Sunday, June 7, 2015

Diary of Corporal Alexander G. Downing: Sunday, August 14, 1864

A hot, sultry day. There is no news of any importance. We are giving close attention to the very sick and the severely wounded, some of whom are dying every day.

A SET OF RESOLUTIONS.

Resolved, That I may from this day learn something new from the Scriptures every day, and that I may obey the laws of God as near as I can, in entreating my fellow men, and in doing good for the Master's sake.

Resolved, That I may once a day or more offer thanks to my Savior for his help; and, above all, that I may try to live a true Christian until death. May God help me so to live, is my prayer.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 210

Lieutenant William Thompson Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, July 28, 1861

July 28th, 1861.
Dear Mother:

A week has passed since our misfortunes at Bull's Run, and in all the intervening time I've had only opportunity to let you know that I was safe. But I must tell you something of that unlucky day, for I know you had rather have the story from my own lips. As I promised Henry Goddard to write once in a while for the Bulletin, I will put my story in a form to suit that sheet, if you think proper to communicate it: —

We too have breathed into our nostrils the smoke of battle, we too have listened to the voice of the cannon, we too have seen the finest of pagents, the most splendid of dramatic spectacles — the death struggle between armed arrays of men. We, who only yesterday were numbered among the “Sons of the Muses,” find ourselves today counted among the full-fledged “Sons of Mars.” We have fought, suffered, and survived to tell our tale. “To-morrow morning at 2 o'clock be ready for an advance, provided with a couple of day's provisions,” is the command we receive on Saturday evening, and at the chilly hour appointed, without the sounding of the Reveillé, we are noiselessly summoned to our Arms. We stand in silence at our posts until the red glare of the rising sun had followed the dark hour before dawn. Then we marched on, gay of heart, and full of confidence. We cross Bull's Run, and see men cutting trees by the bridge. We ask their reason. “It is to cover a retreat,” they tell us. “Ho! Ho!” How we laughed at the thought of our retreating! What innocent woodmen those were that could talk of us defeated! It was a bonnie sight to see us then, eager for battle, dreaming of victory. Some three miles we marched on, and then were drawn in the woods in line of battle. In line we advanced till we came to the edge of the forest, where we were told to lie down to avoid the range of the enemy's cannon. About 6 o'clock a couple of pieces of our artillery to the left of us opened a fire upon such of an unseen foe as our skirmishers were able to discover. Long our pieces were unanswered. How glorious, we thought, this firing on the foe, and ourselves in seeming safety! How we laughed when afar we could see an exploding shell scattering the enemy in confusion, who for a short moment were thus forced to show themselves on open ground. The fields before us were occupied by our officers reconnoitring. Away off on the line of wood-covered hills two or three miles away, we could see the glitter of bayonets. Seen from a tree, they were found to belong to fine troops, well equipped, and marching in order — troops not to be scattered by threats, but worthy of being combatted. Upon an elevated open space of ground before us to the right, we could see more troops moving — horsemen riding — above all one on a white horse who seemed to be everywhere. The sun grew warm and we became listless. The artillery continued to discharge its Death messengers, the sharp rattle of musketry was heard to our right, volley after volley following in quick succession, yet many of us slept, quietly awaiting our turn to be summoned to action. About 11 o'clock two horses came galloping riderless toward us. While surmising whence they came, we were called to rise and march to battle. We sprung from the earth like the armed men of Cadmus. On we rushed by the flank, over fields, through woods, down into ravines, plunging into streams, up again onto rising meadows, eager, excited, thrilled with hot desire to bear our share in routing the enemy. We cheered, and yelled, pressing onward, regardless of shells now and then falling among us, thinking only of a sharp fight and a certain victory. At last we reached the lines of the brave boys of the 69th. Here the American banner was planted, so we shouted lustily, for the spot had not long since been wrung from the foe.

From many a point not long since covered by secession forces, the American banner now floated. What wonder we felt our hearts swelling with pride, and saw, hardly noticing, horse and rider lying stiff, cold and bloody together! What, though we stepped unthinking over the pale body of many a brave fellow still grasping convulsively his gun, with the shadows of Death closing around him! We were following the foe, I have said, and were dreaming only of victory. So we were marched to the edge of a slope which sheltered us partially from the aim of the enemy's artillery. Here lying prostrate, shell after shell flew over our heads, or tore up the ground around. Now we could feel the hot breath of a cannon ball fan our cheeks; now we could see one fairly aimed, falling among our horses, and rolling them prostrate; and now again one of these messengers would come swift into the ranks of one of our columns, and without a thought or a groan, a soul was hurried into eternity.

