No real news yet.
Lots of rumors though, one of which is that they are all cut up and the rest
captured. We don't believe it.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 99
No real news yet.
Lots of rumors though, one of which is that they are all cut up and the rest
captured. We don't believe it.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 99
Drew ten days'
rations to-day, so I guess there is some of Company B left and that they will
be back to eat it.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 100
The regiment came
back to-day. Have been gone four days. Had some hard marching and lived high on
pigs and chickens found by the way. They went up the Pearl River, and captured
a small steamer loaded with tar and rosin. They feel fine and to hear them talk
one would think this matter of putting down the Rebellion is nothing if only
the 128th is given a good whack at it.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 100
The officers have
drawn new tents and the captains have given the cooks their old ones for cook
houses. We tore down the old shanty, and put up the new house in short order.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 100
The morning paper
gives a glowing account of the great expedition of the 128th. Speaks well of
the behavior of both officers and men and their great respect for private
property. But Colonel Cowles has been lecturing them and his account differs
from the newspaper reports on nearly all points.
We were paid off
to-day and the money flies. We have floors in our tents now. An order has gone
forth for camp inspection once each day. The tents, the cook houses and cooking
utensils and everything will be inspected, and must be as clean as possible or
trouble will come. Taking it all in all we have good times. One of the boys has
a fiddle, and some are good singers. We have only enough to do to make us
hungry when meal time comes.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 100
Walter Loucks has
returned to camp and looks well. He feels some sore from sleeping on a board,
after his stay in the hospital, but that will wear off. General Dow has cleared
the peddlers out of camp and torn down some shanties near, where pies, etc.,
were sold. My throat has got sore again and I must get Dr. Andrus to fix it up.
We have had marching orders a couple of times, but each time they were
countermanded.
SOURCE:
Lawrence Van Alstyne, Diary of an Enlisted Man, p. 101
For several days
have been so much engaged that I have found no time to open this book and
innumerable private letters go unanswered.
An adroit and
skillful counterfeit has been perpetrated, and two drafts, one of $50,000 and
one of $10,000, have been cashed. There was much heedless and careless
management at the Fourth Auditor's office, or there would have been prompt
detection, yet they have rushed into the papers and claim that they discovered
the forgery. All of which is untrue. We learn to-day that the forger has been
arrested. He was married this morning to a lady of fortune, left with his bride
for New York and Europe, and was arrested when he reached Philadelphia.
The convention
yesterday in Connecticut to elect delegates to Philadelphia passed off well. It
was a convention strong in good names.
Violent and
revolutionary proceedings have taken place in New Orleans. A fragment of an old
convention held in 1864 met for the purpose of overturning the government. Riot
and bloodshed were the unavoidable consequences. There are indications that the
conspirators were instigated by Radicals from Washington and the North to
these disturbances.
I have had two
interviews with Governor Pease of Texas. He is earnest and honest, and gives a
deplorable account of affairs in that State, where he has just been defeated in
a gubernatorial canvass. There is, he says, no toleration of Union men; five
sixths of the people are hostile to the Federal Government, and they persecute
those who do not agree with them. The only way by which Union men can live
there, he says, is under the protection of Union troops, and the Federal
Government, he claims, is bound to protect loyal men in person and property.
After listening to
his statement and canvassing the subject with him, I inquired whether the
remedy he proposed was practicable and consistent with our system of
government. If there is danger to person and property in any State, the person
aggrieved or in danger must look to the local, municipal, and State authorities
for protection. But it is claimed the authorities will not do this and that
five sixths of the people approve their course. This is unfortunate and wrong,
but under these circumstances and in these times, is it wise for the one sixth
to come forward and place themselves in direct antagonism to the five sixths
and ask the Federal Government to sustain them by force? Would it not be better
to remain passive and quietly and patiently strive to modify public opinion,
and get it right gradually? This Government is not one of form; it cannot
attempt to control the elections in the States, and that by military force,
without overthrowing free government, — destroying free elections. Are you not,
then, asking too much, and unawares taking steps to subvert, or change our
whole system?
