Southern ports are blockaded fifty regiments will be set in motion for Washington! Nobody knows, everybody guesses. Seward seems to be hopeful. I had a long talk with Banks; he fears the formation of a powerful Southern military empire, which will give us trouble. Mr. Adams predicts that the Southern Confederacy will be an ignominious failure.

A Cincinnati pamphleteer, very sharp and knowing, shows how pretty a quarrel they will soon get up among themselves. There is no end to the shades of opinion. Nobody knows where he stands but Wendell Phillips and his out-and-outers. Before this political cataclysm we were all sailing on as quietly and harmoniously as a crew of your good Dutchmen in a trekschuit. The club has flourished greatly, and proved to all of us a source of the greatest delight. I do not believe there ever were such agreeable periodical meetings in Boston as these we have had at Parker's. We have missed you, of course, but your memory and your reputation were with us. The magazine which you helped to give a start to has prospered since its transfer to Ticknor and Fields. I suppose they may make something directly by it, and as an advertising medium it is a source of great indirect benefit to them. No doubt you will like to hear in a few words about its small affairs. I don't believe that all the Oxfords and Institutes can get the local recollections out of you. I suppose I have made more money and reputation out of it than anybody else, on the whole. I have written more than anybody else, at any rate. Miss Prescott's stories have made her quite a name. Wentworth Higginson's articles have also been very popular. Lowell's critical articles and political ones are always full of point, but he has been too busy as editor to write a great deal. As for the reputations that were toutes faites, I don't know that they have gained or lost a great deal by what their owners have done for the “Atlantic.” But oh, such a belaboring as I have had from the so-called “Evangelical” press for the last two or three years, almost without intermission! There must be a great deal of weakness and rottenness when such extreme bitterness is called out by such a good-natured person as I can claim to be in print. It is a new experience to me, but is made up by a great amount of sympathy from men and women, old and young, and such confidences and such sentimental épanchements that if my private correspondence is ever aired I shall pass for a more questionable personage than my domestic record can show me to have been.

Come, now, why should I talk to you of anything but yourself and that wonderful career of well-deserved and hardly won success which you have been passing through since I waved my handkerchief to you as you slid away from the wharf at East Boston? When you write to me, as you will one of these days, I want to know how you feel about your new possession, a European name. I should like very much, too, to hear something of your every-day experiences of English life, how you like the different classes of English people you meet — the scholars, the upper class, and the average folk that you may have to deal with. You know that, to a Bostonian, there is nothing like a Bostonian's impression of a new people or mode of life. We all carry the Common in our heads as the unit of space, the State House as the standard of architecture, and measure off men in Edward Everetts as with a yardstick. I am ashamed to remember how many scrolls of half an hour's scribblings we might have exchanged with pleasure on one side, and very possibly with something of it on the other. I have heard so much of Miss Lily's praises that I should be almost afraid of her if I did not feel sure that she would inherit a kindly feeling to her father and mother's old friend. Do remember me to your children; and as for your wife, who used to be Mary once, and I have always found it terribly hard work to make anything else of, tell her how we all long to see her good, kind face again. Give me some stray half-hour, and believe me always your friend,

O. W. Holmes

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 113-7

Thursday, December 25, 2014

George William Curtis to Charles Eliot Norton, February 6, 1863

February 6, 1863.

Why should Dr. Holmes trouble himself about the base of McClellan's brain? McClellan has nothing to do with all this McClellanization of the public mind. The reaction requires a small Democrat with great military prestige for its presidential candidate. The new programme, you know, is a new conservative party of Republicans and Democrats, and all mankind except Abolitionists. It will work, I think, for as a party we have broken down. I blame nobody. It was inevitable. The “Tribune,” through the well-meaning mistakes of Greeley, has been forced to take (in the public mind, which is the point) the position of W. Phillips, — the Union if possible, emancipation anyhow. As a practical political position that is not tenable. If, by any hocus-pocus, the war order of emancipation should be withdrawn, we should be lost forever, beyond McClellan's power, assisted by John Van Buren, the “Boston Courier” and “Post” and the “New York Herald,” to save us. There's nothing for us but to go forward and save all we can.

SOURCE: Edward Cary, George William Curtis, p. 161

Thursday, November 13, 2014

Dr. Oliver Wendell Holmes to John Lothrop Motley

Boston, February 16th, 1861.

My Dear Motley,—It is a pleasing coincidence for me that the same papers which are just announcing your great work are telling our little world that it can also purchase, if so disposed, my modest two volume story. You must be having a respite from labour. You will smile when I tell you that I have my first vacation since you were with us — when was it? in ’57? — but so it is. It scares me to look on your labours, when I remember that I have thought it something to write an article once a month for the Atlantic Monthly; that is all I have to show, or nearly all, for three and a half years, and in the meantime you have erected your monument more perennial than bronze in these two volumes of alto relievo. I will not be envious, but I must wonder — wonder at the mighty toils undergone to quarry the ore before the mould could be shaped and the metal cast. I know you must meet your signal and unchallenged success with little excitement, for you know too well the price that has been paid for it. A man does not give away the best years of a manhood like yours without knowing that his planet has got to pay for his outlay. You have won the name and fame you must have foreseen were to be the accidents of your career. I hope, as you partake the gale with your illustrious brethren, you are well ballasted with those other accidents of successful authorship.

