Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, June 24, 1865

Senator Trumbull called on me today. Says he is and has been Johnsonian. Is not prepared to say the Administration policy of Reconstruction is not the best that could be suggested. As Trumbull is by nature censorious, — a faultfinder, — I was prepared — to hear him censure. But he has about him some of the old State-rights notions which form the basis of both his and my political opinions.

He expressed a hope that we had more regular Cabinet meetings and a more general submission of important questions to the whole council than was the case under Mr. Lincoln's administration. Trumbull and the Senators generally thought Seward too meddlesome and presuming. The late President well understood and rightly appreciated the character and abilities of Trumbull, and would not quarrel with him, though he felt him to be ungenerous and exacting. They had been pretty intimate, though of opposing parties, in Illinois, until circumstances and events brought them to act together. In a competition for the seat of Senator, Mr. Lincoln, though having three fourths of the votes of their combined strength,¹ when it was necessary they should have all to succeed in choosing a Senator, finding that Trumbull would not give way, himself withdrew and went for T., who was elected. The true traits of the two men were displayed in that contest. Lincoln was self-sacrificing for the cause; Trumbull persisted against great odds in enforcing his own pretensions. When L. was taken up and made President, Trumbull always acted as though he thought himself a more fit and proper man than Lincoln, whom he had crowded aside in the Senatorial contest.

Preston King thinks that D. D. T. Marshall had better be retained as storekeeper at Brooklyn for the present, unless there is evidence of fraud or corruption. On these matters K. is very decided and earnest and would spare no one who is guilty. I have always found him correct as well as earnest. King is domiciled at the Executive Mansion, and I am glad the President gives him so truly and fully his confidence, and that he has such a faithful and competent adviser.

The President permits himself to be overrun with visitors. I find the anteroom crowded through the day by women and men seeking audience, often on frivolous and comparatively unimportant subjects which belong properly to the Departments, often by persons who have cases which have been investigated and passed upon by the Secretaries or by the late President. This pressure will, if continued, soon break down the President or any man. No one has sufficient physical endurance to perform this labor, nor is it right.

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¹ On the first ballot Lincoln had 45 votes and Trumbull 5.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 322-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, July 8, 1865

The week has been one of intense heat, and I have been both busy and indolent. Incidents have passed without daily record. The President has been ill. On Friday I met him at the Cabinet. He has been threatened, Dennison tells me, with apoplexy. So the President informed him.

Mr. Seward has undertaken to excuse and explain his strange letter to me stating “our vessels will withhold courtesy from the English.” He was not aware what he wrote. Damns the English and said he was ready to let them know they must not insult us, and went into pretty glib denunciation of them. Says the French want to get out of Mexico and will go if we let them alone. In Cabinet yesterday, Dennison mentioned a call he had from Sir Frederick Bruce, who desired him to bring to the notice of the President the grievance of an Englishman. Seward and Stanton objected to the informality of the proceedings, which should come through the State Department. The objection was well taken, but Seward could not well prevent, having been constantly committing irregularities by interfering with other Departments.

McCulloch is alarmed about the Treasury. Finds that Fessenden had neither knowledge nor accuracy; that it would have been as well for the Department and the country had he been in Maine, fishing, as to have been in the Treasury Department. His opinion of Chase's financial abilities does not increase in respect as he becomes more conversant with the finances. But McCulloch, while a business man, and vastly superior to either of his two immediate predecessors, or both of them, in that respect, has unfortunately no political experience and is deficient in knowledge of men.

In some exhibits yesterday, it was shown that the military had had under pay during the year about one million men daily. Over seven hundred thousand have been paid off and discharged. There are still over two hundred thousand men on the rolls under pay. The estimates of Fessenden are exhausted, the loan is limited by law, and McCulloch is alarmed. His nerves will, however, become stronger, and he can he will - find ways to weather the storm. Stanton has little idea of economy, although he parades the subject before the public. It is notorious that no economy has yet penetrated the War Department. The troops have been reduced in number, - men have been mustered out, - because from the cessation of hostilities and the expiration of their terms they could not longer be retained, but I have not yet seen any attempt to retrench expenses in the quartermasters', commissary, or any other branch of the military service, - certainly none in the War Department proper.

On Tuesday the 4th, I went with Mrs. Welles and Mrs. Bigelow, wife of John B., our minister to France, to Silver Spring, a pleasant drive. The Blairs, as usual, were hospitable and interesting. They do not admire Louis Napoleon and want his troops should be expelled from Mexico. Mrs. B. is joyous, pleasant, and happy, and it is evident her husband wished her to see and get something of the views of the Blairs, but, while intelligent and charming, she is not profound on matters of State, and was a little disconcerted at the plain, blunt remarks of the elder Mr. and Mrs. Blair. She has, however, a woman's instincts.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 327-9

William T. Sherman to David F. Boyd, September 16, 1860

LANCASTER, Ohio, Sept. 16, 1860.

MY DEAR FRIEND: I came up from Cincinnati last evening, whither I had gone to prove the sheets of our regulations of which I will have one thousand copies fifty of which with a blank leaf at the end of each article, so that amendments may be made and noted as they arise. I will not have them bound but covered with stiff paper. I doubt if I can send any till about the 1st of October when or soon after I will have all boxed and shipped from Cincinnati to New Orleans, where about October 15 I will meet them and our other stores.

