Samuel Gridley Howe to Senator Charles Sumner, July 2, 1852

Boston, July 2d, 1852.

My Dear Sumner: — There is a scattering of our forces here, or there has been, but I think now we begin to settle down to this conclusion — that we cannot vote for Scott,¹ and that we have only to prevent as many Democrats from voting for Pierce as possible. What do you say? Shall you not write to the Worcester Convention, or a letter to a friend that may be used there? Speaking for myself alone, I must say the course seems clear; to go for the abstract right and disregard the consequences. We must teach all parties that there are some men (and they are becoming more numerous) who will not be bought and sold and handed over by any conventions.

I have always had an instinct in me which I have never been able to body forth clearly — which tells me that all this manoeuvering and political expediency is all wrong, and that each one should go for the right regardless of others. If every man, or every third man, would do so, an unworthy candidate, or an unworthy platform, would never be put up; and is it less one's duty to do so because only every three-thousandth man will follow his example? Why is it deemed necessary to go on with great parties, and to twist principles until they all but break — why but because there are so few men who will be inflexible? Let us make those few more, and all will be right.

Can you not foretell about when you shall speak? If you can, with any degree of certainty, I shall be strongly tempted to go on there to hear. Great things are expected of you.

I was in at Mills's to-day; one or two desperate Hunkers were there: they caught eagerly at my expression of a firm belief in Scott's anti-slavery tendency, and Mills swore he would publish what I said. I believe they still cling to the hope of bringing the old man, their man, [Webster] upon the ring yet. They do not know how, or when, but hope for a contingency.

Do write me; and believe me ever faithfully,

S. G. Howe.

_______________

¹ Winfield Scott.

SOURCE: Laura E. Richards, Editor, Letters and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Volume 2, p. 380-1

Extracts from the Regulations of Louisiana State Seminary Prepared by William T. Sherman

35. Each candidate, before he is admitted as a cadet, must be able to read and write the English language well, and to perform with facility and accuracy the various operations of the four ground rules of arithmetic (addition, substraction [sic], multiplication, and division), of reduction of vulgar and decimal fractions, of simple and compound proportion.

38. No married person will be received as a cadet, and if any one shall marry whilst a cadet, such marriage will be considered as a resignation.

60. The Course of Instruction will be substantially as follows: mathematics — embracing arithmetic, algebra, geometry, plane and spherical trigonometry, mensuration, descriptive geometry, analytical geometry, differential and integral calculus.

61. Natural Philosophy — embracing mechanics, optics, acoustics, magnetism, and electricity. Astronomy.

62. Chemistry, with its application to agriculture and the arts; mineralogy and geology; infantry tactics.

63. Surveying, civil engineering, military engineering, as far as the construction of field-work of attack and defense; topography, perspective drawing, sketching in pencil and colors; architecture, description of the ancient orders and modern styles.

64. The English language, composition, and elocution ; geography and history; mental and moral philosophy.

65. The Latin and Greek languages.

66. The French and Spanish languages.

67. Practical instruction will be given in the infantry and artillery drill, and with the sword when practicable.

84. The relative weight to be given the different subjects in forming the roll of general merit shall be expressed by the following numbers:

Engineering	300
Mathematics	300
Natural philosophy	300
Conduct (demerits)	300
English studies and literature	300
Chemistry	200
Infantry tactics	200
Mineralogy and geology	100
Artillery	100
French and Spanish	300
Latin and Greek	300
Compositions	100
Declamation	100
Drawing	100

85. The minimum mark of any subject shall be one-third the maximum, intermediate merit being represented by the terms of an arithmetical series, the extremes of which are the highest and lowest marks, and the number of terms the number in the class.

109. No cadet shall keep a waiter, horse, or dog.

110. No cadet shall in any way use tobacco, nor have it in his room or in his possession.

111. No cadet shall cook or prepare food in the Seminary building, or have cooked provisions in his room, without permission.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 109-10

In The Review Queue: Armies of Deliverance

Armies of Deliverance:

A New History of the Civil War

By Elizabeth R. Varon

Loyal Americans marched off to war in 1861 not to conquer the South but to liberate it. So argues Elizabeth R. Varon in Armies of Deliverance, a sweeping narrative of the Civil War and a bold new interpretation of Union and Confederate war aims. Northerners imagined the war as a crusade to deliver the Southern masses from slaveholder domination and to bring democracy, prosperity, and education to the region. As the war escalated, Lincoln and his allies built the case that emancipation would secure military victory and benefit the North and South alike. The theme of deliverance was essential in mobilizing a Unionist coalition of Northerners and anti-Confederate Southerners.