I am thankful for your sake that you are out of this wretched country. There was never anything in our experience that gave any idea of it before. Not that we have had any material suffering as yet. Our factories have been at work, and our dividends have been paid. Society — in Boston, at least — has been nearly as gay as usual. I had a few thousand dollars to raise to pay for my house in Charles Street, and sold my stocks for more than they cost me. We have had predictions, to be sure, that New England was to be left out in the cold if a new confederacy was formed, and that the grass was to grow in the streets of Boston. But prophets are at a terrible discount in these times, and, in spite of their predictions, Merrimac sells at 1125. It is the terrible uncertainty of everything — most of all the uncertainty of opinion of men. I had almost said of principles. From the impracticable Abolitionist, as bent on total separation from the South as Carolina is on secession from the North, to the Hunker, or Submissionist, or whatever you choose to call the wretch who would sacrifice everything and beg the South's pardon for offending it, you find all shades of opinion in our streets. If Mr. Seward or Mr. Adams moves in favour of compromise, the whole Republican party sways like a field of grain before the breath of either of them. If Mr. Lincoln says he shall execute the laws and collect the revenue though the heavens cave in, the backs of the Republicans stiffen again, and they take down the old revolutionary king's arms, and begin to ask whether they can be altered to carry minie bullets.

In the meantime, as you know very well, a monstrous conspiracy has been hatching for nobody knows how long, barely defeated in its first great move by two occurrences — Major Anderson's retreat to Fort Sumter, and the exposure of the great defalcations. The expressions of popular opinion in Virginia and Tennessee have encouraged greatly those who hope for union on the basis of a compromise; but this evening's news seems to throw doubt on the possibility of the North and the Border States ever coming to terms; and I see in this same evening's paper the threat thrown out that if the Southern ports are blockaded, fifty regiments will be set in motion for Washington! Nobody knows, everybody guesses. Seward seems to be hopeful. I had a long talk with Banks; he fears the formation of a powerful Southern military empire, which will give us trouble. Mr. Adams predicts that the Southern Confederacy will be an ignominious failure.

A Cincinnati pamphleteer, very sharp and knowing, shows how pretty a quarrel they will soon get up among themselves. There is no end to the shades of opinion. Nobody knows where he stands but Wendell Phillips and his out-and-outers. Before this political cataclysm we were all sailing on as quietly and harmoniously as a crew of your good Dutchmen in a treckschuyt. The Club has flourished greatly, and proved to all of us a source of the greatest delight. I do not believe there ever were such agreeable periodical meetings in Boston as these we have had at Parker's. We have missed you, of course, but your memory and your reputation were with us. The magazine which you helped to give a start to has prospered since its transfer to Ticknor and Fields. I suppose they may make something directly by it, and as an advertising medium it is a source of great indirect benefit to them. No doubt you will like to hear in a few words about its small affairs. I don't believe that all the Oxfords and Institutes can get the local recollections out of you. I suppose I have made more money and reputation out of it than anybody else, on the whole. I have written more than anybody else, at any rate. Miss Prescott's stories have made her quite a name. Wentworth Higginson's articles have also been very popular. Lowell's critical articles and political ones are always full of point, but he has been too busy as editor to write a great deal. As for the reputations that were toutes faites, I don't know that they have gained or lost a great deal by what their owners have done for the Atlantic. But oh! such a belabouring as I have had from the so-called “Evangelical” press for the last two or three years, almost without intermission! There must be a great deal of weakness and rottenness when such extreme bitterness is called out by such a good-natured person as I can claim to be in print. It is a new experience to me, but is made up by a great amount of sympathy from men and women, old and young, and such confidences and such sentimental épanchements, that if my private correspondence is ever aired, I shall pass for a more questionable personage than my domestic record can show me to have been.

Come now, why should I talk to you of anything but yourself and that wonderful career of well-deserved and hardly-won success which you have been passing through since I waved my handkerchief to you as you slid away from the wharf at East Boston? When you write to me, as you will one of these days, I want to know how you feel about your new possession, a European name. I should like very much, too, to hear something of your everyday experiences of English life, — how you like the different classes of English people you meet—the scholars, the upper class, and the average folk that you may have to deal with. You know that, to a Bostonian, there is nothing like a Bostonian's impression of a new people or mode of life. We all carry the Common in our heads as the unit of space, the State House as the standard of architecture, and measure off men in Edward Everetts as with a yard-stick. I am ashamed to remember how many scrolls of half-an-hour's scribblings we might have exchanged with pleasure on one side, and very possibly with something of it on the other. I have heard so much of Miss Lily's praises, that I should be almost afraid of her if I did not feel sure that she would inherit a kindly feeling to her father and mother's old friend. Do remember me to your children; and as for your wife, who used to be Mary once, and I have always found it terribly hard work to make anything else of, tell her how we all long to see her good, kind face again. Give me some stray half-hour, and believe me always your friend,

O. W. Holmes

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Volume 1, p. 359-62

Sunday, August 17, 2014

Senator James W. Grimes to Elizabeth S. Nealley Grimes, November 30, 1859

Washington, November 30, 1859.

Everybody but me is busy about the organization of the House of Representatives. That, and the execution of John Brown day after to-morrow, are the only topics discussed.

I heard Wendell Phillips lecture on l'Ouverture at Philadelphia, to an immense and breathless audience.