By the way on my arrival last night I found your letter of September 3, which put me in possession of a correct knowledge of the status of things on that day, enabling me to prepare: the bedding, 80 mattresses, cases, etc., 500 volumes of books, 1000 of text-books, arms, accoutrements, etc., about 8 boxes of 150 lbs. each, etc., will have to be transported up before November 1. The clothing can follow. If Red River be dead low as you say and on my arrival at New Orleans my information confirm it, I will write you to hire from four to five wagons under one leader if possible, to meet me at the mouth (of Red River) on a certain day say about the 20th, with my horse all saddled, when I can load the wagons and conduct them to the Seminary. See Coats and agree on a price per hundred pounds, but don't close a bargain till the last moment. Baden who has the crapshop in Pineville has a fine team and wagon, the very thing for a load of mattresses.

We have hit on an unfavorable year—low river, undefined powers, unfortunate political crisis, unlimited expectations on the part of the community, but all these must only stimulate us to more strenuous exertions. I know this year will decide our fate, another the fate of the institution confided to us, and I will give it all my best energies and experiences, but I confess the combination of ill influences are calculated to damp my ardor.

I cannot take my family from their present comfortable and bounteously supplied home, for those desolate pine woods, but I will try and cause the coming session to pass off as smoothly and harmoniously as the past, which can only be done by making the studies and duties flow in an uninterrupted current, from the first to the last day of the session.

J. has not the requisite energy and I fear he will be so cramped with debt as to impair what little efficiency he does possess. His department is all important, but as I regard it, he is independent of me. He is steward by lawful appointment. I am only as superintendent or kind of supervisor. "Supervision” is the word, and if any failure occur in his department, I shall claim to be absolved from all responsibility. By a personal introduction to my personal friend in New Orleans, I gave him credit, which I fear he has abused, and it shall not occur again. I cannot incur personal liability in that manner again.

I think the three boys can get out enough wood for the winter and if the fallen timber encumber the ground too much we can make heaps or burn it up, so as to be ready next spring for embellishment. I will try to have one or two white boys for drummer and fifer who can clean the section rooms, tend the lamps, and do some writing. I have not got them yet but will try at Cincinnati and New Orleans on my way down. I could get them here, but I feel a delicacy in taking white men from here lest they should excite undue suspicion.

I admit I am uneasy about political causes or rather local prejudices. Reason can be combated, but suspicion cannot. Here I must resist the opinion that the South is aggressive, that they have made compacts of compromise of 1821 and 1850 which are broken and slavery made national instead of local – in the South that the North are aggressive endangering southern safety and prosperity, both factions argue their sides with warmth and an array of facts, that is hard to answer and I must content myself with awaiting the result.

I send you a speech made by my brother John in Philadelphia a few days ago. I heard him here and had much talk with him, and he told me he should prepare his speech for Philadelphia with care and stand by it. Therefore this speech is the Republican view of this section of the Confederacy.

An unexampled prosperity now prevails here and it is a pity that so much division pervades the Democratic Party, as it enables the Republicans to succeed. Even Bennett's Herald admits the probability of Lincoln's success. But I would prefer Bell to succeed because it would give us four years truce, but I fear it is not to be. But I am equally convinced that Lincoln's success would be attended with no violence. He is a man of nerve, and is connected by marriage and friendship with the Prestons of Kentucky and Virginia, and I have no doubt he will administer the government with moderation. No practical question can arise, whereby men of the South would be declared on the statute book as unequal to their northern brethren. There is now abundant slave territory and we have no other land fit for it, but Texas, and that is all slave territory by treaty.

If we go to Civil War for a mere theory, we deserve a monarch and that would be the final result, for you know perfectly well the South is no more a unit on that question than the North – Kentucky and Carolina have no sympathy. I heard Leslie Combs speak at Circleville a few days ago, and his language would have been Republicanism in Carolina. He has been elected clerk by twenty-three thousand majority in Kentucky.

In Ohio here we have all sorts of political parties and clubs, but it is admitted that it will vote the Republican ticket. My brother has no opposition at all in his district, and is therefore helping others in Pennsylvania and New Jersey. He resides at Mansfield, seventy-five miles north of this. I will go up to visit him and my sister in about ten days; but as to modifying his opinions further I cannot expect it.

I wanted him to repudiate openly the “irrepressible conflict” doctrine—but he has not done so, though he made a left handed wipe at Seward and Giddings as extremists. These men represent the radicals of that party but John laughs at me when I tell him in the nature of things that class of men will get control of his party. He contends that they – the Republicans – are the old Whig Party, revived solely by the unwise repeal of the Missouri Compromise. Of course you and I are outside observers of political events, and can influence the result but little, but this is no reason why we should not feel a deep and lively interest in the development of a result that for better or worse must interest us all.

At Cincinnati I attended the U.S. Agricultural Fair. Joe Lane was there and I esteem him a humbug, from his Mexican War reputation; other notorieties were there, among which fat hogs, calves, pumpkins, apples, etc., competed for prizes, and I think on a fair unbiased opinion the pumpkins were entitled to the first premium over vain conceited men.

I wish however we had Cincinnati near us at the Seminary. We should not then be troubled to get provisions, books, or furniture. If Red River were navigable, and I would find a boat for Alexandria or Shreveport direct, which often occurs in season, I would buy a full outfit of everything for my house at a blow. As it is I now must wait, as transportation by wagon must be out of all reason.