This was the tenor
of our conversation and my remarks. Governor Pease was, I thought, affected by
them. His good sense made him appreciate the case, though he said that if this
was the policy he should be compelled to leave Texas and so would every Union
man. This, I told him, did not follow. Yet free speech would, perhaps, be
necessarily restrained.
The condition of
things is bad, but it is attributable in a degree to the nature of our
institutions. Our people will go violently into the elections. The few
outspoken Union men, numerically weak, insist that they must be the controlling
power in the Rebel States, although in a minority, and they expect to secure
this by military instrumentality exercised by the Federal Government, which is
to put down the majority by the bayonet.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 567-9
I had a letter last
evening from Secretary McCulloch, inclosing copy of one addressed to the
President, requesting that Commodore S. P. Lee might be put on the Lighthouse
Board in place of Admiral Davis, who had consented to retire. The intrigue and
the impudence of the thing annoyed me excessively. McCulloch is guiltless of
intentional wrong, but is, unaware, the instrument of Lee, who has moved his
father-in-law, Blair, in the matter. I wrote a strong remonstrance to the
President and also to McCulloch against this mischievous and demoralizing
scheme. The President and McCulloch both spoke to me on the subject to-day,
neither having received my letter. The President wished me to dispose of Lee as
I pleased. Said he was a great annoyance to him. McCulloch said he cared
nothing about Lee, but was willing to oblige Mr. Blair.
Stanton read
telegrams in Cabinet from General Sheridan concerning New Orleans disturbances.
Stanton manifested marked sympathy with the rioters, and the President and
others observed it. There is little doubt that the New Orleans riots had their
origin with the Radical Members of Congress in Washington. It is part of a
deliberate conspiracy and was to be the commencement of a series of bloody
affrays through the States lately in rebellion. Boutwell and others have stated
sufficient to show their participation in this matter. There is a determination
to involve the country in civil war, if necessary, to secure negro suffrage in
the States and Radical ascendancy in the General Government. Stanton, in great
excitement, repeatedly spoke of the Attorney-General of Louisiana and the Mayor
of New Orleans as pardoned Rebels who had instigated the murder of the people
in the streets of the city, [said] that they were guilty of this terrible
bloodshedding.
Sheridan's dispatches
are somewhat conflicting. Although a brave and excellent officer, Sheridan
lacks judgment and administrative ability. He is impulsive, but his intentions
are honest and his first telegram was an honest impulse. It struck me that he
was tutored as regards the others, either from Washington or by some one at New
Orleans duly advised.
Stanton is evidently
in deep sympathy and concert with the Radicals in this matter, though he
studied to conceal it. In striving to influence the President and prejudice him
against the authorities of New Orleans, he betrayed his feelings.
There has been a
story circulating in the newspapers that a naval vessel had captured a
slave-trader with a cargo of negroes on board, which were being transported
from the South to Cuba. It was a manufactured rumor which came
from the Radical Freedmen's Bureau agents or tools. Seward alluded to some
information from Cuba to the effect that they wanted none of our negroes on the
island, and in conversation growing out of his allusion, I mentioned the
fabrication of a rumor of a captured slaver. I saw at once that Stanton was
disturbed. I mentioned that I two or three months since instituted inquiries on
information communicated by the War Department, which I found to be totally
groundless. Stanton rose at once on his feet and said the information came from
General Foster. I answered, yes; it was a rumor of negroes kidnapped at Indian
River, but our inquiries had satisfied us that the rumors were without
foundation.