SOURCE: William Salter, The Life of James W. Grimes, p. 121

Sunday, February 24, 2013

K. G. C.

AN AUTHENTIC EXPOSITION

OF THE

Origin, Objects and Secret work of the Organization known as the

KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE.
__________

(Published by the U. S. National U. C., February 1862.)

The loyal people of the United States have long been aware of the existence in this country and especially in the Southern States, of various secret organizations having for their object the “Americanization” of some of our weaker neighbors beyond the Southern limits of our domain, and the aggrandizement of their leaders and members through the forcible acquisition of the territory, and subversion of the Governments of the Central American States and Mexico.  Of this character was the order of the Lone Star, under whose auspices men and means were raised for the Lopez raids upon the Island of Cuba, in the year 1850, and 1851, and for the subsequent forays into the Central American States under the leadership of the "grey-eyed man of destiny," William Walker.  These Hostile designs upon the territory of our Southern neighbors having failed, the order fell into disrepute, and its secrets were exposed and burlesqued by the “Sons of Malta.”

This order of the Lone Star, was a branch of that now known as the K. G. C., if indeed it was not identical with it.  Probably thousands of our fellows citizens, North and South, who were once familiar with the secret work of the order of the Lone Star, will be able to discern the old landmarks throughout the exposition contained in these pages.  We are assured by an intelligent gentleman, once a member of this organization, that in its early history, it had no designs hostile to our Government and people but that its sole object was the acquisition of foreign territory by the force of arms, the introduction of immigrants from the Southern States, who should seize upon and possess the soil, and reduce the natives to the condition of slaves, or expel them from the country at the point of the bayonet.

These grand schemes failed for the time, and the surviving members of this band of land pirates soon found work at home.

Of the K. G. C., a writer in the Continental Monthly, for January, 1862, says:

“This organization which was instituted by John C. Calhoun, William L. Porcher, and others, as far back as 1835, had for its sole object the dissolution of the Union, and the establishment of a Southern Empire. – Empire is the word, not Confederacy or Republic – it was solely by means of its secret, but powerful machinery, that the Southern States were plunged into revolution, in defiance of the will of a majority of their voting population.  Nearly every man of influence at the South, (and many a pretended Union man at the North,) is a member of this organization, and sworn, under the penalty of assassination, to labor “in season and out of season, by fair means and by foul, at all times and on all occasions,” for the accomplishment of its object.”

Upon what evidence the above statement in regard to the agency of Messrs. Calhoun and Porcher in the foundation of this organization is made, we know not; but there can be no reasonable doubt that these men, and their associates, did resort to secret and powerful means for the spread of their views, and for the instruction of the public mind of the South in those doctrines of disunion and treason which they originated.  Through these means, and especially by the agency of the K. G. C., “the Southern mind has been educated and the Southern heart fired,” persistently and thoroughly, for a long series of years, until the hopes of the arch traitors were in part realized by the inauguration of civil war, on the 12th of April 1861, by that fatal shot for the South, the firing of the first gun at Fort Sumter!

Since the commencement of the internal dissensions in the United States, which culminated in the great rebellion of 1861-2, this treasonable organization has acquired new strength, and become widely disseminated throughout the length and breadth of our land, embracing within its circle many thousands of disloyal men, who are secretly conspiring against the rights and liberties of our people.  Men of all grades in society, from the lordly banker and merchant, the eloquent statesman and the ambitious politician, down to the lowest ruffian and assassin who infests the purlieus of our cities, are believed to be connected with this organization; their object being the advancement of their own ends, whatever they may be, even at the sacrifice of our government, our rights, our liberties and even our existence as a great and powerful nation.  Indeed, the cardinal object of the conspiracy seems to be the utter destruction of the Great Republic, and the establishment upon its ruins of a military despotism, or of an oligarchy, wherein the rich may lord it over the poor, making the laws which shall govern the “mudsills of society,” and dictating the terms upon which the great mass of the people of this broad land shall be permitted to exist.

There is good reason to believe that the chief seat of the power of the K. G. C. has recently been transferred from the Southern States to Canada, and that it has powerful allies among the mobility, bankers and merchants of England.  Having accomplished its great design at the South, by arousing the people to the fighting point, it leaves them in the hands of the military despots, who rule them with a rod of iron, joins hands with our foreign foes, and seeks by the foulest secret means, the overthrow of our liberties.  Our foreign enemies are banded together in this infamous league, by tens of thousands, and are vigorously at work, night and day, “at all times and all seasons, by fair means and by foul,” to accomplish the fulfillment of their long cherished hopes, and oft repeated predictions of the downfall of our Republican form of Government, the dismemberment of our Union, and the utter destruction of this last and greatest home of freedom for the oppressed nations of the world.

Men of America!  Who love your country with all its glorious memories, and all its bright prospect of future greatness, whose fathers freely shed their blood to secure to you and to your children the blessings of civil and religious liberty, those are facts! And you shall be convinced of them.  Your enemies are secretly at work in your very midst, and are in conspiracy with foreign emissaries to deprive you of the blessings which you have ever enjoyed under your paternal Government, and for the maintenance of which you may be compelled yet again to peril your lives and your fortunes.  Are you willing that this hellish conspiracy shall be permitted to go on undisturbed until the wicked traitors who are engaged in it shall have accomplished their designs, until you are bound hand and foot, and chained to the car of despotism by fetters that cannot be broken; or will you at once awake to a realization of the impending danger, and by a united effort strangle the monster?