SOURCES: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 277-82

David F. Boyd to William T. Sherman, September 27, 1860

September 27, 1860.

I am much obliged to you for the copy of your brother's speech. It is an able production and marks him, as he had already proved himself to be, a deep thinker and a strong reasoner. I regret very much that he is on the wrong side – his premises I do not grant him. I believe he designs no other injustice to the South than to keep slaves out of the territories, and since the Supreme Court says that under the Constitution they can be carried there, the mere agitation of that matter, free-soilism (not abolitionism), is not sufficient cause for the South to attempt to break up the Union; but I am afraid Seward and many others will never rest till they attempt the abolition of slavery in the states, and when that comes, then “let the Union slide" (according to Governor Banks).

As long as Seward is the acknowledged leader of the Republicans, has not the South reason to fear that the abolition of slavery in the Territories is but the entering wedge to overthrow it in the States? I think, and hope, that your brother will yet openly renounce Seward's “irrepressible conflict” doctrine. But I must say, I like to read Seward's speeches. I have learned more politics of him lately than from all the rest of the politicians put together. However false his position, he talks more like a philosopher than any of them. There is nothing of the humbug about him; he is honest in his views, and for that very reason, he is the more dangerous enemy, first to the South, and finally to the whole Union.

However unpleasant it is to be separated so much from your family, I think you have acted wisely in not bringing them down to Louisiana. If you could see the Pinewoods now, after they have been burnt so bare that there is hardly a sprig of vegetation to be seen, you could not help exclaiming, What a picture of starvation! And it is reported that some poor devils are actually starving in Natchitoches; but I suppose they are of the “rosin heel” tribe, and are really too lazy to live.

Bell will certainly carry Louisiana. Poor Breck! I am afraid he will only carry S. S. Prentiss's “Harry Percy of the Union,” South Carolina, and, maybe, he is not ultra enough for the Fire-eaters. . .

SOURCES: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 286-8

William T. Sherman to David F. Boyd, September 30, 1860

LANCASTER, OHIO, Sept. 30, 1860.

MY DEAR FRIEND:

I am much obliged to your letters which have kept me easy. Time now begins to approach the season of action, and I see no better cause for me to pursue that what I have heretofore designated. By the way all the books, text and library, are already en route to Converse, Kennett and Co., New Orleans, from New York, and the regulations ought to be done and shipped to-morrow. So that by or before October 15 everything we need will be there.

My orders are to ship to Pineville if possible and by the Picayune I see that occasionally a boat gets up to Alexandria. But if on my arrival there I find all our things I will promptly write to you to send to me at mouth of Red River four or five wagons and my horse, that out of the whole I may select the books, bedding, and hardware necessary and leave the balance to follow when navigation opens. The arms will be delivered at Alexandria by Uncle Sam, and if freight is excessive we don't care.

My own preference is that our cadets should not exceed one hundred and fifty in number and I doubt if we can do them or ourselves justice if in greater number. Tell Manning if he or Smith intend to engineer the Seminary through, they must look well to this question of number. Have new mess hall tables made, same width as the others but four feet shorter, because four of the present length in a row make too close a fit. Tell Manning that I hope the mere manner of appointment did not defeat the assistant professor of mathematics. Such an officer should be there the very day we begin. Even if his qualifications are limited to arithmetic. Our teaching must be practical and adapted to the capacity of the cadets, and all hands must recite daily in mathematics, and it is a physical impossibility for Vallas to hear all or half. I have been quite sick, bad cold and some of the bilious that was in me all spring, but I feel better now, though my face is much broken out with four blisters.

This week is a busy one for our village – fair, races, etc. This country has thirty thousand people, town six thousand, the finest farms in the world, and such horses and cattle as would do you good to see. We have men here who can afford to own such stock as “Fashion,” and one of our men imported an eight thousand dollar English horse, “Bonnie Scotland,” which is a beauty.

At this instant the Prince of Wales is in Cincinnati. Some of the ladies wanted me to go down one hundred and twenty miles to see him, but I begged off and they got other escort. He is having a jolly good time and enjoys his trip exceedingly, as he should, for he makes his progress during fine weather and when fruits are at perfection. I would like to see the youth, but will trust to the newspapers for a description.

My brother John continues to circulate, making Republican speeches and everybody says that in case Lincoln be elected he will have a high seat in the synagogue. Judging from the mere local clamor here, and remembering the wild and foolish schism in the Democratic Party it is more than probable that Lincoln will be elected. But there is so wide a difference between the Seward Republicans and Corwin Republicans that in case of success the party will break into flinders worse than the old Whig Party used to do—and then will begin the war of the Roses.

Which wing of the Democratic Party is the Simon pure? That seems now the only effort of the Democrats north—is to try and see which wing of the party shall be construed as the true heir to the rights and glory of the old Democratic Party. Douglas here is the Democratic but in the South Breckenridge is.

The truth is that the present territories—Utah, New Mexico, Arizona, and the desert—ain't worth quarrelling over, and practically nobody can be tempted to go there except as governor, marshal, judge, etc., of supposed future states. No sensible man with liberty of choice would think of taking his slaves there. Consequently all this clamor about rights in territories is a theoretical one, but as you say it involves a principle and therefore is contended for.