Stanton is, in
matters of this description, a Radical sensationalist, ready to believe
anything bad of those to whom he is opposed; and is himself complicated with,
if not a prime mover in, the New Orleans difficulties and these mischievous
rumors.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 569-71
The Philadelphia
movement is gaining strength, but at the same time encountering tremendous and
violent opposition from the Radicals. I trust and think it will be successful,
but the convention will be composed of various elements, some of them
antagonistic heretofore, and the error is in not having distinctive principles
on which these prevailing opposing elements can centre. The time has arrived
when our countrymen must sacrifice personal and mere organized party hostility
for the general welfare. Either the Radicals or the Government are to be
overthrown. The two are in conflict.
I have confidence
that all will come out right, for I rely on an overruling Providence and the
good sense and intelligence of the people. Hatred, deadly animosity towards the
whole South, a determination to deny them their Constitutional rights, and to
oppress and govern them, not allow them to govern themselves, are the features
of Radicalism. It is an unsavory, intolerant, and persecuting spirit,
disgraceful to the country and age. Defeat in the elections will temper and
subdue its ferocity, while success at the polls will kindle it to flames, which
will consume every sentiment of tolerance, justice, and Constitutional freedom.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 571
Am beset by
disappointed naval officers who think they have not had due promotion. This may
be the case with some, but the more I examine the whole ground the better
satisfied I am with the action taken. One of the most afflicted is Commodore
Hitchcock, an old schoolboy friend, a good officer in peaceable times and an
exemplary man in every respect, who has well performed ordnance duty, but
who has no war record, no ambition but to live at ease and in style, proud and
gentlemanly. He has taken such excellent care of himself during the War—done so
little in the heroic line—that he is dissatisfied with the result when heroes
are to be rewarded.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 571-2
The President
submitted two long telegrams, one from himself to General Sheridan inquiring as
to the difficulties at New Orleans and Sheridan's reply, which was no answer.
Seward and Stanbery
had much to say. The latter was very earnest to have the President send
immediately to Sheridan, telling him the police must be dismissed. There was,
he said, great excitement in the country and the President must at once
respond.
I inquired to what
he was to respond. On Friday he had directed Sheridan to keep the peace and
pursue his investigations. Since that inquiries had been made which had
procured a feeble and confused response, concluding with a request or
suggestion that the Governor of the State and the Mayor of New Orleans be
displaced. Sheridan might be told that the President had no authority to
displace these officers; but I expressed a hope that he would not at this
distance undertake to give detailed instructions to his generals or agents.
I asked who General
Baird was that he should be charged with this responsibility, and how it came
about that such a man as was now described happened to be at such a place at
this juncture. As for Sheridan, I considered him an honest, bold, impulsive
officer, without much knowledge of civil government or administrative ability,
who obeyed orders, but I apprehended him badly prompted after his first
telegram, and regretted that we had not men of different calibre there at this
time.
Seward said my
estimate of Sheridan he thought correct. As for Baird, he knew nothing of him.
The President expressed dissatisfaction with what he heard of Baird. Stanton
kept silent.
Stanbery was
persistent that the President should instruct Sheridan in regard to the police
of the city.
Stanton said
application had been made to him for bunting for the building at Philadelphia
where the convention was to meet, but he had none for them, and said, with a
sneer, he would turn them over to the Navy. I told him that my bunting had
always been promptly shown and it would be well were he now to let us have a
sight of his.
Stanton, who has
skulked, was taken aback, colored, and remarked he had no bunting for them.
"Oh," said I, "show your flag."
"You mean the
convention," said he. "I am against it." "I am sorry to
hear, but glad to know, your opinion," said I.
"Yes, I am
opposed to the convention," he continued. "I didn't know it. You did
not answer the inquiry like the rest of us."
"No," said
he; "I did not choose to have Doolittle or any other little fellow draw an
answer from me."
The conversation
amused the others, as it did me. Seward looked troubled. Whether he knew
Stanton's position, I am in doubt. It is, I am satisfied, very recent that he
has concluded to avow himself, although I have never doubted that he was as
much opposed as any Radical to the Union movement. I think he would rather have
the Government overthrown than that the real Unionists should come in power. He
seems to have personal apprehensions.