For the purpose of exposing to the world the secret means by which this treasonable order has been so far successful in the accomplishment of its great end, the dismemberment of our Republic, this publication is made.  We have no wish, or design, to cause unnecessary alarm, or to arouse the passions; but our leading object is to convince the loyal people of the United States that their liberties are at this moment in greater danger from the secret enemies in their own midst, and the foreign enemies of our institutions who are in league with them, than from the armed hordes who are now in rebellion against the government.

The secrets of the K. G. C. are very carefully guarded, and we are not yet able to reveal to the world all that we could wish; but the work of investigation is in competent and faithful hands, and we hope that we shall be able hereafter to make known all the secret means by which this vile conspiracy is carried on.

The following exposition of the work of the K. G. C., was first published in the columns of the Louisville Journal, in July, 1854.  Of its authenticity there can be no doubt.  Geo. D. Prentice, Esq., the editor of the Journal, give his “solemn assurance as an editor and as a man,” that the documents from which he derived his information are authentic.  He asserts moreover, that he received them from a prominent Knight of the third degree.  The genuineness of these documents has never yet been denied by any man whose word can be regarded as valid testimony in the case.  Corroborative evidence was furnished in a violent newspaper quarrel, which occurred soon after the first publication was made, in which several “Knights of the 3d Degree” in the city of Louisville, were participants, the question in dispute being as to the authorship of the revelations made to Mr. Prentice.  After the warfare had subsided, he informed them that they were all mistaken, and that each one of the parties implicated was equally guiltless.

That the work, in many of its details, has been essentially changed since the first publication of this exposition, we are well aware.  But enough remains to convince the loyal people of the United States, that the objects and plans of the K. G. C., are inimical to the best interests of the country, and that this diabolical organization should be exposed in all its enormity, and crushed by the strong arm of power.  Since its introduction into the Northwestern States and Canada, the order has adopted a modus operandi materially differing from that herein revealed, and perhaps better suited to its new field of operations.  Its most active members are among the noisiest of the pretended friends of the Union; and there is reason to suspect that it has its emissaries in high and confidential positions in civil and military departments of our Government.  Its real designs are cloaked under a specious garb of patriotism, and of intense solicitude for the preservation of the Union and for the welfare of our people.  The revelations here made should convince the most incredulous that the true objects of the members of this order are of the basest sort; and that they are utterly unscrupulous as to the means by which their ends are to be attained.  They are banded together by the most solemn obligations, to obey the orders of their commanders, whatever they may be; and it is evident that human life is held to be of but little value, should it offer an obstacle to the accomplishment of the object sought.

[We omit the exposition published by the Journal, for want of space. – EDS. GAZETTE.]

That the K. G. C. planned the assassination of Mr. LINCOLN, either on his journey to the Capitol, or during the ceremonies of his inauguration, scarcely admits of a doubt.  The plot was discovered and revealed to his friends long before his departure from his home for the City of Washington, and was frustrated by the vigilance of his friends and the military precaution of Gen. SCOTT.

Enough has been revealed in regard to this wicked and treacherous organization to convince every man of sane mind that it is dangerous in the extreme; that it seeks the overthrow of our government, the disruption of the great American Union; the seizure, by fraud or by force, of the territory of our southern neighbors, with whom we are at peace, and the acquisition of an immense extent of territory in which slavery shall be made the leading institution, from which the free white laboring man shall be excluded, or in which he shall be reduced to the condition of a serf, and where a Paradise may be established for the exclusive benefit of the effete and bloated aristocracy of South Carolina, and the few despotic masters of the reckless cut-throats and ruffians who compose the rank and file of the K. G. C.

But our task is not yet done.  We propose now to give some evidence of the existence and thorough organization of this order among our neighbors of Canada, and among the nobility, aristocracy and moneyed classes in England.

From the first outbreak of the present rebellion the tone of the British Press toward the Government and people of the loyal portion of the United States, has been of the most hostile and ungracious character; and a careful comparison of the articles which have appeared in a majority of the leading British newspapers, with those published in the South, shows unmistakable evidence of identity of origin.  All have been dictated in the same spirit, and probably to a great extent by the same parties.  In the discussions arising out of the arrest of Slidell and Mason, the similarity of tone and temper was too palpable to be overlooked.  The British Press teemed with unfounded slanders upon our Government and people.  The public mind of England was inflamed by the publication of the most deliberate falsehoods, wholesale vituperation, and the fullest calumnies, such as could originate nowhere else than in the distempered brains of men who viewed everything from the Secession standpoint, and who were determined to accomplish, so far as was in their paper, the disruption of the Union by means of a foreign war, and the establishment of two separate confederacies within its limits.  That a large and powerful interest in England was determined on war with the United States, was perfectly plain.  Whence came these indisputable manifestations of hostility towards the United States, in consequence of an affair which every sensible man in England knew could and would be amicably arranged, and adjusted without a resort to arms?  Whence came the palpable and wicked falsehoods which were used to inflame the public mind against the only true friends that England ever had upon the face of the globe?  Whence came all the insult and vituperation against us, which disgraced the British Press and the British people in the eyes of the civilized world – whence but from the K. G. C. and its allies abroad?