Confederates, fighting to establish an independent slaveholding republic, were determined to preempt, discredit, and silence Yankee appeals to the Southern masses. In their quest for political unity Confederates relentlessly played up two themes: Northern barbarity and Southern victimization. Casting the Union army as ruthless conquerors, Confederates argued that the emancipation of blacks was synonymous with the subjugation of the white South.

Interweaving military and social history, Varon shows that everyday acts on the ground--from the flight of slaves, to protests against the draft, the plundering of civilian homes, and civilian defiance of military occupation--reverberated at the highest levels of government. Varon also offers new perspectives on major battles, illuminating how soldiers and civilians alike coped with the physical and emotional toll of the war as it grew into a massive humanitarian crisis.

The Union's politics of deliverance helped it to win the war. But such appeals failed to convince Confederates to accept peace on the victor's terms, ultimately sowing the seeds of postwar discord. Armies of Deliverance offers innovative insights on the conflict for those steeped in Civil War history and novices alike.

About the Author

Elizabeth R. Varon is Langbourne M. Williams Professor of American History at the University of Virginia. She is the author of numerous award-winning books, including Southern Lady, Yankee Spy: The True Story of Elizabeth Van Lew, A Union Agent in the Heart of the Confederacy (OUP, 2003), Disunion!: The Coming of the American Civil War, 1789-1859, and Appomattox: Victory, Defeat and Freedom at the End of the Civil War (OUP, 2013).

ISBN 978-0190860608, Oxford University Press, © 2019, Hardcover, 528 pages, Maps, Photographs & Illustrations, End Notes & Index. $34.95.  To purchase this book click HERE.

John Brown, December 2, 1859

Charlestown, Va., Dec. 2, 1859.

I. John Brown, am now quite certain that the crimes of this guilty land will never be purged away but with blood. I had, as I now think vainly, flattered myself that without very much bloodshed it might be done.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 620

Lewis Cobb to William Still, June 2, 1857

TORONTO, June 2d, 1857.

To MR. WM. STILL — Dear Sir: — I received yours dated May 6th, and was extremely happy to hear from you. You may be surprised that I have not answered you before this, but it was on account of not knowing anything concerning the letter being in the post-office until I was told so by a friend. The box, of which I had been inquiring, I have received. and am infinitely obliged to you for sending it. Mr. and Mrs. Benson are living in Hamilton, C. W. They send their best love to you and your family. I am at present residing in Toronto, C. W. Mr. Anthony Loney has gone on to Boston, and is desirous of my coming on to him; and as I have many acquaintances there, I should like to know from you whether it would be advisable or not. Give, if you please, my best love to your family and accept the same for yourself, and also to Mr. James Ormsted and family. Tell James Ormsted I would be glad if he would send me a pair of thick, heavy boots, for it rains and hails as often out here in the summer, as it does there in the winter. Tell him to send No. 9, and anything he thinks will do me good in this cold country. Please to give to Mr. James Ormsted to give to Mr. Robert Seldon, and tell him to give it to my father. Mr. and Mrs. Truehart send their love to you and your family. If the gentleman, Mr. R. S., is not running on the boat now, you can give directions to Ludwill Cobb, in care of Mr. R. Seldon, Richmond, Va. Tell Mr. Ormsted not to forget my boots and send them by express. No more at present, but remain yours very truly,

Please write soon.

LEWIS COBB.

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 379

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, January 8, 1863

(Private)

New Orleans, January 8th, 1863.

Dear Sir: A disaster has occurred at Galveston, similar to that near Fortress Monroe when the Cumberland and Congress were destroyed.

The rebels under Magruder, came down from Houston with four boats (steam) protected by cotton bales. At the same time, a land force, estimated from 3,000 to 7,000 crossed the bridge to the Island and occupied Galveston. This occurred about one or two o'clock on the morning of Jan. 1st. About 3 o'clock an attack was made by land and water on the Gunboats —which were in the narrow channel within musket shot of the shore. The “Harriet Lane” run into a rebel boat and sunk her, but became entangled in the wreck and could not get off. She was carried by boarding and captured. Less than twenty of her men are supposed to survive (out of 130). The Westfield (Flag Ship) was aground. Commodore Renshaw sent off to the other vessels all the men and officers except eight or ten, and then blew up the vessel and himself with her. He did not intend to destroy himself, but the magazine took fire unexpectedly, just as he was escaping. Two hundred and fifty men of a Massachusetts regiment (infantry only) were posted in the town, and were all captured or killed. The Gunboats had previous notice of the attack, and there must have been negligence on the part of the officers. Our loss is — “Harriet Lane” captured, but believed to be too much injured to be fit for sea for some time. The “Westfield” blown up.