I called on the
President this evening to advise caution in his communications with New
Orleans. Expressed my regret that he had not better officers for the business
required at this time in that quarter. He concurred with me and said Baird, so
far as he could learn, had caused the trouble or might have prevented it.
"Who,"
inquired I, "placed Baird there? Was it not part of the Radical
scheme to bring this difficulty upon us? It certainly is unfortunate that we
have these men there." He said he believed Baird was attached to the
Freedmen's Bureau. I said this might have been ordered otherwise and should
have been; that the Administration could not get along intelligently and well
without faithful and reliable agents. I inquired if he noticed the remarks of
Stanton to-day respecting the convention, "though probably you knew his
opinions previously." The President said he had not known them before,
that it was the first intimation he had received, and he noticed the remark.
"This is wrong," said I; "we cannot get along in this way."
"No," replied he, "it will be pretty difficult."
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 572-4
Judge Blair gave me
yesterday a carefully prepared paper intended for the Philadelphia Convention.
It had twelve specifications, — declarations and denials, affirmations and
disavowals. Blair is delighted with them and says the President is also. I told
him there would not be unanimity on one or two of the propositions and
suggested emendations or modifications of two or three others. To some of them
he assented; but I saw he was very much in love with the paper, which he
informed me was prepared by William B. Reed. But no one, save the President,
him, the author, and myself, knew the fact of authorship.
I remarked that
there would doubtless be other strong and able papers submitted, that my own
views were for a few points timely expressed. I thought all could unite against
changes of the Constitution with only a broken Congress, and States excluded.
In so large a body as there is likely to assemble at Philadelphia there would
be conflicting opinions on any proposition which might be submitted.
Blair leaves
to-morrow for Philadelphia. Browning says he shall and likely Randall will go
also. I would rather the members of the Cabinet remained away.
The President is
deeply interested, yet retains Stanton, who is not only opposed, but is
covertly in accord with the Radicals.
SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary
of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2:
April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 574-5
A strange dispatch
was read to-day from Commodore Winslow, written at Pensacola, exhibiting
intense partisan bitterness in the New Orleans disturbances, and reproving
Lieutenant-Commander McCann of the Tallapoosa, who was at New Orleans and
behaved very discreetly. I am almost induced to believe that Winslow is
demented.
Ordered a board for
examining volunteer officers, S. P. Lee, President. It will be less acceptable
to him than some other position more permanent here in Washington, but he
cannot always select the best places.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 575
Seward was not at
Cabinet, having had a sudden call to Auburn. It was a dodge to avoid an open
committal with the Philadelphia Convention. Attorney-General Stanbery had
charge of his portfolio, Assistant Secretary Fred Seward being also absent.
There was a little meaning in this. Whether Stanton was a party to it in order
to avoid being in any way committed, or is slighted, I know not. If the last, I
think it was unintentional, but Seward is paying hard court to Stanbery. I
perceive it every day.
A dispatch from
Vice-Consul-General Savage at Cuba in relation to the steamers Harriet Lane and
Pelican was read, with Seward's reply. I thought Seward conceded too much and
so stated. The threat from some person who is in charge, that he would sell
them if not paid his charges, is simply ridiculous. Any proper charges the
Government would pay ere this, as on any other government vessel, but the idea
of an individual selling a public ship is absurd. Still Seward concedes it.
Queen Emma of the
Sandwich Islands is to visit Washington as the guest of the Government on
invitation of Secretary Seward, who is conveniently absent. As Stanbery is
delegated by Seward in other matters, Stanton thought he should do the honors
to the young dowager.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 575-6
Read Commodore
Winslow's letter and correspondence relative to New Orleans riot and my reply
to the President, who was pleased and approved of my course.
Read Admiral
Farragut's acknowledgment and thanks to the President for his commission; also
Farragut's letter accepting the invitation to be of the party to Chicago.
Many delegates from
the South to the Philadelphia Convention are in the city on their way thither.