The following letter is from the pen of a gentleman who has had ample opportunity to make himself acquainted with the facts whereof he writes, and who had devoted much time to the investigation of the secret and treacherous designs which he reveals.  His language shows him to be an intelligent man.  The statement which he makes is corroborated by proof which is within the reach of every man who is conversant with the tone of the British and Southern Press, and who closely watches events as they transpire.  This statement should be accepted as positive of the truth of the revelations made, unless disproved by evidence of the most convincing character.  Neither the word nor the oath of any member or number of members of the K. G. C. will suffice to refute this evidence of the treasonable character of the conspiracy in which they are engaged:

DEAR SIR.  Your note has been received asking for such information as I may have of the objects and working of the secret conclave of traitors in the Northern States, known as the “Knights of the Golden Circle” (K. G. C.) I have devoted considerable time and attention to this organization, and my opportunities have been very rare for gaining information.  And here let me say it is the sworn duty of every K. G. C. who is true to his obligation, to deny the existence of the organization, not generally by positive denials, but by heaping ridicule on the idea of such an organization, which implies that all Northern men are not loyal.  There is, however, ample and positive proof that the Order of K. G. C. is thoroughly organized in every Northern State, as auxiliary to the Southern rebellion.  It assumes various shapes and colors, yet all working under the same system of operations, and all aiming at the same end. – The designation of the “K. G. C.” having become unpopular on account of the known treasonable designs of that Order, is protean in its character, and sails under different cognomens to best effect its purpose – sometimes being the “Peace Party,” the “Union Party,” the “Constitutional Party,” the “Democratic Society,” “Club” or “Association,” the “Mutual Protection;” and, since the “Indiana leak,” as they call it, about the “M. P.’s,” they have chosen “S. P.” or “Self Protection,” as a name.  And since you ask for facts only, I may say it is properly a secret political treason party, as its members initiated are all most strictly limited to the known members of one political party.

THE IMMEDIATE OBJECT, is the overthrow of the Government established by our patriot sires, baptized in their life-blood, and handed down to us, to be forever defended and protected, as the best form of government ever given to man.  THE ULTIMATE OBJECT, the spoils of Office and the control of the Government, by the party which sustains the efforts of these “knights” of treason.  The great majority of the most active leaders are those who have heretofore emoluments of place in the Government, and which to be restored to power.  For this purpose they are willing to tear down the old fabric and erect a new one upon its ruins.  They have some definite plans of operation, and forming a strong network of treason around the Union, well calculated to draw in many true men, to be used by them unawares in carrying out their plots.  I will refer briefly to a few of the means they use:

1.  THEY WISH TO PROLONG THE WAR hoping that something may turn up to get their Southern rebel friends out of their position, without being made to acknowledge the supremacy of the Constitution and the Union.  They hope and work for a foreign war, to make that a pretext for stopping the domestic strife, and uniting against a common foe.  They are for prolonging the war also, for the purpose of tiring the patience of the country, while they can make a public sentiment ready to “compromise” with armed rebellion – to do anything honorable or dishonorable to stop the war.  To do this they appeal to the pockets of the people with exaggerated pictures of enormous taxes, and virtually say, that because it costs money to maintain the Union, we ought to surrender at discretion to the demand of those who have taken up arms in rebellion against it.

2.  THEY WORK BY TREACHERY. – Having first opposed the Government in asserting any authority to enforce the laws and maintain the Union and the Constitution, and done what they could to encourage the outbreak by tendering Northern sympathy and support in advance, they are now seeking to assist their friends in the Southern army, by getting themselves into positions to betray the Union cause for their benefit.  In the month of August last, immediately after the disaster of Bull Run, they marked out a new programme, and sent messengers through all the loyal States to give their friends – the K. G. C., the CUE for putting their new plan into extensive operation.  The treachery of their men at the head of a column of the Federal army, who turned the tide of battle against us at Bull Run, worked so well, that they determined at once, during the reorganization of our army, to fill it with their own men for similar future operations.  “Castles” were forthwith organized in all the States.  Those who had been vomiting treason among their loyal neighbors, to the full extent that public sentiment would tolerate, now very suddenly and mysteriously became seemingly loyal and patriotic, and are anxious for places to draw their swords in defense of the Union, and measure them with its rebellious foes.  They wanted to be decorated with epaulets.  They would serve as captains and from that up to Colonels of Regiments, Brigadier and Major Generals.  They wound a network of influence around Congress and the “powers that be,” to maintain men in the Departments, and to get others in, especially in the War Department – who were shining lights in the “Castles” of the K. G. C., for the avowed and express purpose of aiding the enemy by treacherously watching, and conveying the secrets of the Government to the rebel army. – Men were selected in the States, and sent hundreds of miles to Washington, with strong influences to back them, for this purpose.  Better to carry out their project, they adroitly raised the “No Party” cry, and by professing the most exalted and devoted loyalty, claimed the best places in which to betray the Union cause, for those who were trusted “Knights” – thus secretly plotting reason against the very cause that was to feed and clothe them!  Among the K. G. C. of the Third Degree they freely calculate their prospects of success from the “treachery” of Federal officers, and especially of officers in the Union army, who, if occasion presents, are to disobey orders, and screen themselves behind flimsy excuses for allowing the enemy to escape, when by acting in good faith, they might be defeated.  They point to the singular escape of Floyd and his crew in Western Virginia, after Rosecrans had so decoyed them into a position, that he was certain to bag the whole command, if orders had been executed by his subordinates.  At the time of the Ball’s Bluff disaster they also gave knowing winks to indicate that it was the fulfillment of a chapter in their programme to disgust and dishearten the loyal North, discourage any advance movements, and encourage the rebel army with the report of victory.  They claim a large number of officers of Companies, Regiments, and Brigades, and Divisions, secretly to be in their interests, and even have the audacity to whisper that Gen. McClellan understands their programme, and is not unfriendly to working up to it. They claim, also, a goodly number of friends and brethren in the officers of the Navy.  They deprecate the appointment of Stanton to the administration of the War Department, and regret that he is not one of their mystical number.  They fear that all the influences they can throw around him will not induce him to bend his policy to favor their projects; they are ever on the alert, and will make a concerted effort, by pretended confidence and flattery, to weave an influence around him that will partially capture him, and control his policy  They acknowledge their faint hopes, however, of being able either to induce him to become a “Knight,” or to lure him into their plausible scheme for the future control of the spoils of Government.

