Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, Sunday Evening, December 21, 1862

Log Cabin Camp, December 21, 1862. Sunday evening.

Dearest: — Dr. Jim got his proper resignation papers today and will leave in the morning. Dr. Joe's leave of absence from Washington for thirty days from December 18 came to hand a half an hour after he had left on General Ewing's twenty-day leave. He will not regret the ten day's extension. . . .

I cannot answer all your inquiries about the wounded. Ligget is doing well; is probably at home ere this. I got a letter from Joel tonight. He is the Jew who got eight bullet holes in his person and limbs. He says he thinks he can stand service in a couple of months. He don't want to be discharged. Ritter writes me in good spirits.

Very interesting, all talk about the boys. . . . Webb's surprise that learning is needed in western Virginia hits the position of matters more closely than he knew. Sound teeth and a good digestion are more required than education. I do not know but fear to risk the boys in this eager mountain air; not at present, at any rate. So, of your coming,—

Almost ten years. How happy we have been. But you don't say a word about your health. If that requires you to come, you shall come. Otherwise you perhaps “better not.” Do you comprehend the solicitude I feel? Enough for tonight. — Love [to] all the boys and to Grandma.

Affectionately,

R.

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 378-9

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: June 11, 1864

And so has ended a really colossal attempt at escape. George Hendryx was one of the originators of the plan. He took advantage of the excitement consequent upon its discovery and made good his escape, and I hope will succeed in getting to our lines. It is the same old situation here only worse, and getting worse all the time. I am not very good at description, and find myself at fault in writing down the horrible condition we are in.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 66

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 19, 1863

Gen. Lee telegraphs from Culpepper Court House yesterday, that Gen. Rhodes captured Martinsburg, Sunday, 14th inst., taking several guns, over 200 prisoners, and a supply of am iunnition and grain. Our loss was only one killed and two wounded.

The Secretary of the Navy is in bad odor for ordering out the Atlanta at Savannah to fight two Federal steamers, to whom she surrendered.

There is nothing more definite or authentic from Winchester except that we certainly captured Milroy's army of not less than 5000 men.

To-day the government issued musket and ball-cartridges (forty to each) to the volunteer companies raised in the departments for home defense. If this does not signify apprehension of an immediate attack, it proves at all events that Lee's army is not to be around the city as it was a year ago — and that signifies his purpose to advance.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 354

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Monday, November 28, 1864

Well, this has been an interesting day, a great surprise; have been treated with great consideration — like a prince — by the board, and I never saw one of them before, nor had they ever heard of me that I know of. They made my mouth wound of so much interest it embarrassed me; I felt as though I was being lionized. The board is composed of a General and several other elderly medical officers of rank and age, and they have the consideration and tact — unlike Dr. Thayer — to treat any wounded officer and especially one who fought with Sheridan at Winchester, with distinguished respect. The first one who looked at my wound expressed great surprise at my “unusually interesting mouth wound,” as he termed it, and called for the doctors in the adjoining rooms to come and see one of the most interesting of the many wounds that had come before the board.* They all came, each in turn examining it, expressing great wonder, and asked many questions, indignantly inquiring why the Vermont doctors had sent me back to the front with jaws in a condition such as to render it impossible for me to chew solid food when it was known that hard bread and meats were the principal articles of food for troops in the field and with the stitches still in my lip and it not solidly healed. In reply I gave them my experience with Dr. Thayer of Burlington, Vt., and said I had not gone to the hospital several times during the war because of my pride and fear of inconsiderate treatment, although I had ought to have gone twice before when wounded, but feared I might be criticised if I did. They continued to examine the wound for some time expressing astonishment that it should have healed as much as it had so soon and would leave so little trace or scar externally in the end as it would, and highly complimented Dr. Rutherford who attended me. They finally drew aside for consultation, and when the examiner who had charge of the case returned and said that I could have my choice, take my discharge or return to the front, I was delighted, and chose the latter. He seemed surprised, and after hesitating a little looking steadily at me, said I had better consider the matter well; but I told him I had, that I could soak my hard bread in water, fry it with salt pork which would make it both soft and nutritious, and that I could get along. Seeing that I really wanted to return, he let me go. I received my discharge from the hospital this afternoon, have got my transportation, and shall leave to-morrow at 2 o'clock p. m. Captain Mattison, a fine little fellow, left this afternoon. We are all in good spirits to-night. But the Annapolis board of surgeons were clever gentlemen. Their sympathy and consideration was unusual.