Two sailing vessels loaded with coal for the navy.

About 400 men killed or taken prisoners.

All the other vessels (two were Gunboats) escaped. The fight lasted from three o'clock until 10 A. M.

Admiral Farragut, on receipt of the news, immediately dispatched several vessels to Galveston, which will set things right again, I hope. The 1st. Texas Reg't., Col. Davis, arrived, after the capture, on the S. Ship “Cumbria,” and narrowly escaped capture. The reg't. numbers about 200 men, who have all returned here.

The condition of things here does not seem to me to be very satisfactory — but Gen. Banks has not been here long enough to determine the prospect of improvement.

I think Gen. Banks lacks decision. With one or two exceptions, his staff are not men of ability. He seems to favor the policy of conciliation — which policy is weak and will always be unsuccessful. I can hardly get him to express an opinion — or if he does, it does not seem to be an earnest conviction. Secessionists grow more defiant and Union men despondent. This, I hope, and think, will be changed. I believe he is thoroughly honest, and he already has effected much good by putting down swindlers and army speculators. Gen. Butler's military commission (Gen. Orders No. 91) did an immense amount of mischief and injustice. Gen. Butler is an extraordinary man, but did very wrong in all things connected with internal trade. I have frequently heard Union men say they wished he was President, for though he would make millions for himself during the first three months, he would finish the war in three months more.

Gen. Banks has a very difficult position, for he comes here a stranger and four weeks at least are necessary for him to become informed of the situation.

The Government can finish this war in twelve months — in one way and in only one. Arm the negroes. I am perfectly satisfied it must be done. Why delay it? It can be done here without throwing the border states into a fever. Here and in S. Carolina and not well elsewhere. I called upon Gen. Banks this morning and urged the matter on his attention, as I have often done before. He agreed with me that the war could be finished in that way, but seems afraid of taking the responsibility. I wish I could assume the responsibility for him. I would suggest that you write me a letter to be shown to Gen. Banks, giving your opinion of the expediency of raising negro troops, and stating how such a step will be regarded by the Administration. If he is assured in this manner that the Government will approve, perhaps he will enlist the negroes. There are at least 20,000 black men within our lines who will make good and willing soldiers, 50,000 more can be raised west of the Mississippi as our army advances.

The three colored regiments already organized, have petitioned Gen. Banks to be put in the front rank at Port Hudson, that they may have a chance of removing the stigma of alleged cowardice from their race, and vindicate their rights and abilities as soldiers. I urge him to grant their request, but do not know what he will do about it. The negroes all say they can finish the war if the Gov't. will give them a chance. By no other means is success certain. Why delay it?

If it had not been for speculations in the sugar crops, Gen. Butler would have raised more regiments, but the men were wanted on the plantations to take off the crops.

Our last dates from the North are of the 20th. December. It is rumored that Gen. Butler may go into the Cabinet. I almost wish he would. He is a man of wonderful energy, will, and ability, and will always be admired by the Union men of New Orleans, even though he is believed by some to have acquired great wealth here.

Military affairs remain in the same condition as when I last wrote. Port Hudson has not been attacked and I don't know when it will be. The rebels are said to be receiving re-inforcements there.

P. S. Gen. Hamilton is still here.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 345-7

John M. Forbes & William H. Aspinwall to Salmon P. Chase, April 25, 1863

London, 25 April, 1863.

. . . We have now to acknowledge receipt of your letter of 30 March, handed to us by the Hon. Robert J. Walker, and to say that this gentleman has also repeated to us the verbal explanations which you made to him before his departure. We have carefully considered both, and we find that the main object of his visit to Europe is to acquaint European capitalists with the actual circumstances and resources of our country.¹ We think it will render great service in helping to stem the current of ignorance and misapprehension so generally prevalent in Europe, and in compliance with your suggestions we shall confer freely with him on all occasions, when we think he can, by his advice or his knowledge of facts, or by his political position, aid us in carrying out the objects of our mission; but we do not consider ourselves called on, either by your letters or by our own judgment of what is expedient, to show him our instructions, although he has exhibited to us his own; nor do we feel justified, under our understanding with Messrs. Baring Bros. & Co., to mention to him, or any one else here, the particulars of our temporary loan.