3.  PEACE CONVENTION AND NEW CONSTITUTION. – Another mode of arriving at their object, is a National Peace or Compromise Convention, is to be held when all thing are prepared.  The schedule is to call a convention of all the States, North and South, to arrive at an understanding, and compromise the difficulty upon a basis already fixed.  The basis is the Jeff. Davis Constitution of the Southern Confederacy – conceding and adopting some of its features, and yielding some of the important ones in our present instrument, as a “compromise.”  The main features of the compromise will be a constitutional recognition, guaranty, and protection of Slavery in the States and Territories, without distinction.  In the meantime, the country being tired and sick of war and taxes, they expect to manufacture a public opinion that will adopt their scheme.  To give popular strength to this “convention,” there is to be a most earnest and persistent effort to carry every local and State election this year against the administration, or War and Union party – so that it will appear that the country has changed, and is against the further prosecution of the war for the supremacy of the old Union and the old Constitution as it is; and that the party calling the “National Peace Convention” are the majority or dominant party, and represent the public will. Further to facilitate party success at the polls, and cover up or draw attention from their own treasonable plotting against the Government, they are to join in a united and harmonious howl of “ABOLITIONIST” against all loyal men who sustain the Administration and the war to crush the rebellion; for the purpose of trying to identify and stigmatize them with the sins, and the long odious (in the North) doctrines and sentiments promulgated by a band of fanatical disunionists headed by Garrison and Wendell Phillips – claiming that all whom they chose to call “Abolitionists,” including the whole party that elected the administration, and all who sustain it in the prosecution of the war, are equally “traitors” with those who are in arms against the Union; and if the life of a Southern man, caught in the overt act, is sacrificed, the life of an “Abolitionist” should balance the account.  While none but Southern men are in arms to overthrow the Government, the responsibility of the war is to be persistently charged upon the loyal North, which should be the first to offer terms of “peace” and “compromise.”  By throwing every obstacle in the way of the Government, added to secret treason, they hope to give plausibility, among the weak-minded, that whenever the control of the nation passes from their hands the country will get into trouble, and that the only party capable of governing the country is the one they lead – that peace and prosperity cannot return until they are restored to power.  “Look at the country in a civil war in less than three months after the change of rulers,” they say, with exulting triumph.  No means are to be left untried to “divide and conquer” the war party at the polls.  They have a systematic plan to discredit the Government in the eyes of the people.  They cry aloud about frauds, while they are busily employed seeking contracts for the very purpose of defrauding the Government, to give coloring to their charges!  If they cannot get original contracts, they seek sub-contracts from the friends of the Union, that the odium of their own dishonesty may fall on the shoulders of the War party.  They boast of having already used these tactics to great effect.  Doubting the ability of the Government to pay its liabilities, with a view of depreciating the public Securities and Treasury notes, the withdrawal of public confidence, and cutting off the supplies to carry on the war, is another favorite scheme.  It is seriously discussed in the “castle” meetings, whether they will not utterly refuse to pay the war tax, which they think will not only embarrass the Government, but create a great public excitement that may demand the discontinuance of further resistance to the rebellion.

The demand for the exchange of prisoners, upon the terms dictated by Jeff. Davis, was an effort for the recognition of the “Confederacy,” and to save the necks of the ringleaders of the treason when they are eventually caught (as they expect to be,) by claiming to be “prisoners of war” – “belligerents” – instead of traitors to their Government.  And when the war is over – whether the Union is re-established on its old basis, or upon the projected Jeff. Davis Compromise-Constitution – the K. G. C. party are to assume all the credit of ending the conflict through their influence, and of having been the special friends of the rebels during their rebellion, and thereby claim their political affinities and support in a consolidated party for the future control of the nation.  They will divide and distract the Union party by a hypocritical support and flattery of the President and his policy, to create distrust in the minds of the real friends of the Administration that it is not true to, and is about to abandon the party and the principles upon which it was raised to power.  In short, the schemes of the K. G. C. to overthrow the government, embrace the whole catalogue of strategy known to corrupt politicians.