After about an hour in this trying position, we were called up and turned into the road, where Death began to make sad havoc in our ranks. Surely aimed, the shot of the enemy fell among us. We could not see the foe, and then it was terrible to see our own boys, whose faces we knew, and whose hands we had pressed, falling in Death agony. We heard, while marching stealthily, a great shout, and looking we saw a hill before us, covered with the Ellsworth Zouaves. A moment more, and from the top of the hill, from unseen hands blazed a terrible discharge of arms. It was one of those masked batteries, which have so often brought us misfortune. Bravely fought the Zouaves, but they had to fall back from that hellish fire. Other Regiments made the charge but only to be repulsed with ranks thinned and broken. At length our turn came. Up we rushed — our brave Colonel with us.

The first fire swept our ranks like a quick darting pestilence. “Rally, boys —Rally!” shouted the officers, and a brave rally was made. Our men stood firmly firing, answering volley by volley. Here we felt the worthlessness of our old Harper's Ferry muskets, when matched against the rifles of the enemy. Tall men were mowed down about me. Wounded men begged their comrades to press on, and not to risk anything by lingering near them. We were only some twenty yards from a battery, belching forth a thick heavy hail of grape and canister, shell and fire of musketry. With unerring accuracy the enemy's riflemen singled out our officers and mighty men. Suddenly we saw the American flag waving over the battery. “Cease firing” was the order given, and for a short moment we believed the battery was ours. It was the enemy though that had raised the flag to deceive us. As we lowered our arms, and were about to rally where the banner floated, we were met by a terrible raking fire, against which we could only stagger.

“By the Lord, but I believe them coons's too cunning for us!” cried an old soldier near me. We halted, fell back, and the hillside was left to such only as lingered to bear away their wounded comrades.

As we passed down we saw our Colonel lying still, in the hands of Death. He had fallen bravely, breast to the foe, not wishing to cherish his own life, while the lives of his men were imperilled. Over the sad disheartening retreat let us not linger — let it be covered by the darkness of the night which followed. We took with us 750 brave men into the battle, but our roll call shows that 199 are numbered among the dead, the wounded, and the missing. Six captains of ours are silent now when their names are called. They died with many of their men, careless of Death, willing to give up all things, even life in its sweetness, for the good of the Republic. “Dulce et decorum est pro patria mori.”

L. of the 79th.

I have received only three letters from you, the rest probably having been intercepted by the enemy while I was in Virginia.

Very affec'y.,
Will Lusk.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 55-60

Brigadier General Irvin McDowell: General Orders No. 18, July 18, 1861

HDQRS. DEP'T NORTHEASTERN VIRGINIA,
Fairfax Court-House, July 18, 1861.

It is with the deepest mortification the general commanding finds it necessary to reiterate his orders for the preservation of the property of the inhabitants of the district occupied by the troops under his command.

Hardly had we arrived at this place when, to the horror of every right-minded person, several houses were broken open and others were in flames by the act of some of those who, it has been the boast of the loyal, came here to protect the oppressed and free the country from the domination of a hated party.

The property of this people is at the mercy of troops who we rightfully say are the most intelligent, best-educated, and most law-abiding of any that were ever under arms. But do not, therefore, the acts of yesterday cast the deeper stain upon them?

It has been claimed by some that their particular corps were not engaged in these acts. This is of but little moment; since the individuals are not found out, we are all alike disgraced.

Commanders of regiments will select a commissioned officer as regimental provost-marshal, and ten men as a permanent police force under him, whose special and sole duty it shall be to preserve the property from depredation, and arrest all wrong-doers, of whatever regiment or corps they may be. Any one found committing the slightest depredations, killing pigs or poultry, or trespassing on the property of the inhabitants, will be reported to headquarters, and the least that will be done to them will be to send them to the Alexandria jail.

It is again ordered that no one shall arrest or attempt to arrest any citizen not in arms at this time, or search or attempt to search any house, or even to enter the same, without permission.

The troops must behave themselves with as much forbearance and propriety as if they were at their own homes. They are here to fight the enemies of the country, not to judge and punish the unarmed and helpless, however guilty they may be. When necessary, that will be done by the proper persons.

By command of Brigadier-General McDowell:
 JAMES B. FRY,
Assistant Adjutant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 2 (Serial No. 2), p. 743-4

Captain William F. Bartlett to Lieutenant-Colonel Francis W. Palfrey, May 14, 1862

Baltimore, May 14.

Delighted by the receipt of two of your pleasant letters this morning, bearing dates of the 7th, 8th, and 9th.

It comforted me to learn that “grim visaged war” had “smoothed his wrinkled front” even a little; and that you were comparatively comfortable, and positively in good spirits.