. . . We have not been negligent on the last suggestion of your letter, and are prepared to resort to it whenever other means fail; but the institution of criminal prosecution against Laird and other builders by us, or any American or official party, would be liable to raise up such an excitement as would frustrate the object in view. The English government must be moved to take these proceedings, or, failing to do this effectually, we can count on a local English association for action; and either of these must command a support we could not rely on, and both must be exhausted before we take the last chance. . . .

_______________

¹ Mr. Walker had been Secretary of the Treasury under President Polk, 1845 to 1849. —  Ed.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 2, p. 43-4

Commandant Samuel F. DuPont to Gustavus V. Fox, December 25, 1861

Private

Wabash Port Royal

Christmas Day 1861

My Dear Mr. Fox

A Merry Christmas to you and Mr. Welles, and may the prodigious energies and labors of the Secy and yourself be crowned with success and peace for their results during the coming New Year.

The Department has kindly omitted heretofore to speak of the entrance of the Fingal into Savannah. My first act after the battle before its reverberations had ceased, was to dispatch the Augusta there, for I could see no ships in the offing the day I entered here. How the Monticello came to leave without orders (for Com^o Goldsboro' had told me to send her to him when I could spare her) I never could learn. But two days after the fight she entered in a dense fog, even our troops on Braddocks point did not see her. This went to my heart I confess and has given me periodical twitches ever since, for she brought the rebels great assistance — to our cost here.

My only comfort is that we have her pretty well sealed up; a contraband informed us she was loading with cotton and going to run out of Wassaw inlet, fearing lest the vessels blockading might be eluded I ordered Seminole and Pembina and Andrews to cross the bar; the former thumped, but they got inside just in time to run Tattnall's barge up a creek ashore¹—the crew escaped, except two who hid themselves and made signals and were taken on board the Andrew. One of them a very intelligent and apparently perfectly reliable person has given us much valuable information — he is from Rochester N. Y. and belonged to Tattnall's ship — the Everglade. He had towed the Fingal round into Wilmington river, and has his other steamers and his hulk with the guns along — but he hitched on the Fingal and towed her back stern foremost, but on the Gunboats moving up after him, he fell back behind the fort at Skiddaway.

I have sent John Rodgers there, for I feel comfortable wherever he is — his boilers are repaired, some men can always overcome difficulties, while others do nothing but call for help, never putting their own shoulders to the wheel — but the Flag is very deep for inlet work and is long in turning owing to some defect in her rudder. If you could give him one of those new side wheel double rudder vessels she could not be in better hands; for there are few such officers in any service. I do not rate him over his cousin, because I have never met such a perfect officer and man as the latter.

Would it not be well in appointing the officers to the new Steamers, to give such men who have made their mark in the inferior vessels a lift, rather than keep down the list and give to some below them?

I have had to withdraw the Savannah from Tybee and send her blockading. She got thumping too hard. Drayton is there now, another prince of an officer, with Stevens in the Ottawa who is also very superior. The Wyandotte is also there, but this force is smaller than it ought to be.

In reference to the latter, I am sorry to tell you that she is no acquisition — her light 32's have no sphere here at all, and her machinery is good for nothing — but for the efficiency of the Chf. Engineer of this ship I should have a hard time with such craft.

But this is not all, her Captain is in a state of mental stupefaction from intemperance. Being one of the “Board victims,” I am moving in the matter with extreme caution and leniency. He was first reported officially through Davis by Parrott, for queer doings off Charleston, carrying Parrott 15 miles off his station and then firing guns, and when brought to an explanation seemed stupid. After getting here one of his Acting Masters reported him for frequent intemperance and bad conduct—then a Pilot I gave him to carry him out to Tybee he abused very much and the former an excellent fellow reported him in writing — then up comes a report from Drayton saying “the Captain of the Wyandotte seems quite stupid and I believe from drinking.” So soon as I can get him up here I will send him all the reports and ask him for his explanations, and will send the papers home. I think it would be well for Congress to authorize Flag Officers to order Courts of Inquiry on the home stations. I believe this poor man, ——, had a blow in his head once and a very small quantity of liquor affects him in a strange way.

The Prisoners taken in Wassaw gave us a good many items — they have 45 guns on Pulaski. The other deserters say the same. The rebels are kept perplexed as to our operations and have placed their forces between Brunswick and Savannah. No intrenchments going up around Savannah. An attack on Tybee just in the manner that Missroon said it would be made and of which he could not persuade our Dutch Col. ashore, was only prevented by Robt Lee telling them the ships would knock them all to pieces if they attempted anything of the kind. Gl. Wright is coming on bravely there and the defences are well through — he has a masked battery of rifled cannon beautifully placed and the support between ships and shore will now be mutual by his very clever engineering.