If any calamity should befall our country in this question, the future historian would have the pleasant task of chronicling the downfall of the Great Republic, because one class of would not permit theoretically another class of to go, where neither party had the most remote intention to go, for I take it that no sensible man except an army officer who could not help himself ever went to Utah, New Mexico, or Arizona, or even proposes to do so. And as our dominions now reach the Pacific, and our frontiers are all “rectified” we have no further necessity of taking in any more "worthless Mexican waste land."

I hope therefore that the result of this angry controversy will be no more extension of territory, but that all states will confine their efforts to perfecting and improving their internal resources. You can readily understand that I am sick of this war of prejudice. Here the prejudice is that planters have nothing else to do but hang abolitionists and hold lynch courts. There, that all the people of Ohio are engaged in stealing and running off negroes. The truth is they both do injustice to the other; and if all would forget and mind their respective interests, it would be found that slave and all other property in the United States are now at a most prosperous standard.

Yesterday I was out all day with my boys gathering nuts. I had a single horse spring-wagon and filled it with black walnuts and chestnuts - and what with roasting, boiling, and eating chestnuts there is no peace in the house. When I began the young ones had gone to church but they are back now, and it requires more nerve to write in the midst of their noises than if a regimental band were in full career.

Mrs. Sherman has put up for me an amount of currant jelly, quince jelly, and marmalade and all sorts of preserves – but I doubt if I can take them down. If Red River were navigable I would send them down to New Orleans from Cincinnati to Kennett and have him reship them. I am trying to stop smoking. It and bad food had reduced me to a skeleton, and I am still thin. I was fifteen pounds lighter than ever before in my life when I reached home. I had paid no attention to it and Mrs. Sherman thinks I am so careless of what I eat, that she really believes we are starved down there. I don't know what she will think when she has to depend on Schwartzenberg and Alexandria for her daily supplies.

I know they are well off here and therefore shall leave them statu quo till I send for them, but in the meantime will myself occupy the house built for me, though I still think Vallas' house should be plastered and painted first, and Mills can do so. I take it the plastering will all be done before I arrive and that one and may be two coats of paint on. The moment I arrive at New Orleans I will write you whether I want the wagons sent to the mouth of Red River. The distance is sixty-five miles, time three days, load say two thousand pounds for two yoke. Total time of trip one week - about twenty dollars a load which would be three dollars a day—or better one dollar the hundred, about that. There will be fourteen boxes of books, eighty rolls of bed and about six hundred weight of sundries. Keep your mind on four or five wagons. Wagons should have covers.

Write me very fully by the 12th October care of Kennett, Blood and Co., New Orleans, on these points – that I may act with the greatest chance of economy and certainty. Only make a written charter party, and allow for lay days at a price at the mouth. If you have one of those two hundred dollar checks left or any means of drawing send me some by letter as I shall be hard up on arrival at New Orleans; let me know also then who is vice-president. 

SOURCES: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 288-92

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, June 9, 1865

Attended Cabinet-meeting. Mr. Seward was present. We met in the Blue Room for his accommodation. Affairs of Texas were discussed. Hamilton, who was appointed military governor by Mr. Lincoln, is here pressing himself for a continuance in that position. There seemed a general disposition to acquiesce in that arrangement. I remarked that I was not personally familiar with Hamilton, but I supposed him loyal. He had been a profuse talker, but his profoundness and capability, and, I may add, his sincerity had sometimes appeared to me questionable. I mentioned Governor Pease as a loyal and reliable man of sound judgment, and undoubted ability and rightmindedness.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 315-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, June 16, 1865

At Cabinet-meeting General Grant came in to press upon the government the importance of taking decisive measures in favor of the republic of Mexico. Thought that Maximilian and the French should be warned to leave. Said the Rebels were crossing the Rio Grande and entering the imperial service. Their purpose would be to provoke differences, create animosity, and precipitate hostilities. Seward was emphatic in opposition to any movement. Said the Empire was rapidly perishing, and, if let alone, Maximilian would leave in less than six months, perhaps in sixty days, whereas, if we interfered, it would prolong his stay and the Empire also. Seward acts from intelligence, Grant from impulse.

Seward submitted a paper drawn up by himself, favorable to the purchase of Ford's Theatre to be devoted to religious purposes. Governor Dennison, who sometimes catches quickly at schemes, expressed his readiness to sign this, but no others concurred, and it was dropped.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 317

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, June 20, 1865

Mr. Seward was absent from the Cabinet-meeting. All others were present. The meetings are better and more punctually attended than under Mr. Lincoln's administration, and measures are more generally discussed, which undoubtedly tends to better administration. Mrs. Seward lies at the point of death, which is the cause of Mr. Seward's absence.

The subject of appointments in the Southern States the Rebel States—was discussed. A difficulty is experienced in the stringent oath passed by the last Congress. Men are required to swear they have rendered no voluntary aid to the Rebellion, nor accepted or held office under the Rebel government. This oath is a device to perpetuate differences, if persisted in.