I was very anxious to hear from you after I heard that Sedgwick's Division had been engaged at West Point. Tell Arthur that I received his letter of the 8th yesterday.

You are right in supposing that I am made as comfortable as is possible; everything imaginable is done for my convenience and gratification. But they can't occupy my mind so that it won't turn southward with a longing, homesick feeling, mingled with a vain regret at being snatched away just at the moment when we were about to see something of glorious and victorious war.

I take hardly any interest in the war news now, excepting that which immediately concerns you. I dread positively to hear of a great victory, as it seems to put narrower limits to the time that I must get well in, if I would be “in at the death.” I am far, mind you, from complaining of my lot. I think I am indeed fortunate in making so successful a recovery, and in reaching such delightful quarters. But, still it is hard to banish the feeling, that I was taken away without having effected anything, and at a time when every one was most needed at his post. . . .

With a great deal of love, I am always
Yours,
Frank.

SOURCE: Francis Winthrop Palfrey, Memoir of William Francis Bartlett, p. 48-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: September 15, 1862

Some rumors yesterday and more direct information to-day are cheering to the Union cause. McClellan telegraphs a victory, defeat of the enemy with loss of 15,000 men, and that “General Lee admits they are badly whipped.” To whom Lee made this admission so that it should be brought straight to McC. and telegraphed here does not appear. A tale like this from Pope would have been classed as one of his fictions. It may be all true, coming from McClellan, but I do not credit Lee's confession or admission. That we have had a fight and beaten the Rebels, I can believe. It scarcely could have been otherwise. I am afraid it is not as decisive as it should be, and as is the current belief, but shall rejoice if McC. has actually overtaken the Rebels, which is not yet altogether clear.

Rev. Dr. Patton of Chicago, chairman of a committee appointed in northern Illinois, desired an introduction with his associates to the President, to advise with him on the subject of slavery and emancipation. The President assented cheerfully.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 130

Saturday, June 6, 2015

Diary of Salmon P. Chase, Tuesday, September 9, 1862

Maj. Andrews came to breakfast. Told him I had seen Secretary of War, who had assured me that Col. Crook's commission as Brigadier had been sent him.

Went to Department. Directed Commission for 10th New York district to be sent to Hyatt. Directed Mr. Rogers to proceed to New York and expedite alteration in Exchange and Custom House, and make proper contracts for the same.

Went to President's to attend Cabinet Meeting, but there was only a talk. I proposed the creation of a Department beyond the Mississippi and that Clay be placed in command, with whom Frank P. Blair should be associated; and that an Expedition should be organized to Petersburgh and afterwards to Charleston.

Genl. Van Ransellaer called to ask my interest for him as Paymaster-General; and Mr. Carroll, to ask the same for Genl. Griffin. — Went to War Department, where Watson told me that Genl. McClellan had telegraphed expressing doubt if there was any large rebel force in Maryland, and apprehension that their movement might be a feint. — Watson dined with me. Read him Denison's letter from New-Orleans about evacuation of Baton Rouge — Butler's black Regiment — etc., etc.

Just after dinner, Capt. —— came in with Mr. G—,who had been arrested near Soldiers' Home as a suspicious character — taken before Genl. Wadsworth, to whom he said he was known to me — sent by Genl. W. to me — identified and discharged. He is an Englishman of a Manchester House, who brought a letter from Mr. Sayard to acting Minister Stuart, by whom he had been commended to me. Riding around to gratify curiosity he had fallen into trouble.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 71

Horace Greeley to James S. Pike, March 5, 1860

New York, March 5, 1860.

Friend Pike: Your grammar is perfect. The bet is all right — $20 to $20 on Douglas's nomination. Now if you want to go $20 more on Seward against the field for our nomination, I take that. I can spare the money, for I don't want to go to Chicago, and mean to keep away if possible.

If Douglas shall be nominated, I think Bates will have to be, unless we mean to rush on certain destruction. However, we shall see what we shall see.

“Capital States” and “Labor States” is foolish. Slave States and Free States tells the story, and no one can misunderstand it.

Why don't you go in hard for awarding the printing to the lowest bidder? I should be perfectly willing that Mrs. B. should have it all under that rule, if you can get it. Under the present system, I object. And a “National Printing Office” would be worse than this. Do try to help along some practical reform. I've written Sherman to send me a table of the mileage. Then we'll see who votes and how when that question comes up, and what they make or lose by it.

Yours,
Horace Greeley.
J. S. Pike, Esq., Washington, D. C.