We still have many stories about my quondam Commodore and friend Tattnall — it seems he landed with his Marines on the day of the fight, (I saw him disappear) to help Fort Walker, but arrived to see only the disastrous flight, and then from excitement, he became senseless and was carried back. Maffitt was drunk when he approached near enough for Ammen to let him have the shell — and Tattnall turned him ashore and that is the last of that gentleman. I communicate through Scull creek with Tybee. Mather (smart fellow) made it the other day in 2½ hours in the Andrew. He went to St. Helena Sound in 5 h. We are waiting anxiously for the ferry boats, anything small to send inland. Please hurry the Forbes and give her to an active officer. Please think of a dispatch vessel. Now I ought to draw off a little from Charleston and increase further South, but I have nothing to send. Please tell Wise I will answer his friendly and sprightly letter very soon. It made me laugh heartily.

Faithfully Yrs

S. F. DuPONT

_______________

¹ They had come to see if the course was clear.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 82-6

In the Review Queue: Lincoln’s Mercenaries

Lincoln's Mercenaries:

Economic Motivation among

Union Soldiers during the Civil War

By William Marvel

In Lincoln’s Mercenaries, renowned Civil War historian William Marvel considers whether poor northern men bore the highest burden of military service during the American Civil War. Examining data on median family wealth from the 1860 United States Census, Marvel reveals the economic conditions of the earliest volunteers from each northern state during the seven major recruitment and conscription periods of the war. The results consistently support the conclusion that the majority of these soldiers came from the poorer half of their respective states’ population, especially during the first year of fighting.

Marvel further suggests that the largely forgotten economic depression of 1860 and 1861 contributed in part to the disproportionate participation in the war of men from chronically impoverished occupations. During this fiscal downturn, thousands lost their jobs, leaving them susceptible to the modest emoluments of military pay and community support for soldiers’ families. From newspaper accounts and individual contemporary testimony, he concludes that these early recruits―whom historians have generally regarded as the most patriotic of Lincoln’s soldiers―were motivated just as much by money as those who enlisted later for exorbitant bounties, and that those generous bounties were made necessary partly because war production and labor shortages improved economic conditions on the home front.

A fascinating, comprehensive study, Lincoln’s Mercenaries illustrates how an array of social and economic factors drove poor northern men to rely on military wages to support themselves and their families during the war.

ISBN 978-0807169520, LSU Press, © 2018, Hardcover, 352 pages, Photographs & Illustrations, Tables, End Notes, Bibliography & Index. $34.95.  To purchase this book click HERE.

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, April 20, 1864

The last public evening reception of the season took place last evening at the Executive Mansion. It was a jam, not creditable in its arrangements to the authorities. The multitude were not misbehaved, farther than crowding together in disorder and confusion may be so regarded. Had there been a small guard, or even a few police officers, present, there might have been regulations which would have been readily acquiesced in and observed. There has always been a want of order and proper management at these levees or receptions, which I hope may soon be corrected.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 15

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, April 21, 1864

There was a pleasant party at our house last evening, with an attendance of about three hundred. All passed off pleasantly, and all who expressed themselves seemed much gratified, as we were. It is spoken of as one of the most agreeable parties of the season.

Olcott and Wilson were here on Tuesday. The former is very full of frauds in Boston and is rabid to be at the books of certain parties. The man has an insatiate appetite to get on the track of suspected parties.  He shows not only ken scent but much sagacity.

Mr. Wilson has his charges and specifications against the parties in New York prepared and in the hands of the copyists.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 15-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, April 22, 1864

Neither Seward nor Chase nor Stanton was at the Cabinet-meeting to-day. For some time Chase has been disinclined to be present and evidently for a purpose. When sometimes with him, he takes occasion to allude to the Administration as departmental, — as not having council, not acting in concert. There is much truth in it, and his example and conduct contribute to it. Seward is more responsible than any one, however, although he is generally present. Stanton does not care usually to come, for the President is much of his time at the War Department, and what is said or done is communicated by the President, who is fond of telling as well as of hearing what is new. Three or four times daily the President goes to the War Department and into the telegraph office to look over communications.

Congress is laboring on the tax bill. The Members fear to do their duty because taxation is unpopular. An old infirmity. Chase has not pressed for it heretofore for the same reason.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 16

Major-General William T. Sherman to Captain Charles C. Smith, October 4, 1863

Gayoso House, Memphis, Tennessee,

October 4, 1863 — Midnight.