_______________

* This wound has since cost me several hundred dollars for skilled medical treatment, and will probably never cease to trouble me. It was one cause of my retirement from active service in the regular army. Two or three expert doctors have written it up for medical journals, and one, Dr. Anderson of Washington, D. C, only recently for a New York medical journal.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 233-5

1st Lieutenant Charles Wright Wills: August 8, 1862

Tuscumbia, Ala., August 8, 1862.

My pet negro got so lazy and worthless I was compelled to ship him. I'll take back, if you please, everything good that I ever said of free negroes. That Beauregard nigger was such a thief that we had to also set him adrift. He stole our canned fruit, jellies and oysters and sold some of them and gave parties at the cabins in the vicinity. This was barely endurable but he was a splendid, smart fellow and the colonel would have kept him, but he got to stealing the colonel's liquor. That of course, was unpardonable, when the scarcity of the article was considered. In my last I spoke of a ride on the railroad and having to turn back on account of bridges being burned There were, maybe, 150 sick soldiers on board, and they concluded to march to Decatur, only 10 miles. They were attacked just after we started back, five of them killed and about 100 taken prisoners. There was a woman along and she was wounded. There were three little fights yesterday between here and 25 miles east. In all, four killed and 13 wounded. The fight first spoken of was day before yesterday. Orders have been given us to put every woman and child (imprison the men) across the line that speaks or acts secesh, and to burn their property, and to destroy all their crops, cut down corn growing, and burn all the cribs. That is something like war. ’Tis devilish hard for one like me to assist in such work, but believe it is necessary to our course. Having been very busy preparing reports and writing letters all day, feel deuced little like writing you. People here treat us the very best kind, although they are as strong Rebels as live. Bring us peaches and vegetables every day. I can't hardly think the generals will carry out the orders as above, for it will have a very demoralizing effect upon the men. I'd hate like the deuce to burn the houses of some secesh I know here, but at the same time don't doubt the justice of the thing. One of them has lent us his own cook, or rather his wife did; and they don't talk their secessionism to you unless you ask them to. We are getting a good many recruits from this country. All poor people, in fact that is the only kind that pretend to any Unionism here. There are now three full companies of Alabamians (Union) at Huntsville, and many more coming in. It is the opinion of the court that this new law, a copy of which you sent me, will boost me out of the service. I will make no objection, although would rather stay in if I thought the war would last 30 or 40 years. Don't see how the boys can stay at home under the pressure. A young man here, and a splendid fellow, if he is a Rebel, showed me four letters from different young ladies urging him, by ridicule and appeals to his pride to go into the army. He was in for a short time, and was stationed at Fort Morgan. Business keeps him out now — crops, etc. I think will arrange things so that he can leave, if we carry out orders. ’Twould be quite a change for me to be out of the army now. I don' know how I would relish it while the war continues, although am sure could stand it if peace times would come again.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 123-5

Diary of Sergeant Major Luman Harris Tenney: June 22, 1863

Last night was quite cold, suffered a little. Rash troubles me. Up at sunrise, breakfast of ham, potatoes and coffee. At 6 commenced falling back. No rebels near by. Seem to have gone to Knoxville. Reached Monticello at about 4 P. M., where found rations for ourselves and horses. Took care of Rowena and made our beds. Passed through a miserable country — poor country and people.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 74

James Masey to his Wife, April 24, 1857

St. Catherines, C. W., April 24, 1857.