I was both amused and vexed with the propositions and suggestions for evading this oath. Stanton proposed that if the appointees would not take the whole oath, to swear to as much as they could. Speed was fussy and uncertain; did not know but what it would become necessary to call Congress together to get rid of this official oath. Harlan¹ believed the oath proper and that it should stand. Said it was carefully and deliberately framed, that it was designed, purposely, to exclude men from executive appointments. Mr. Wade and Mr. Sumner had this specially in view. Thought there was no difficulty in these appointments except judges. All other officers were temporary; judges were for life. I remarked that did not follow. If the Senate, when it convened, did not choose to confirm the judicial appointments, the incumbents could only hold until the close of the next session of Congress. But above and beyond this I denied that Congress could impose limitations and restrictions on the pardoning power, and thus circumscribe the President's prerogative. I claimed that the President could nominate, and the Senate confirm, an officer independent of that form and oath, and if the appointee took and faithfully conformed to the constitutional oath, he could not be molested. McCulloch inclined to my views, but Stanton insisted that point had been raised and decided and could not, therefore, be maintained. I claimed that no wrong decision could be binding, and I had no doubt of the wrongfulness of such a decision, denying that the constitutional rights of the Executive could be frittered away by legislation. There is partyism in all this, not union or country.

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¹ Harlan had succeeded Secretary Usher in the Department of the Interior.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 318-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, June 21, 1865

Mrs. Seward, wife of Secretary Seward, died this A.M. Mr. Seward sends me a letter inclosing dispatch of Lord John Russell in relation to belligerent rights to the Rebels. Both France and England withdraw belligerent rights from them, — France, it would seem, unconditionally, but England with conditions, and, as usual, our Secretary is outmaneuvred. He writes me that our naval vessels will not extend courtesies to British naval vessels, etc. Disagreed and wrote him of the difficulty of instructing naval officers. But called at State Department. It was late and no one there.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 319

A Good Deed — published May 23, 1856

As will be seen by telegraph, Mr. Brooks, of South Carolina, after the adjournment of the Senate on yesterday, administered to Senator Sumner, the notorious and foulmouthed Abolitionist from Massachusetts, an elegant and effectual caning. We are rejoiced at this. The only regret we feel is, that Mr. Brooks did not employ a horsewhip or a cowhide upon his slanderous back, instead of a cane. We trust the ball may be kept in motion. Seward others should catch it next.

SOURCE: Richmond Daily Whig, Richmond Virginia, Friday Morning, May 23, 1856, p. 2

William T. Sherman to David F. Boyd, August 13, 1860

LANCASTER, O. (Monday), Aug. 13, 1860.

MY DEAR FRIEND: I arrived here yesterday morning, and found my family well. I left Miss Whittington in Cincinnati with Mrs. Ewing to rest over Sunday and to come here to-day. On Wednesday I will go to Washington, and on Saturday to New York, and as soon as I make up my catalogue of books I will send it to you. My chief idea in going to New York is to elect some one person of good credit who can buy for us such books as any of us want. My only acquaintance with booksellers now is of that general character that is formed by dropping in and buying a single or couple [of] volumes. This time I will come to clear distinct terms as to purchase, commissions, credits, etc., same with clothing, and same for hats, caps, and shoes. But your five hundred dollars of books shall be purchased absolutely, paid for and shipped in all September, and I advise you to have prepared a case of shelves. The textbooks must also be bought on a credit, and then they can remain in their own boxes till issued and sold to cadets – same of clothing, shoes, hats, etc.

Now Red River will not be navigable by October 15, and I foresee trouble, but trouble only stimulates my endeavors. I will arrange that all purchases go to New Orleans; if Red River be navigable October 15, then these things to be shipped, if Red River be dry, then I will want to hire five wagons at or near the Seminary, so that on my arrival there I can conduct them to Snaggy Point, or even the Mississippi River, and haul up those things, such as bedding, textbooks, etc., which must be on hand to the hour. Therefore, if about October 1 the river be as now, unreliable, see Coats, or Baden the cooper in Pineville, or some other of that class, and tell them on my arrival October 15 I will want to hire five wagons, and for them to be prepared for an offer.

Keep the carpenters well at the tables, bookcases, and wardrobes, the woodcutters to their work, and I foresee a plain easy beginning to our critical session.

It is utterly impossible to conceive of a wider contrast than exists between the Pinewoods and where I now am. Since the first settlement of Ohio, there has been no season of such prolific yield as the present: wheat, oats, hay, fruit, corn, everything have been or are perfect. I never saw such corn fields; not a stack missing, high, strong and well-eared. If I could transfer the products of this county to Natchitoches I would prefer it to all the mines of California. Horses and cattle roll with fat. I hear this is the condition of things in all this region, and God grant it may be one of the many causes to teach men of prejudice and fanaticism of the beautiful relation that should exist between parts of the same country.

The same diversity of opinion in politics exists here as elsewhere, but Lincoln will doubtless carry this state, partly from the diversion caused by the nomination of the three adverse candidates, Douglas, Breckenridge, and Bell. Mr. Ewing tells me he was consulted about the organization of the Union Party. He advised it, but against the nomination of a candidate – intending to hold their strength in reserve, to be cast in favor of the most national of the candidates of the adverse party. He thinks this sentiment forced the Republicans to reject Seward and take Lincoln, of whom he speaks in moderately favorable terms. My brother John is in the north of this state, where a more violent anti-slavery feeling prevails, and where a moderate conservatism would be styled Dough-facism. Therefore he is radical. I shall see him this summer, but can not expect to influence him. Still, I know that even if Lincoln be elected, he will not dare do anything hostile to any section. Political majority has passed to the North, and they are determined to have it. Let us hope they will not abuse it.