Captain C. C. Smith, commanding Battalion Thirteenth United States Regulars.

My Dear Friend: I cannot sleep to-night until I record an expression of the deep feelings of my heart to you, and to all the officers and soldiers of the battalion for their kind behavior to my poor child. I realize that you all feel for my family the attachment of kindred, and I assure you of full reciprocity.

Consistent with a sense of duty to my profession and office, I could not leave my post, and sent for the family to come to me in that fatal climate, and in that sickly period of the year, and behold the result; the child that bore my name, and in whose future I reposed with more confidence than I did in my own plan of life, now floats a mere corpse, seeking a grave in a distant land, with a weeping mother, brother, and sisters, clustered about him. For myself I ask no sympathy. On, on I must go to meet a soldier's fate, or live to see our country rise superior to all factions, till its flag is adored and respected by ourselves and by all the powers of the earth.

But Willie was, or thought he was, a sergeant in the Thirteenth. I have seen his eye brighten, his heart beat, as he beheld the battalion under arms, and asked me if they were not real soldiers. Child as he was, he had the enthusiasm, the pure love of truth, honor and love of country, which should animate all soldiers.

God only knows why he should die thus young. He is dead, but will not be forgotten till those who knew him in life have followed him to that same mysterious end.

Please convey to the battalion my heartfelt thanks, and assure each and all that if in after years they call on me or mine, and mention that they were of the Thirteenth Regulars when Willie was a sergeant, they will have a key to the affections of my family that will open all it has; that we will share with them our last blanket, our last crust!

Your friend,

W. T. Sherman,

Major General

SOURCES: James C. Bush, Editor, Journal of the Military Service Institution of the United States, Volume 15, p. 1110-1; Fold3.com Civil War Pension Index Cards for the identification of Captain Charles C. Smith, 13th United States Infantry.

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: November 5, 1863

A warm fall evening. How I am moved as I read the letter below. My own dear boys, and my feelings towards the soldiers who are kind to them; Willie too — the name of sister Fanny's lost boy. Oh, and my dear sister too. How many will love General Sherman for that letter who would never care for any laurels he might earn in battle.

[Pasted in the Diary is a copy of General Sherman's famous letter to Captain C. C. Smith of the Thirteenth Regulars, thanking the regiment — in which his little son Willie had fancied himself a sergeant — for the “kind behavior” of its officers and soldiers to his “poor child.” “Please convey to the battalion,” the letter says in conclusion, “my heartfelt thanks, and assure each and all that if in after years they call on me or mine, and mention that they were of the Thirteenth Regulars, when poor Willy was a sergeant, they will have a key to the affections of my family that will open all it has, that we will share with them our last blanket, our last crust.”]

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 444

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: November 7, 1863

I am asked if I would not be gratified if my friends would procure me promotion to a brigadier-generalship. My feeling is that I would rather be one of the good colonels than one of the poor generals. The colonel of a regiment has one of the most agreeable positions in the service, and one of the most useful. “A good colonel makes a good regiment,” is an axiom.

Two things make me sometimes think it desirable to have the promotion, viz., the risk of having a stupid brigadier put over me, and the difficulty and uncertainty of keeping up my regiment — that is the risk of losing my colonelcy.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 444

John A. Quitman to John F. H. Claiborne, October 18, 1830

Monmouth, Oct. 18th, 1830.

Dear Claiborne,—I have put off a further reply to your letter of the 25th August with a view to minute the amendments of which our code is susceptible, as they might occur to me from time to time; but I have found myself so engrossed by the preparation of my decrees and opinions for publication, and by other official business, that I am still, in a measure, unprepared, and must answer you now only in part.

It will be certain that an amendment to the Constitution will be necessary in a few years. The acquisition of the Indian territory will make this imperative, and the only question is, whether the present is a more suitable time than the period when the actual necessity shall occur. It seems to me that the absence of political excitement, and the serenity of our horizon, point out the present as the most suitable moment to careen the ship of state. Talent will be called to the performance of this duty without regard to party. We know not how long this quiet atmosphere will continue. Storms may arise in a few years, by which the scum and dregs of society may be agitated to the surface, and disturb and destroy the pure element we now enjoy. Let us do, then, what may be necessary, while we may do it in peace.