SOURCE: James Shepherd Pike, First Blows of the Civil War: The Ten Years of Preliminary Conflict in the United States from 1850 to 1860, p. 501

Governor Francis W. Pickens to Whilliam H. Trescot, December 22, 1860

Sir: The Hon. R. W. Barnwell, the Hon. J. H. Adams and the Hon. James L. Orr have been appointed Commissioners by the Convention to proceed immediately to Washington to present the Ordinance of Secession to the President, and to negotiate in reference to the evacuation of the forts and other matters growing out of the Act of Secession. They will probably arrive on Tuesday next. Please inform the President of this. Answer this.

(Signed)
F. W. Pickens.
"Hon. W. H. Trescot."

SOURCE: Samuel Wylie Crawford, The Genesis of the Civil War: The Story of Sumter, 1860-1861, p. 142

Diary of William Howard Russell: April 10, 1861

To-day I devoted to packing up such things as I did not require, and sending them to New York. I received a characteristic note from General Scott, asking me to dine with him to-morrow, and apologizing for the shortness of his invitation, which arose from his only having just heard that I was about to leave so soon for the South. The General is much admired by his countrymen, though they do not spare some “amiable weaknesses;” but, in my mind, he can only be accused of a little vanity, which is often found in characters of the highest standard. He likes to display his reading, and is troubled with a desire to indulge in fine writing. Some time ago he wrote a long letter to the “National Intelligencer,” in which he quoted Shakespeare and Paley to prove that President Buchanan ought to have garrisoned the forts at Charleston and Pensacola, as he advised him to do; and he has been the victim of poetic aspirations. The General’s dinner hour was early; and when I arrived at his modest lodgings, which, however, were in the house of a famous French cook, I found a troop of mounted volunteers of the district, parading up and down the street. They were not bad of their class, and the horses, though light, were active, hardy, and spirited; but the men put on their uniforms badly, wore long hair, their coats and buttons and boots were unbrushed, and the horses' coats and accoutrements bore evidence of neglect. The General, who wore an undress blue frock-coat, with eagle-covered brass buttons, and velvet collar and cuffs, was with Mr. Seward and Mr. Bates, the Attorney-General, and received me very courteously. He was interrupted by cheering from the soldiers in the street, and by clamors for “General Scott.” He moves with difficulty, owing to a fall from his horse, and from the pressure of increasing years; and he evidently would not have gone out if he could have avoided it. But there is no privacy for public men in America.

But the General went to them, and addressed a few words to his audience in the usual style about “rallying round,” and “dying gloriously,” and “old flag of our country,” and all that kind of thing; after which, the band struck up “Yankee Doodle.” Mr. Seward called, out, “General, make them play the Star-Spangled Banner,’ and ‘Hail Columbia.’” And so I was treated to the strains of the old bacchanalian chant, “When Bibo,” &c, which the Americans have impressed to do duty as a national air. Then came an attempt to play “God save the Queen,” which I duly appreciated as a compliment; and then followed dinner, which did credit to the cook, and wine, which was most excellent, from France, Spain, and Madeira. The only addition to our party was Major Cullum, aide-de-camp to General Scott, an United States' engineer, educated at West Point. The General underwent a little badinage about the phrase “a hasty plate of soup,” which he used in one of his despatches during the Mexican War, and he appealed to me to decide whether it was so erroneous or ridiculous as Mr. Seward insisted. I said I was not a judge, but certainly similar liberal usage of a well-known figure of prosody might be found to justify the phrase. The only attendants at table were the General's English valet and a colored servant; and the table apparatus which bore such good things was simple and unpretending. Of course the conversation was of a general character, and the General, evidently picking out his words with great precision, took the lead in it, telling anecdotes of great length, graced now and then with episodes, and fortified by such episodes as — “Bear with me, dear sir, for a while, that I may here diverge from the main current of my story, and proceed to mention a curious” &c, and so on.

To me his conversation was very interesting, particularly that portion which referred to his part in the last war, where he was wounded and taken prisoner. He gave an account of the Battle of Chippewa, which was, he said, fought on true scientific principles; and in the ignorance common to most Englishmen of reverses to their arms, I was injudicious enough, when the battle was at its height, and whole masses of men were moving in battalions and columns over the table, to ask how many were engaged. The General made the most of his side: “We had, sir, twenty-one hundred and seventy-five men in the field.” He told us how, when the British men-of-war provoked general indignation in Virginia by searching American vessels for deserters in the Chesapeake, the State of Virginia organized a volunteer force to guard the shores, and, above all things, to prevent the country people sending down supplies to the vessels, in pursuance of the orders of the Legislature and Governor. Young Scott, then reading for the bar, became corporal of a troop of these patrols. One night, as they were on duty by the banks of the Potomac, they heard a boat with muffled oars coming rapidly down the river, and soon saw her approaching quite close to the shore under cover of the trees. When she was abreast of the troopers, Scott challenged “What boat is that?””It's His Majesty's ship ‘Leopard,’ and what the d----- is that to you? Give way, my lads!” “I at once called on him to surrender,” said the General, “and giving the word to charge, we dashed into the water. Fortunately, it was not deep, and the midshipman in charge, taken by surprise by a superior force, did not attempt to resist us. We found the boat manned by four sailors, and filled with vegetables and other supplies, and took possession of it; and I believe it is the first instance of a man-of-war's boat being captured by cavalry. The Legislature of Virginia, however, did not approve of the capture, and the officer was given up accordingly.