4. FOREIGN INFLUENCE. – The K. G. C. are known to each other by secret signs and words.  They seldom trust any documents to the mails, but keep messengers constantly in the field, carrying information from one “Castle” (or “Club,” “Lodge,” Society,” &c.,) to another.  (The term “Castle” is the proper designation of the place where “Knights” congregate to concoct treason.)  There is the most perfect and uninterrupted communication between the South and England through this order.  Their principle avenue is through the Canadas, where they have numerous “Castles” and co-workers, as well as in Europe.  There are numerous Southerners located in Canada, as connecting links in the agency, and several of the employees of the Provincial railroads connecting with the States are the active agents and “messengers” of the secret treason against the Government.  At both ends of the Grand Trunk, the Great Western, the Buffalo & Lake Huron roads, these agents are busy, but mostly so on the Grand Trunk and the connecting lines into Vermont.  Several of the representatives of large British capitalists residing in Canada are known to be most active operators and sympathizers.  The Donneganna and St. Lawrence hotels at Montreal are the resorts of Southern rebels, where they are met and treated with great kindness and cordiality; also, at Quebec, Toronto, Hamilton, &c.  The K. G. C. claim to own, or have a controlling interest in nearly every leading newspaper in the Canadas.  In Canada, as in England, this organization, and sympathy with the rebellion, is confined to the feudal, aristocratic, and what they claim to be the ruling classes, viz: these “born to rule by royal prerogative.”  They dread the influence of Republican America; they consider her a rival power, dangerous to the extension of their own lease of monarchial rule, and are ready to seize upon the first favorable opportunity to assist in her overthrow – and thus demonstrate to their own subjects, already restless, if not clamorous, for many “reforms” approximating to our young Government, that the “model Republic” is a failure; that Democracy cannot constitute a permanent government; that nothing short of monarchical, or strong central government, can withstand the shock of ages.  The overthrow, or division and disruption of our government, would be pointed to as a fulfillment of the long-heralded prophecies of monarchists.  The active and adroit diplomacy of the rebel States, through their ablest men, knew well where to secure a strong foothold in Europe, and they struck with success.  They sought the association of aristocracy and capital, as the strong point to be gained, and hence to a large extent, have secured the tone of the aristocratic press without striking the responsive chord in the hearts of the great mass of the European people – the working and tax-paying classes, whose representatives are “reformers” – those who turn a listening ear to the musical strains of liberty and equality which float to them from across the Atlantic, and cause the inquiry why they cannot enjoy the same blessing without risking a perilous voyage from their native land to the New World, where all are “sovereigns,” and the rulers only the subjects and servants.  The K. G. C. never seem to lack money to send messengers on long journeys, and keep them constantly in the field, or do anything else they deem important.  This gives color to their claim that the European associated aristocracy are secretly furnishing large sums of money to second the base objects of the Southern rebellion.   I have no doubt of it.

5.  THE LAST RESORT — CIVIL WAR — ASSASSINATION! — But the most damnable and atrocious part of this dark plot is yet to be told, and if it does not arouse the languid patriotic blood now resting in security to stand united against the working of this foul treason, then, indeed, our liberties are in danger. The K. G. C, through this secret organization, have the blood-thirsty scheme of assassinating Northern Union men, and creating anarchy and civil war in the North, as a means of ending resistance to the rebellion!  Believing that other means will fail, they are already privately armed and arming for the conflict.

I have before stated as a part of the programme, that all Northern Union men who voted for Lincoln, or sustain the Government in a vigorous prosecution of the war to crush out the rebellion, are to be branded “ABOLITIONISTS,” ergo “traitors,” equally guilty with Jeff. Davis and his crew, because Garrison and Wendell Phillips and other fanatical Abolitionists, have been notorious and ignominious as disunionists.  “Let the Northern Abolition traitors and Southern Rebel leaders be hung up together, if at all,” is now the watchword. – “Let them perish in equal numbers, as the authors of the war.” – “The Abolitionists of the North must first be put down before the War can come to an end.”  The danger of a Northern uprising against the Government, if the war is not speedily brought to a close.”

“We are fighting our own brethren.”  “We are willing to compromise, but the Abolitionist will not.”  “The people will rise and fight before they will pay taxes to keep our soldiers killing our brothers in the South.”  “The Abolitionists are worse traitors, and more to blame than the South.” – “The Abolitionists must be cleaned out, and then we can have peace.”  “The people must rise and hang the Abolitionists at the same time the army put down the rebellion South.”

“Blood must flow in the North, as well as the South, before we get rid of the worst traitors to the Union.”  “Abolitionists must be put in Fort Warren as well as Southern men, if you want peace.”  These and numerous other similar dark and blood-foreboding expressions that may be heard in talking with high “Knights,” only go to fully corroborate the written evidence now before me, of a blood-thirsty plot to assassinate Union men to “secure the success of the South.”  I have seen and read the special dispatches of high “Knights,” sent from one castle to the high officials of another in which the whole programme of operations and the means to be used were elaborately laid down and commented upon, in which it is always distinctly stated that the only way to success in the North, is to secure the success of the South by a concerted action throughout the North, that the country must be tired and worried out with taxes and the horrors of a war, until a pretense is given to warrant a Northern civil war, and an uprising against the “Abolitionists,” as the cause of the beginning and continuance of the conflict.  Then the private arms are to be used.  Each K. G. C. is pledged to arm himself with a long knife and a revolving pistol.  They are also provided with a small dark pocket or police lamps.  One dispatch to a high functionary, stated that if secrecy and success attended the project – and he had no doubt on that score – it would prove a second Sicilian Vesper, which has referenced also to some of the test words of recognition.  “Are you going to Vespers?” – “Are you ready for Vespers?” is the sly way of asking each other if they are “armed” and “ready;” and also of asking a stranger if he is a K. G. C. – or if in a mixed crowd, any conversation in which the word “Vespers” is used indicates membership which leads to further tests.