The 2d and 3d articles of the compact limiting the number of judges, and the 9th section of the 3d article limiting the number of representatives to 36 until our white population amounts to 80,000, and yet requiring that each county shall have a representative, are incompatible with the acquisition and organization of new and extensive territory. Even setting aside the necessity of the matter, policy requires some amendments to the charter. Our judicial system is exceptionable. The trial of questions in the last resort should be vested in an independent, impartial, and unprejudiced tribunal, composed of judges in number sufficient to avoid as well the frailty or errors of one individual, as the great division of responsibility where there are too many judges. Three is, in my opinion, the golden number. When a set of men are called on to decide upon their own errors, we must expect to find some bias toward former impressions, or a disposition to question the accuracy of one who has detected a flaw.

I likewise am in favor of biennial sessions of the Legislature, and some change made to prevent important questions of legislation from being made subsidiary to the election of a senator or a judge. Our whole bloody criminal code calls for radical revision. I see no cure for it but amputation. The limb should be cut off from the body politic, and a scion of less barbarous growth engrafted thereon. For the many grades of moral turpitude which are considered proper subjects for the denunciation of the laws, many and various grades of punishment are required, and the punishment of all crimes, except, perhaps, those of the deepest dye, should be so inflicted as to leave room for amendment. It were better to punish with death in all cases than to brand the culprit with an indelible stigma and turn him loose upon society. Yet for all the various classes of crime known to our laws, we have but four kinds of punishment — the whipping-post, the pillory, the hot iron, and halter. Imprisonment in the common jail is seldom resorted to. When the courts have the alternative they rarely order imprisonment, owing to its expense to the state. The prisoner must be supported at considerable cost, while his labor, which, under a better system, might be profitably employed, is wholly lost. The penitentiary is the remedy. This would enable us to graduate punishments, and would be followed by more certainty in the conviction of offenders. Many crimes of dangerous character — negro stealing and forgery, for example — which are now capital, go unpunished, in consequence of the disinclination of juries to find a verdict of guilty. In my opinion, the man who shall succeed in introducing the penitentiary system in this state will deserve the highest honor. Were I in search of popularity, I would feel certain of success with such a subject. It is not a mere experiment. Good management will enable the system to more than support itself.

Let me urge upon you, by all means, the necessity of a law to prevent and punish the circulation of incendiary pamphlets, etc., in this state.

SOURCE: John F. H. Quitman, Life and Correspondence of John A. Quitman, Volume 1, p. 100-2

In The Review Queue: Major General George H. Sharpe

Major General George H. Sharpe

and The Creation of American Military

Intelligence in the Civil War

By Peter G. Tsouras

The vital role of the military all-source intelligence in the eastern theater of operations during the U.S. Civil War is told through the biography of its creator, George H. Sharpe. Renowned historian Peter Tsouras contends that this creation under Sharpe’s leadership was the combat multiplier that ultimately allowed the Union to be victorious.

Sharpe is celebrated as one of the most remarkable Americans of the 19th century. He built an intelligence organization (The Bureau of Military Information – BMI) from a standing start beginning in February 1863. He was the first man in military history to create a professional all-source intelligence operation, defined by the U.S. Army as “the intelligence products, organizations, and activities that incorporates all sources of information, in the production of intelligence.” By early 1863, in the two and half months before the Chancellorsville Campaign, Sharpe had conducted a breath-taking Intelligence Preparation of the Battlefield (IPB) effort. His reports identified every brigade and its location in Lee’s army, provided an accurate order-of-battle down to the regiment level and a complete analysis of the railroad. The eventual failure of the campaign was outside of the control of Sharpe, who had assembled a staff of 30-50 scouts and support personnel to run the military intelligence operation of the Army of the Potomac. He later supported Grant’s Armies Operating Against Richmond (AOAR) during the Siege of Petersburg, where the BMI played a fundamental role in the victory.

His career did not end in 1865. Sharpe crossed paths with almost everyone prominent in America after the Civil War. He became one of the most powerful Republican politicians in New York State, had close friendships with Presidents Grant and Arthur, and was a champion of African-American Civil rights.

With the discovery of the day-by-day journal of John C. Babcock, Sharpe’s civilian deputy and order-of-battle analyst in late 1963, and the unpublished Hooker papers, the military correspondence of Joseph Hooker during his time as a commander of the Army of the Potomac, Tsouras has discovered a unique window into the flow of intelligence reporting which gives a new perspective in the study of military operations in the U.S. Civil War.

ISBN 978-1612006475, Casemate, © 2018, Hardcover, 592 pages, Maps, Photographs & Illustrations, Appendix, End Notes, Bibliography & Index. $34.95.  To purchase this book click HERE.