“Many years afterwards, when I visited Europe, I happened to be dining at the hospitable mansion of Lord Holland, and observed during the banquet that a gentleman at table was scrutinizing my countenance in a manner indicative of some special curiosity. Several times, as my eye wandered in his direction, I perceived that he had been continuing his investigations, and at length I rebuked him by a continuous glance. After dinner, this gentleman came round to me and said, ‘General Scott, I hope you will pardon my rudeness in staring at you, but the fact is that you bear a most remarkable resemblance to a great overgrown, clumsy country fellow of the same name, who took me prisoner in my boat when I was a midshipman in the “Chesapeake,” at the head of a body of mounted men. He was, I remember quite well, Corporal Scott.’ ‘That Corporal Scott, sir, and the individual who addresses you, are identical one with the other.’ The officer whose acquaintance I thus so auspiciously renewed, was Captain Fox, a relation of Lord Holland, and a post-captain in the British navy.”

Whilst he was speaking, a telegraphic despatch was brought in, which the General perused with evident uneasiness. He apologized to me for reading it by saying the despatch was from the President on Cabinet business, and then handed it across the table to Mr. Seward. The Secretary read it, and became a little agitated, and raised his eyes inquiringly to the General's face, who only shook his head. Then the paper was given to Mr. Bates, who read it, and gave a grunt, as it were, of surprise. The General took back the paper, read it twice over, and then folded it up and put it in his pocket. “You had better not put it there, General,” interposed Mr. Seward; “it will be getting lost, or in some other hands.” And so the General seemed to think, for he immediately threw it into the fire, before which certain bottles of claret were gently mellowing.

The communication was evidently of a very unpleasant character. In order to give the Ministers opportunity for a conference, I asked Major Cullum to accompany me into the garden, and lighted a cigar. As I was walking about in the twilight, I observed two figures at the end of the little enclosure, standing as if in concealment close to the wall. Major Cullum said, “The men you see are sentries I have thought it expedient to place there for the protection of the General. The villains might assassinate him, and would do it in a moment if they could. He would not hear of a guard, nor anything of the sort, so, without his knowing it, I have sentries posted all round the house all night. This was a curious state of things for the commander of the American army, in the midst of a crowded city, the capital of the free and enlightened Republic, to be placed in! On our return to the sitting-room, the conversation was continued some hour or so longer. I retired with Mr. Seward in his carriage. As we were going up Pennsylvania Avenue — almost lifeless at that time — I asked Mr. Seward whether he felt quite secure against any irruption from Virginia, as it was reported that one Ben McCullough, the famous Texan desperado, had assembled 500 men at Richmond for some daring enterprise: some said to carry off the President, cabinet, and all. He replied that, although the capital was almost defenceless, it must be remembered that the bold bad men who were their enemies were equally unprepared for active measures of aggression.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, p. 72-5

John Lothrop Motley to Anna Lothrop Mobley, November 11, 1861

Vienna, November 11, 1861.