I have heard the more desperate openly state that if this war is not closed in less than four months, “Abolition” blood would flow in every Northern city.  I am not permitted to go more into detail at this time.  I have given you but a faint outline of the plot, and the means to be used to overthrow the old Ship of State.  When it culminates into the assassination of Union men in the peaceful, loyal North, by a band of secretly organized traitors – when the bell shall toll for another Sicilian Vespers – when traitors shall shout their songs of rebellion as the signal for the Grand Carnival of Treason to commence, with one side secretly armed for the conflict – then the country will inquire with amazement, whether the events of March 30, 1282 are yet to have their counterpart here, in the year 1862, for no other crime than being loyal to the Government, and wishing to put down the most wicked and causeless rebellion that ever existed!  Then, perhaps, the Government will be aroused to the importance of not harboring vipers in its bosom to sting its very life-blood – then the loyal people will rise in their might and protect their own liberties, and woe to be unto those who have their lot cast with the K. G. C., or have followed their leadership.

These are startling developments, and will be vigorously hooted down by every K. G. C. who is true to his obligations.  Let it be so for the present. There are some among them who have yet an inkling of patriotism left, and cannot, and will not be bound to this wicked conspiracy.  It is to this source that you are indebted for the facts above stated – facts, which I will say to you, may be most implicitly relied upon, and the time will arrive when what I have stated will be verified, and much of the same character added to it.  At some future time, developments will be made that will satisfy you that I am no alarmist, and men high in the confidence of the people will be so connected with this secret treason, that the country will despise their memory.  In the mean time, let every loyal man, wherever he is, be watchful and vigilant for the signs that I have indicated, to the identify and mark the sure enemies of the Union, and in most cases the sure trade-marks of the K. G. C.  Their emissaries are busy and on the move.  The organization is extensive, penetrating the back woods and the plains.  In many cases, in remote places, one, two, or three trusted members, are all who are entrusted with the secrets, but they are busy in making and controlling opinion – in educating their partisans up to the proper point.  The New York “Caucasian” newspaper, sustained by a private fund of the order, is a special organ of the “Castles.”  The principal headquarters in the North, are Philadelphia, New York City, and Cincinnati.  They have a large number of small newspaper editors in their secrets, some of which have to be checked occasionally for too plain talk. * *

I have extended this communication to a far greater length than I had intended, but I could not well make it shorter and do the subject justice.  I submit it for your consideration, believing that you will discover many things in your State and vicinity to corroborate what I have said.  The Work of the K. G. C., as used here, is revised and changed from that used six months ago in the Southern States. – In the first degree but little of its real character is divulged.  It is simply represented as a “Society to oppose Abolitionists.”  Little by little the candidate is let into the vortex of treason.  I earnestly warn all good men against taking the first step.

Yours very truly, for the whole Union.
***.
__________

Fellow Citizens – Loyal Union-loving men of the United States! What think you of these things?  We have proved, upon testimony which you cannot reasonably doubt, the presence in your very midst, of a deadly conspiracy, which threatens your liberties, your rights as citizens, and even the existence of that Union which you so highly prize.  And yet the half has not been told.  There are other secrets of the K. G. C. yet to be revealed.  Those secrets are in the possession of those whose duty it is, and who have the power to punish the traitors who compose the organization; and if they do not perform that duty, we intend to make further disclosures.  For the present we must forbear.

That foul disease which traitors, thirty years ago, fastened upon the body politic, has grown to the proportions of a cancer of the most dangerous character.  It must be eradicated, or you will yet have occasion to mourn over the wreck of all your long cherish[ed] hopes of your country’s greatness and glory.  Traitors at home, leagued with enemies abroad, even now present the knife at the heart of your bleeding country. – Corruption, rank and poisonous, faithlessness and treachery in high places, disregard of the most sacred obligations of man to his fellow man and his God have born their legitimate fruits.  Treason stalks unblushingly through the land.  Artful intriguing politicians and unprincipled demagogues have brought your noble government to the verge of destruction.

Your patriotic, fathers through much of personal suffering, and untold sacrifices of blood and treasure, laid broad and deep, cemented in blood and baptized in tears, the foundations of this glorious fabric of free government, fondly cherishing the hope that it would stand to remotest ages, an asylum for the oppressed of all nations, a beacon to the weary victims of tyranny, and terror to the despotism of the Old World.  This priceless legacy must be preserved.  We cannot believe that you will prove recreant to your country, to posterity and to God.  We believe that the blood and treasure so freely expended in the suppression of the atrocious rebellion now rapidly reeling to its final doom, will bear yet more fruit – that you are ready yet again, if need be, to offer your lives and all that you possess, for the preservation of your Government, and for its establishment upon a basis so solid that it shall stand as a monument of human wisdom, and as the great bulwark of Christianity, Civilization and true Liberty, until time shall be no more!

– Published in the Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 12, 1862, p. 2