Dear WIFE — I take this opertunity to inform you that I have Arive in St. Catharines this Eving, After Jorney of too weeks, and now find mysilf on free ground and wish that you was here with me But you are not here, when we parted I did not know that I should come away so soon as I did. But for that of causin you pain I left as I did, I hope that you will try to come. But it‘ you cannot, write to me as soon as you can and tell me all that you can But dont be Desscuredged I was sory to leave you, and I could not help it for you know that I promest see you to sister, But I was persuaded By Another man go part with it grived match, you must not think that I did not care for you. I cannot tell how I come, for I was some times on the earth and some times under the earth Do not Bee afraid to come But start and keep trying, if you are afrid fitch your tow sister with you for compeny and I will take care of you and treat you like a lady so long as you live. The talk of cold in this place is all a humbug, it is wormer here than it was there when I left, your father and mother has allways treated me like their own child I have no fault to find in them. I send my Respects to them Both and I hope that they will remember me in Prayer, if you make a start come to Philidelpa tell father and mother that I am safe and hope that they will not morn after me I shall ever Remember them. No more at present But yours in Body and mind, and if we no meet on Earth I hope that we shall meet in heven.

Your husbern. Good night.

Jame Masey.

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 143-4

Diary of Ralph Waldo Emerson, March 1857

Captain John Brown gave a good account of himself in the Town Hall last night to a meeting of citizens. One of his good points was the folly of the peace party in Kansas, who believed that their strength lay in the greatness of their wrongs, and so discountenanced resistance. He wished to know if their wrong was greater than the negro's, and what kind of strength that gave to the negro? He believes, on his own experience, that one good, believing, strong-minded man is worth a hundred — nay, twenty thousand — men without character, for a settler in a new country, and that the right men will give a permanent direction to the fortunes of a State. For one of these bullying, drinking rowdies, he seemed to think cholera, smallpox, and consumption were as valuable recruits. The first man who went into Kansas from Missouri to interfere in the elections, he thought, “had a perfect right to be shot.” He gave a circumstantial account of the battle of Black Jack, where twenty-three Missourians surrendered to nine Abolitionists. Ho had three thousand sheep in Ohio, and would instantly detect a strange sheep in his flock. A cowcan tell its calf by secret siguals, he thinks, by the eye, to run away, to lie down, and hide itself. He always makes friends with his horse or mule (or with the deer that visit his Ohio farm); and when he sleeps on his horse, as he does as readily as on his bed, his horse does not start or endanger him. Brown described the expensiveness of war in a country where everything that is to be eaten or worn by man or beast must be dragged a long distance on wheels. “God protects us in winter,' he said; 'no Missourian can be seen in the country until the grass comes up again.”

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 501

Salmon P. Chase to James H. Smith,* Cincinnati, Ohio, May 8, 1849

May 8th [1849.]