My Dearest Mother: This is your birthday, and I cannot help writing a line to wish you joy and many happy and healthy returns of it. I am delighted to hear such good accounts of you and A—. I suppose by this time that you are established in town. I received your letter, conjointly with the governor's, of October 12. We are far from comfortable yet. We are at the hotel called the Archduke Charles, where we are pretty well off, but the difficulty of finding apartments is something beyond expression. We have finally decided upon a rather small one, just vacated by the secretary of legation, Mr. Lippitt — a very intelligent man, a classmate of Lowell and Story. He has been here eight years, and is married to a lady of the place, daughter of a banker. He is very useful to me, and is quite sympathetic with my political views. I have had two interviews with Count Rechberg, the Minister of Foreign Affairs. He received me with great cordiality, and informed me that my appointment had given very great pleasure to the emperor and the government, and that I was very well known to them by reputation. I am to have my formal audience of the emperor day after to-morrow; but I am already accredited by delivering an official copy of my letter of credence to the Minister of Foreign Affairs. I have made the acquaintance of several of my colleagues. We dine with the English ambassador, Lord Bloomfield, to-morrow. He was secretary of embassy at St. Petersburg twenty years ago, when I was secretary of legation, and he received me like an old acquaintance. Lady Bloomfield is very amiable and friendly, and very kind and helpful to Mary in her puzzling commencements in official life. There is always much bother and boredom at setting off. When we have once shaken down into the ruts we shall go on well enough, no doubt. But our thoughts are ever at home. I never knew how intensely anxious I was till now that I am so far away. I get the telegrams in advance of the press through my bankers, and Mary always begins to weep and wail before I open them. I do wish we could receive one good piece of news. But I am not disheartened. I feel perfect confidence that the great result cannot be but good and noble. As I am not an optimist by nature, and far from being constitutionally hopeful, there is no harm in my expressing myself thus. We are going through a fiery furnace, but we shall come forth purified. God bless you, my dearest mother. My love to the governor and all, great and small.

Your affectionate son,
J. L. M.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 209-11

John M. Forbes to William Cullen Bryant, February 27, 1862


Boston, February 27,1862.

My Dear Sir, — I think you are wrong in opposing the new order of Stanton as to telegrams. I have had much experience with the telegraph as a business engine, and I know what it must be in war. The weakest and most discouraging point in our war management up to this time has been the looseness with which the telegraph has been left open: and Stanton's move to control it seems to me one of the best things he has done. I only hope he will have a sharp censor or superintendent, and do the thing thoroughly. I urged this measure very strongly in the spring, and was disgusted at the apathy of the higher powers. For with Baltimore and Washington and the public offices ever full of traitors, the free use of the telegraph seemed to me to put Washington in the power of the enemy.

The telegraph is a mighty engine of war, and, if used up to its capacity, is enough to turn the scale.

Upon our single track railroads we find that the erection of a telegraph is worth to us more than a double track would be without the wires. It increases the availability of our engines, cars, and men enormously, besides the value for safety. I mention this as an illustration of what good it may do to the army if put under sharp systematic management; and beyond all, how dangerous, if the enemy are permitted to share its use and our secrets!

Very truly yours,
J. M. Forbes.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 1, p. 291

Charles Eliot Norton to George William Curtis January 24, 1864

Shady Hill, Class Day, 24 June, 1864.

. . . The Baltimore Convention1 did its duty well, and the air has cleared a good deal since it was held. I should have been glad if a more solid democratic plank had been inserted in the platform, — but our politicians do not yet begin to understand the distinctive, essential feature of our institutions, and have only a distant, theoretic comprehension of the meaning and worth of truly democratic ideas. This war is a struggle of the anti-democrats with the democrats; of the maintenance of the privilege of a class with the maintainers of the common rights of man. This view includes all the aspects of the war, and it is the ground upon which the people can be most readily brought to the sacrifices still required, and to the patient bearing of the long and heavy burdens it imposes upon them.

I have great confidence that the summer's campaign will end well for us. If we have, as we may have (though I shall not be disappointed if we do not have it), a great victory, then the rebellion as a military power will be nearly at an end. But if we merely take Richmond, one more serious campaign at least will be before us, and the country will feel the weight of the war more than ever before. . . .
_______________

1 The National Union Convention, held early in June at Baltimore, had renominated Lincoln for the Presidency.

SOURCE: Sara Norton and  M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Letters of Charles Eliot Norton, Volume 1, p. 268-9

1st Lieutenant Charles Fessenden Morse, March 5, 1862

Headquarters Co. B, Berryville Tollhouse,
Charlestown, Va., March 5, 1862.

You see by my elaborate heading that we have not moved since my last letter was written. General Banks has about eight thousand troops in town; General Sedgwick has about ten thousand at Harper's Ferry. I believe that ten or twelve thousand more are to join Banks from Williamsport, what was formerly Lander's division; then, I imagine, all will be ready for an onward movement to Winchester or elsewhere.

I sent, day before yesterday, a few papers I picked up in Andrew Hunter's office. This latter gentleman is some great man in the Confederate Senate; his office is occupied by some of our officers. He was the lawyer employed by the Government in the John Brown case, and those who had the first dip into his legal papers found some very interesting documents; such as a letter from Governor Wise to Mr. Hunter before the trial came on, saying that he had made up his mind not to pardon John Brown or any of his accomplices, but that every one should suffer death. There was another anonymous letter from Boston implicating T. W. Higginson, Sanborn and others; also letters from the different prisoners suing for pardon.