Generally they seem in good spirits and cheered with the prospect of a restored
Union. So far as I have conversed with them they are of right tone and temper.
I remarked to the
President that a large portion of the people North and South had no correct
idea of the condition of men and things. The claim of the Union men in the
Rebel States, that they alone must hold office and govern, while the great mass
of the people were to be excluded, proscribed, and eventually disfranchised, was
preposterous. The majority must govern or elections be abandoned. In looking to
the Central Government to keep the minority in power by force, the Unionists
were committing a serious error. The condition of things is anomalous and must
be treated with great circumspection and wisdom. The President agreed and fully
responded.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 576
Secretary McCulloch
arrived this A.M. Met him at the President's. His trip has been of benefit to
him. McCulloch has grown upon me since he entered the Cabinet. Perhaps I have
not been as observant and critical as I should have been had we differed, but
from the beginning our views have coincided, and I have considered him, though
not trained in public office or an experienced politician, as the most reliable
and sensible man in the Cabinet.
Dennison has written
a strange letter and made a speech of like character. I am disappointed in him,
for he is exceedingly unjust and unfair towards the President. It is a bid, but
he will be disappointed.
Dennison is very
ambitious, and has a wife more ambitious than himself. Of the two, she is
smarter, but D. is gentlemanly, kind, affable, has great suavity of manners. He
will never obtain a higher position than the one he has recently resigned. It
is said he wishes to secure the seat in the Senate held by Wade; but that can
hardly be brought about, though strange results sometimes take place in these
selections.
The letter and
speech which now appear are mere party drivel, without statesmanship or
enlarged and comprehensive views. Such stuff can convert no one, and retain no
one. I am sorry to witness this exhibition, for Dennison aside from factions,
is not destitute of merit, has some pleasant social qualities, and our families
have been intimate. He is evidently expecting to make an impression in party
harangues, but will scarcely succeed.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 576-7
Seward has run off
to Auburn and left Stanbery to attend upon the Hawaiian dowager, Queen Emma. He
finds it awkward and embarrassing, but does very well. The President expressed
a wish that the Cabinet, and such of their families as could, might be at the
reception this evening. McCulloch and myself were the only ones present except
Stanbery, who escorted her. She is a good-looking, well-developed woman of
about thirty, with a complexion a shade darker perhaps than a brunette, a full,
round eye, a good form, of graceful deportment, etc.
We hear that the
convention at Philadelphia is full and harmonious and all is progressing satisfactorily.
The effect must be salutary on the whole country and will, I
trust, contribute to overcome that intense sectional hate and party rancor
which it is the aim and purpose of the Radicals to inculcate towards the South.
These Radical leaders, and to a great extent their followers, are vindictive
and have apparently no wish or intention to reëstablish the Union or recognize
the political equality of the States.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 577-8
There are
comparatively few persons here in attendance on the President or Departments.
The Philadelphia Convention has drawn off most of them for the time, but only
to come back in crowds when the convention adjourns.
Informed the
President that I proposed to detail Rear Admiral Stribling for lighthouse duty.
He said he had no objections. Should be glad to have Lee disposed of. Told him
I had made him president of the board to examine volunteer officers under the
late Act of Congress.
The Lees and old Mr.
Blair are behaving badly. I do not blame Mr. B. so much, for he is old and
affectionate, yet he should have some consideration for others. It would, and
ought to, injure him, his children, Lee, and myself, were I to assign Lee to
the Lighthouse Board here in Washington. After having the best post during the
War, with high pecuniary reward and very little danger, he should not now, with
his ample fortune, derived from that post, think to sit down for the remainder
of his days in the easy post of lighthouse duty on full pay. But he is very mercenary.
SOURCE: Gideon
Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and
Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 578
A very hot day. At night the greatest rain storm of the season — Note — our house is badly infested with Fleas[.]
SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, p. 29
A very bright day — cool and breesy. Dr. J. W. Wilson and family her[e], and some young friends [.]
SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, p. 29