I saw Roelofson in Cincinnati, and though not entirely satisfied at my not going to London he had to say that I had a right to be cautious of all new financial schemes. He will go himself to London. I hope the Board of Supervisors to meet at Alexandria to-day will not modify materially my plans, but even if they do, I will execute their plan another year, and if we find the mixed system too weak for success, I feel assured they will yield. If, however, they devise some impracticable scheme I will be disposed to hesitate to risk my comfort and reputation in a doubtful result.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 257-9

William T. Sherman to David F. Boyd, August 19, 1860

WASHINGTON, D.C., Sunday, Aug. 19, 1860.

DEAR MR. BOYD: I wrote you from Lancaster. I left there last Wednesday reached here Thursday evening deposited my charge, Miss Whittington, in the convent same day, and have been two days well employed here. I have a large acquaintance here, and was thereby enabled promptly to succeed in my undertaking of getting arms for our institution – orders are already issued for the shipment to Alexandria of 145 cadet muskets, making with 55 on hand 200 – 10 long range minnie rifles, with sabre bayonets – 10 pistols for belts – 200 cartridge boxes, bayonet scabbards, belts, etc., for 200 cadets 10 sergeant's swords and belts, 10 musicians' swords and belts and a whole lot of extra springs, screws, etc., to keep all in repair. This will give us a good outfit for 210 cadets, a number as great as we can hope for some years to come. I did want ammunition but this is not allowed by law, and I may provide some at New York, wherewith to teach the practical use of these modern long range weapons.

Of course politics here are on every tongue, but I keep aloof. I notice a few facts, which to me are far more convincing than any political platform or dogmas. All the public buildings here are being built in a style of magnificent proportions and development, which looks like increasing rather than diminishing the proportions of our country. All the hotels are cleaning and painting ready for the usual winter influx of politicians. There is no diminution in the price of property, rents, or even of negroes.

You know that money is as sensitive as the mercury and in Europe an ugly remark of Louis Napoleon will affect stocks. So would any political event here, if people believed it – but nobody believes in a secession, though they talk and write of it. Lincoln's chances of election were very good, but two events have just transpired which to me look important. In New York the Bell and Douglas parties have fused - and have made a joint elective ticket, which can cast the vote of New York for Douglas or Bell, as events may make necessary. Again Seward at Boston made another of his characteristic speeches in which he renewed his assertion of the irreconcilability of slave and free labor. Now if Lincoln remains silent as he doubtless will, the moderates will accuse him of thinking as Seward does, whereas if he does, as he should, announce his belief that our government as framed is harmonious in all its parts, he will lose the Seward wing or faction.

There have been magnificent crops made in all the Northern and Middle States and they will have in abundance, corn, hay, flour, bacon, and those thousand and one things needed at the South, and as this commercial dependence and exchange should, they no doubt will have a good effect, in showing the mutual dependence of all the parts of this vast and magnificent country, the one on the other. Whilst Lincoln loses strength in the way I have stated, Breckenridge has lost vastly by the vote of his own state, being so overwhelming against him, and the press is gradually settling into identifying him with a secession faction. Between this faction of the South and Lincoln of the North, Bell or Douglas if united as they have done in the New York may be elected by the people and that gives us four years of peace, during which I trust this ugly feeling of suspicion may subside, a consummation devoutly to be wished.

To-morrow I will commence the purchase of books and will fill out your list first. I will then see to clothing and make such arrangements that in the future we can order as we need and have the means of payment. I wish you would keep me advised at Lancaster, Ohio, of the progress of things. In boxing up the space under the stairway, have a double bolted door made to fasten to an upright stancheon, which can be taken out – this will be necessary, as we must store there large boxes, which will require a large opening. Please also have the space E of the hall boxed up for a guard room. We will need that for storage at first. In all November we will have a good many stores to receive, distribute, and issue. Your book case you will need in October, as I will direct the shipment of books in September.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 259-62

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, May 19, 1865

Preston King tells me he has a letter from Senator Dixon, speaking of me in very complimentary terms and expressing a wish that I may continue in the Cabinet, assuring K. that this is the sentiment of all parties in Connecticut. The President is not yet prepared to complete the Amnesty Proclamation, nor to issue the order for the reëstablishment of the authority of the local State governments. Our North Carolina friends have not arrived. Seward was to-day in the State Department, and the President with the rest of us went to his room. I noticed that his old crony and counterpart, Thurlow Weed, was with him as we entered. Seward was gratified and evidently felt complimented that we called. Was very decisive and emphatic on the subject of a proclamation declaring the Rebel vessels pirates and also a proclamation for opening the ports. Both these measures I had pressed rather earnestly; but Stanton, and Speed under Stanton's prompting, had opposed, for some assumed technical reason [?], the first, i.e. declaring the Rebel vessels pirates, and McCulloch the last, opening the ports. I was, therefore, pleased when Seward, unprompted, brought them both forward. I suggested that the proclamation already issued appeared to me to be sufficient, but I was glad to have his opinions on account of the opposition of Speed.

Received a telegram this P.M. from Commander Frailey and one from Acting-Rear-Admiral Radford, stating that the former, in command of the Tuscarora, had convoyed to Hampton Roads the William Clyde, having on board Jeff Davis, Stephens, etc.

This dispatch, addressed to me, Stanton had in his hand when I entered his room, whither he had sent for me. The telegraph goes to the Department of War, where it has an office, and I before have had reason to believe that some abuse — a sort of an espionage — existed. Half apologizing for an obvious impropriety, he said the custody of these prisoners devolved on him a great responsibility, and until he had made disposition of them, or determined where they should be sent, he wished their arrival to be kept a secret. He was unwilling, he said, to trust Fox, and specially desired me to withhold the information from him, for he was under the Blairs and would be used by them, and the Blairs would improve the opportunity to embarrass him.