Three of our companies are quartered in the Court House; one is in a printing office, from which they have issued various bulletins, such as, “Confederate notes to be had at par;” “Hard bread to be exchanged for chickens;” “Gas wanted by Company D, for the Union Theatre.” Our mess has a room formerly occupied by a secesh confectioner; it still retains the smell of peppermint. I drank some rye coffee, the other day, and liked it very much; with cream and sugar, it makes a very good drink. Marching orders! I close for the present.

SOURCE: Charles Fessenden Morse, Letters Written During the Civil War, 1861-1865, p. 40-1

Major Wilder Dwight: August 24, 1861

Rockville, Maryland, August 24, 1861.

Here I turn up this evening, as much to my own surprise as yours. I got a short note on its way to you from Buckeyestown, just before we were off. Friday morning at twelve “the general” was beaten, and at the signal every tent fell as by a single will. Then the “assembly” sounded, and the regiment formed into line. The ceremony of starting was for the first time performed with promptness and accuracy. We marched without knapsacks. The men were all paid, and we rattled along briskly. Our wagons were hardly as lucky, and, though the regiment got on to its camping-ground soon after four, the wagons dragged slowly in until nine. This made us late in camping, and late in supper. We were camped by the river-side, and the evening had an autumn chill and a heavy dew. I know of nothing more cheerless than the getting late into camp after a march. Every one is tired; every one is hungry; every one is cross. Everything seems to be going wrong. Yet at last all the men get their supper, or go without their supper. The last camp-fire falls down into sullen coals. The last tent-light fades out, and the chilly whiteness of the camp throws back the paleness of the moon. As the dawn reddens, reveillé comes fresh as the lark, and soon the sunshine lights up a busy scene. The men are rested, and have forgotten their hunger in a good breakfast. The band plays gayly at guard-mounting, and a fresh life begins for the day again. Such was our experience of camp last night and this morning. I was just composing myself to camp-life. We were encamped with our brigade. The New York Ninth was on our left. The two Wisconsin regiments were on the hill above us. Webster's regiment was just beyond them. I had listened to four reveillés in the morning, and soon after breakfast the hills were alive with skirmishers at drill. I was sitting in my tent when the Colonel called out, “Major, you must go to Washington.” “What!” said I, “to Washington?” “Yes. You are ordered to go in command of an escort of a large wagon-train, and are to report for instructions immediately at head-quarters.”

I found that two parts of the train, consisting of one hundred wagons each, had already gone on. The third was expected from Frederick to-day. Captain Mudge's company were ordered to escort that train when it arrived, and I was directed to choose my own time, but to proceed to Washington, and see the wagons turned over to the Quartermaster, and take care of the battalion of three companies while it remained in Washington, and march it back to Hyattstown. The wagons to remain in Washington. “The train may be interrupted by Rebel cavalry,” said Colonel Cromman, the Quartermaster, “so it needs an escort.” I got everything in readiness, gave Captain Mudge his instructions, and directed him to “wait for the wagons.” And at three o'clock this afternoon was in the saddle on my way in pursuit of the other companies and trains. I had a charming ride, — a little warm at first, — through a beautiful country, and animated by just the least uncertainty as to the path. But I met nothing but respect for my uniform. After a ride of eighteen miles I stopped at this town of Rockville, the “county seat,” as they say in this country. I selected a tavern that had a Union flag flying, and rejoiced in the safe name of “the Washington House.” This is a secession town of the worst kind, but they have not confidence enough yet to do anything more than look cross. At the tea-table we were protected from the flies by a series of fans worked by a rope and pulleys, and at the end of the rope was a little negro girl who swung back and forth and kept the fans moving indefatigably. It was an odd picture, worthy of Eastman Johnson's pencil. I shall be in the saddle again at five to-morrow morning, and in Washington before eight.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Amelia Dwight, Editor, Life and Letters of Wilder Dwight: Lieut.-Col. Second Mass. Inf. Vols., p. 82-4

Horace White to John Brown, January 27, 1857


Astor House, New York, Jan. 27, 1857.
Captain John Brown.

Dear Sir, — I am unable yet to give you the schedule of articles which the committee propose placing in your hands. Please address me at Chicago, stating whether a letter may he still sent to you at the Massasoit House. It will be necessary for me to examine shipping-books, etc., in our office at Chicago. I brought your matters before the notice of the committee yesterday. Resolutions were passed directing the secretary to instruct Mr. Jones, of Tabor, to retain the supplies, etc., in his hands until you had made your selections. Resolutions were also adopted empowering me to ship clothing, boots, etc., to you at Tabor, which will be done on the opening of navigation.