Ausburn Birdsall* To Howell Cobb, September 8, 1848

Binghamton, N. Y., Sept. 8th, 1848.

Dear Sir: I sent you by yesterday's mail, a copy of the Albany Evening Journal, the leading whig paper in this State, in which you will find a full endorsement of the platform laid down at Buffalo as the old Whig platform. I send you herewith to-day a printed circular recently issued by the Whig State Central Committee, which is now being circulated throughout the State. I can vouch for its genuineness. The Whigs and Barnburners seem to vie with each other in the present crusade against the South. The Democratic party which supports Cass and Butler are the only advocates of a strict adherence to the Constitution and its compromises to be found in the North. Can it be possible that in such a contest the South will fail to stand by the Constitution, its own interests, and by its Northern friends? I will not permit myself to doubt that it will be found equal to the emergency. The idea is strange to us indeed, that Southern votes are to be given to aid sectional disorganizers and disunionists. It cannot — it ought not to be so. He that does not protect as well as provide for his own household is truly worse than an infidel.

_______________

* Member of Congress from New York, 1847-1849.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 125

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: November 6, 1863

The President was to have returned to-day, but did not.

Various conjectures are made as to the object of his month's tour of speech-making. Some deem the cause very desperate, others that the President's condition is desperate. If the first, they say his purpose was to reanimate the people by his presence, and to cultivate a renewal of lost friendships, and hence he lingered longest at Charleston, in social intercourse with Gens. Beauregard and Wise, who had become estranged. The latter is the oldest brigadier-general in the service, and still they have failed to promote him. The President's power is felt in the army, and his patronage being almost unlimited, it was natural, they say, that he should be received with cheers. From a lieutenant up to a general, all are dependent on his favor for promotion. At all events, his austerity and inflexibility have been relaxed, and he has made popular speeches wherever he has gone. I hope good fruits will ensue. But he returns to find the people here almost in a state of starvation in the midst of plenty, brought on by the knavery or incompetency of government agents.

What is remarkable is the estimate of $50,000,000 by the Commissary-General for the purchase of sugar, exclusively for the sick and wounded in hospitals, the soldiers in the field being refused any more. One-fourth of the whole estimates ($210,000,000) for sugar, and not an ounce to go to the army! And this, too, when it is understood nearly all the sugar in the Confederacy has been impressed by his agents at from 50 cts. to $1 per pound. It is worth $2.50 now, and it is apprehended that a large proportion of the fifty millions asked for will go into the pockets of commissaries. No account whatever is taken of the tithe in the Commissary-General's estimates.

Flour sold at $125 per barrel to-day. There must be an explosion of some sort soon. Certainly Confederate notes have fallen very low indeed.

Another solution of the President's tour, by the uncharitable or suspicious, is a preparatory or a preliminary move to assuming all power in his own hands. They say the people are reduced by distress to such an extremity that, if he will only order rations to be served them, they will not quarrel with him if he assumes dictatorial powers. Legislation has failed to furnish remedies for the evils afflicting the community; and, really, if the evils themselves were not imputed to the government, and the President were ambitious — and is he not? — he might now, perhaps, play a successful Cromwellian role. But can he control the State governments? The government of this State seems like potter's clay in his hands, the Legislature being as subservient as the Congresses have hitherto been. It is observed — independence first — then let Cromwells or Washingtons come.

My wife, to-day, presented me with an excellent under-shirt, made of one of her dilapidated petticoats. A new shirt would cost $30. Common brown cotton (and in a cotton country!) sells for $3 per yard. I saw common cotton shirts sell at auction today for $40 per pair. Beef is $1.50 per pound, and pork $2. But these prices are paid in Confederate Treasury notes, and they mark the rapid depreciation of paper money.

The enemy, however, in spreading over the Southern territory, are not completing the work of subjugation. It would require a million of bayonets to keep this people in subjection, and the indications are that the United States will have difficulty in keeping their great armies up. It is a question of endurance.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 89-91

Captain Charles Wright Wills: June 21, 1864

June 21, 1864.

No variation to report to-day. Heavy rain yesterday and to-day. Some 350 prisoners were sent in from the right yesterday, and about 80 more that I know of to-day. Figure that we have taken about 3,000 prisoners at this place. Since the army went into position here the right has advanced about six miles, the center two miles, and the left three and one-half to four miles. The musketry from dark last night until 11 p. m. was very busy in front of the 4th Corps, though it may have been only a heavy skirmish line. I hear to-day that the 4th Corps took a strong Rebel position last night while that firing was going on and held it.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 266