I by no means concur in his censures or his views. Fox, like Stanton, will sometimes confide secrets which he had better retain, but not, I think, when enjoined. The Blairs have no love for Stanton, but I do not think he has any cause of apprehension from them in this matter.

He wished me to order the Tuscarora to still convoy and guard the Clyde, and allow no communication with the prisoners except by order of General Halleck or the War Department, — General Halleck, Stanton has ordered down from Richmond to attend to this business, — and again earnestly requested and enjoined that none but we three — himself, General Grant, and myself — should know of the arrival and disposition of these prisoners. I told him the papers would have the arrivals announced in their next issue.

Stanton said no word could get abroad. He had the telegraph in his own hands and could suppress everything. Not a word should pass. I remarked he could not stop the mails, nor passenger-boats, and twenty-four hours would carry the information to Baltimore and abroad in that way. Twenty-four hours, he said, would relieve him.

Stanton is mercurial, - arbitrary and apprehensive, violent and fearful, rough and impulsive, — yet possessed of ability and energy. I, of course, under his request, shall make no mention of or allusion to the prisoners, for the present. In framing his dispatch, he said, with some emphasis, the women and children must be sent off. We did not want them. “They must go South,” and he framed his dispatch accordingly. When he read it I remarked, “The South is very indefinite, and you permit them to select the place. Mrs. Davis may designate Norfolk, or Richmond.” “True," said Grant with a laugh. Stanton was annoyed, but, I think, altered his telegram.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 307-9

Diary of Brigadier-General Rutherford B. Hayes: Saturday, April 15, 1865—8 a.m.

New Creek. Startled by report that Lincoln, Seward and were assassinated. Somehow felt it was true.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 575

William T. Sherman to John Sherman, June 1860

. . . Though Lincoln's opinions on slavery are as radical as those of Seward, yet southern men, if they see a chance of his success, will say they will wait and see. The worst feature of things now is the familiarity with which the subject of a dissolution is talked about. But I cannot believe any one, even Yancey or Davis, would be rash enough to take the first step.

If at Baltimore to-day the convention nominate Douglas with unanimity, I suppose if he gets the vote of the united South he will be elected. But, as I apprehend will be the case, if the seceders again secede to Richmond, and there make a southern nomination, their nomination will weaken Douglas's vote so much that Lincoln may run in. The real race seems to be between Lincoln and Douglas.

Now that Mr. Ewing also is out for Lincoln, and it is strange how closely these things are watched, it is probable I will be even more "suspect” than last year. All the reasoning and truth in the world would not convince a southern man that the Republicans are not abolitionists. It is not safe to stop to discuss the question: they believe it, and there is the end of the controversy.

Of course, I know that reason has very little influence in this world: prejudice governs. You and all who derive power from the people do not look for pure, unalloyed truth, but to that kind of truth which jumps with the prejudice of the day. So southern politicians do the same. If Lincoln be elected, I don't apprehend resistance; and if he be, as Mr. Ewing says, a reasonable, moderate man, things may move on, and the South become gradually reconciled. But you may rest assured that the tone of feeling is such that Civil War and anarchy are very possible. . .

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 232-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, May 9, 1865

A proclamation of amnesty proposed by Speed was considered and, with some changes, agreed to.

The condition of North Carolina was taken up, and a general plan of organization intended for all the Rebel States was submitted and debated. No great difference of opinion was expressed except on the matter of suffrage. Stanton, Dennison, and Speed were for negro suffrage; McCulloch, Usher, and myself were opposed. It was agreed, on request of Stanton, we would not discuss the question, but each express his opinion without preliminary debate. After our opinions had been given, I stated I was for adhering to the rule prescribed in President Lincoln's proclamation, which had been fully considered and matured, and besides, in all these matters, I am for no further subversion of the laws, institutions, and usages of the States respectively, nor for Federal intermeddling in local matters, than is absolutely necessary, in order to rid them of the radical error which has caused our national trouble. All laws, not inconsistent with those of the conquerors, remain until changed to the conquered, is an old rule.

This question of negro suffrage is beset with difficulties growing out of the conflict through which we have passed and the current of sympathy for the colored race. The demagogues will make use of it, regardless of what is best for the country, and without regard for the organic law, the rights of the State, or the troubles of our government. There is a fanaticism on the subject with some, who persuade themselves that the cause of liberty and the Union is with the negro and not the white man. White men, and especially Southern white men, are tyrants. Senator Sumner is riding this one idea at top speed. There are others, less sincere than Sumner, who are pressing the question for party purposes. On the other hand, there may be unjust prejudices against permitting colored persons to enjoy the elective franchise, under any circumstances; but this is not, and should not be, a Federal question. No one can claim that the blacks, in the Slave States especially, can exercise the elective franchise intelligently. In most of the Free States they are not permitted to vote. Is it politic, and wise, or right even, when trying to restore peace and reconcile differences, to make so radical a change, — provided we have the authority, which I deny, — to elevate the ignorant negro, who has been enslaved mentally as well as physically, to the discharge of the highest duties of citizenship, especially when our Free States will not permit the few free negroes to vote?