Very truly,
Horace White.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 360-1

John Brown: Memorandum of Small Outfit

Memorandum of articles wanted as an outfit for fifty volunteers to serve under my direction during the Kansas war, or for such specified time as they may each enlist for; together with estimated cost of the same, delivered in Lawrence or Topeka.

2 substantial (but not heavy) baggage wagons with good covers
$200.00
4 good serviceable wagon-horses
400.00
2 sets strong plain harness
80.00
100 good heavy blankets, say at $2 or $2.50
200.00
8 substantial large-sized tents
100.00
8 large camp-kettles
12.00
50 tin basins
5.00
50 tin spoons
2.00
4 plain strong saddles and bridles
80.00
4 picket ropes and pins
3.00
8 wooden pails
2.00
8 axes and helves
12.00
8 frying-pans (large size)
8.00
8 large size coffee-pots
10.00
8 large size spiders or bake-ovens
10.00
8 large size tin pans
6.00
12 spades and shovels
18.00
6 mattocks
6.00
2 weeks provisions for men and horses 150.00 fund for horse-hire and feed; loss and damage of same
500.00

$1774.00

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 360

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to John M. Forbes, March 5, 1864

Giesboro', March 5, '64.

I have not had time to do much myself about the Spencers, — but meeting Lieutenant Pinkham, I sent him to the Ordnance office to make the necessary inquiries, — they say they have none to spare us, but that any arrangement we can make with the State of Massachusetts will be favourably endorsed at the Bureau.1 I shall be very glad if the Governor can see his way to let us have a supply; enough for the whole Regiment if possible — if not, at least enough for two squadrons. Perhaps it might be a good thing in other ways to have Massachusetts furnish the California Battalion with these arms; it would convince the men that there were some advantages in belonging to a Massachusetts regiment — however revolting it might be to their pride.
_______________

1 These were the newly invented repeating breech-loading Spencer carbines, firing seven shots. They were the first repeating carbines in use, and greatly increased the effectiveness of cavalry for dismounted service. This was proved soon after for Colonel Lowell's command, as is later told, at the fight at Rockville.

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 316-7, 455

Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, Tuesday, December 17, 1861

Camp Union, Tuesday, December 17, A. M., 1861.

Dearest: — I can't let another chance slip without a letter to show you I am thinking of you.
Still lovely weather. Rode to the scene of the naval expedition on this side of New River, a romantic place.

I send this by Lieutenant Kennedy's father. He brought from Bellefontaine gloves, socks, blankets, and shirts — enough and to spare all around — for Captain Canby's company. I get something every time anything comes.

We are in glorious trim now. Some of the companies still lack comforts, but we drill with life. The paymaster is here and it is white days with us.

The Rebels are getting sick of it. Nobody but Jenkins holds out in all this country. Rebel soldiers come and give up their arms, etc.

Dearest, good-night. Love to all the boys and Grandma.  . . . I do hope you will get along well. You shall keep Dr. Joe till the trouble is over.

Affectionately,
R. B. Hayes.
Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 161

Brigadier-General John Sedgwick to his Sister, May 17, 1862

Camp Near Cumberland,
May 17, 1862.
My dear sister:

Nothing has been done since I last wrote. We are slowly moving on as fast as the roads will admit. It is no small task to take supplies for so large an army after leaving the river, and no railroad. I think the intention now is to move on to the railroad from West Point to Richmond, repair the bridges, bring our supplies to that point, and from there take them by wagon. General McClellan is acting with much prudence and caution. It is believed that the enemy in front are quite as strong as we are, but we are superior in the essentials — arms and supplies. The country is entirely deserted, everything driven and carried off; a few decrepit and worthless negroes are left in the houses. It is my opinion that it is useless to think of a Union; the enemy is determined to destroy the army first, and not submit then. One would think that the reverses they have lately met would discourage them, and undoubtedly they are disheartened, but the firmness with which they view the situation cannot but be admired. Six weeks will tell the story; in that time we shall beat them badly or be beaten ourselves, which must settle the question. I am anxious to make a visit home, and hope to do so in a few months at least.

I have not received a letter from you for several days, but frequently there are delays in bringing up the mail. We get New York papers the day after publication, and look to them for events transpiring here. I see my division was engaged in a desperate fight at West Point. It was a bloodless one.

With much love to all,

I am your affectionate brother,
J. S.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 46-8

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: September 21, 1861

The Secretary has authorized me to sign passports “for the Secretary of War.” My son attends to his letters. I have now an opportunity of seeing more. I have authority to order transportation for the parents of soldiers, and for goods and provisions taken to the camps.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 80