The Federal government has no right and has not attempted to dictate on the matter of suffrage to any State, and I apprehend it will not conduce to harmony to arrogate and exercise arbitrary power over the States which have been in rebellion. It was never intended by the founders of the Union that the Federal government should prescribe suffrage to the States. We shall get rid of slavery by constitutional means. But conferring on the black civil rights is another matter. I know not the authority. The President in the exercise of the pardoning power may limit or make conditions, and, while granting life and liberty to traitors, deny them the right of holding office or of voting. While, however, he can exclude traitors, can he legitimately confer on the blacks of North Carolina the right to vote? I do not yet see how this can be done by him or by Congress.

This whole question of suffrage is much abused. The negro can take upon himself the duty about as intelligently and as well for the public interest as a considerable portion of the foreign element which comes amongst us. Each will be the tool of demagogues. If the negro is to vote and exercise the duties of a citizen, let him be educated to it. The measure should not, even if the government were empowered to act, be precipitated when he is stolidly ignorant and wholly unprepared. It is proposed to do it against what have been and still are the constitutions, laws, usages, and practices of the States which we wish to restore to fellowship.

Stanton has changed his position, has been converted, is now for negro suffrage. These were not his views a short time since. But aspiring politicians will, as the current now sets, generally take that road.

The trial of the assassins is not so promptly carried into effect as Stanton declared it should be. He said it was his intention the criminals should be tried and executed before President Lincoln was buried. But the President was buried last Thursday, the 4th, and the trial has not, I believe, commenced.

I regret they are not tried by the civil court, and so expressed myself, as did McCulloch; but Stanton, who says the proof is clear and positive, was emphatic, and Speed advised a military commission, though at first, I thought, otherwise inclined. It is now rumored the trial is to be secret, which is another objectionable feature, and will be likely to meet condemnation after the event and excitement have passed off.

The rash, impulsive, and arbitrary measures of Stanton are exceedingly repugnant to my notions, and I am pained to witness the acquiescence they receive. He carries others with him, sometimes against their convictions as expressed to me.

The President and Cabinet called on Mr. Seward at his house after the close of the council. He came down to meet us in his parlor. I was glad to see him so well and animated, yet a few weeks have done the work of years, apparently, with his system. Perhaps, when his wounds have healed, and the fractured jaw is restored, he may recover in some degree his former looks, but I apprehend not. His head was covered with a close-fitting cap, and the appliances to his jaw entered his mouth and prevented him from articulating clearly. Still he was disposed to talk, and we to listen. Once or twice, allusions to the night of the great calamity affected him more deeply than I have ever seen him.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 301-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, May 10, 1865

Senator Sumner called on me. We had a long conversation on matters pertaining to the affairs of Fort Sumter. He has been selected to deliver an oration on Mr. Lincoln's death to the citizens of Boston, and desired to post himself in some respects. I told him the influence of the Blairs, and especially of the elder, had done much to strengthen Mr. Lincoln in that matter, while Seward and General Scott had opposed.

Sumner assures me Chase has gone into Rebeldom to promote negro suffrage. I have no doubt that Chase has that and other schemes for Presidential preferment in hand in this voyage. S. says that President Johnson is aware of his (Chase's) object in behalf of the negroes, and favors the idea of their voting. On this point I am skeptical. He would not oppose any such movement, were any State to make it. I so expressed myself to Sumner, and he assented but intended to say the negroes were the people.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 304

Diary of Gideon Welles: May 13 & 14, 1865

The piratical ram Stonewall has reached Nassau and is anchored in the outer harbor, from which our vessels are excluded. The State Department promise decisive measures with Sir Frederick Bruce and the British authorities.

Extraordinary efforts are made, in every quarter where it is supposed influence can be felt, to embarrass the Navy Department and procure favor for Henderson, Navy Agent, whose trial is near. G. W. Blunt has come on from New York for the express purpose of getting the case postponed, by inducing the Department to interfere. Told Blunt the case had gone to the courts and I could not undertake to interfere and direct the courts in the matter. The attorneys had the case in hand. Blunt requested me not to give a positive refusal till Monday. In the mean time Preston King called on me on Sunday, as I ascertained at the request of Blunt. King had, on two previous occasions, conversed with me on the subject, and then and now fully concurred in the propriety and correctness of my course. Mr. Lowrey, brother-in-law of Fox, has written the latter entreating him to favor Henderson, saying I would yield, if Fox would only take ground for H. Morgan has written me begging I will not incur the resentment of the editors of the Post by insisting on the prosecution. I am urged to do wrong in order to let a wrongdoer escape.

Intelligence was received this morning of the capture of Jefferson Davis in southern Georgia. I met Stanton this Sunday P.M. at Seward's, who says Davis was taken disguised in women's clothes. A tame and ignoble letting down of the traitor.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 305-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: May 15, 1865

 Sir Frederick Bruce has not yet returned. Had an interview with Seward on the subject of the Stonewall. He is confident the English will deny her hospitality, but Hunter tells me they let her have enough coal to reach Havana. They dared not refuse! Will send two ironclads to encounter her, provided they can meet her.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 306

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, May 17, 1865

 The Stonewall has gone to Havana. Seward promises to have Tassara posted. Is confident the Spaniards will exclude her from their ports; but thinks it would be well to have our ironclads sent out.

Seward is getting better, but is seriously injured and will be long in getting well. Fred lingers in a low state.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 307