My Dear Sir: On my return from Georgetown last Saturday I found on my table yours of the 3d. inst. I regretted overmuch that I did not see you when I was up, for I wished very much to talk with you on some of the topics embraced in your letter. — I thought I could discover, when in your town some amelioration of feeling on the part of those who have been so fierce in their denunciations of the repeal of the Black laws and Spalding told them plainly, I understand that they were taking different ground from that of the Democracy in other parts of the State. They would feel awkward, would they not, if they should wake up some morning and find themselves turned over to the Whigs. To avoid this they had better pause before they set themselves against the united decision and action of the Democratic members of the Legislature. — I thought I saw some indications that this view of matters was beginning to commend itself to them. For my part I care very little about their talk against me: I shall survive it, I think. I have long held as unreservedly as any of them the Democratic faith. If I have not acted with the Democratic party it has been because I was not willing to dishonor that faith by subordinating its claims to the demands of the Slave Power. Let the party honor its faith by steady hostility to oppression in every form and by inflexible allowance to its great cardinal doctrine of equal rights under all circumstances and it shall not want the best of my humble services. I rejoice in the multiplying indications that the old Democracy is casting off the bonds of the Slave Power, and will, ere long, occupy the lofty position of consistency with its own principles to which I have long desired to see it advance. May God speed the day of consummation. — You enquire as to my position in relation to the late war with Mexico, and I will answer your enquiry frankly, though I do not think that any differences as to the war ought to divide now the Friends of freedom; and surely, the Democracy, defeated by a combination of the opponents of the war with the special friends often of its successful generals, can have no interest in reviving or perpetuating these differences. I was never able to persuade myself that the claim of Texas to the Territory between the Neuces and the Rio Grande was any thing more than one of their bold pretensions by which the slaveholders have so often imposed on the acquiescent spirit of the North and extended their own dominion. I never believed therefore that the marching of our troops to the Rio Grande was a wise or rightful exercise of executive Authority. I have ever thought that had Mr. Benton or any Statesman of like character been at the head of affairs in 1845-6 the war would have been avoided. Of course I never justified the commencement of the war; but after the war was actually commenced & had recd. the sanction of congress, I did not think it my duty to persevere in opposition to it. I had friends and relations in the army for whom I felt & with whom I sympathized. The officers & men in the field were in the service of the country & entitled to the regard and support of the country they served. The range of my historical reading made me acquainted with no instance in which war had been waged with so much regard, on the whole, to the dictates of humanity and with so little injury to non combatants. There were some deplorable exceptions to this general observation, it is true, but they exceptions only, lamented and condemned as such in the army as out of it. I never, therefore opposed the vigorous prosecution of the war for that seemed to me the surest if not the only way to a permanent & beneficial peace. When our army had taken possession of Mexico it seemed to me that the true line of duty and policy for our Government was to maintain the ascendancy which had been acquired and by encouraging the establishment of a Mexican Government under our auspices and protection to prepare the way for the gradual incorporation into our American Union, and thus extend our Boundary to the Isthmus. I was not however, so anxious for the whole of Mexico as to be dissatisfied with the treaty of Peace which was actually made.

The immense acquisitions of Territory which that treaty secured to us, giving to us the command of the Pacific and the control in great measure of the commerce between the east & the west of the old world cannot be too highly valued. If secured for Freedom by timely effort now the settlement of these territories and their organization into States, under the auspices of the American Republic will probably attract other Mexican States into voluntary union¹ with us and exert an influence upon the destinies of both hemispheres which can hardly be exaggerated. I am conscious that the foregoing statement of my views is rather crude & imperfect, but it will be sufficient to show that you have rightly judged as to my position. You may safely challenge the production of a single remark ever made by me against the prosecution of the war after it was commenced, or in derogation or disparagement of our officers & men or their just claims, or in opposition to the grant of any necessary supplies. I dont wish you to understand, however, that I join in any impeachment of those who conscientiously opposed the war from first to last. Among the opponents of the war were many doubtless who were governed mainly by party considerations: but others were men of the purest & most elevated character, who were controlled throughout by conscientious convictions of Christian duty, unmingled with any wish or purpose, factiously and unnecessarily to embarrass the Government. God forbid, that I should join in any cry against such men, because I find myself unable to agree with them. It is enough for me to hold and act upon my own opinions — not with absolute certainty that I am right, but honestly endeavoring to avoid error, without impeaching those who hold contrary views. Of course this rough letter is not for the public but simply for your own satisfaction.

Notwithstanding all the abuse heaped upon me, I have as yet kept out of the Newspapers, preferring to let my acts define my position in due season. I am very sorry to observe remark that you are embarrassed in maintaining your position by want of pecuniary means. My own resources by the heavy drafts made on them of late are completely exhausted, but we have friends in Brown County who are able & I trust willing to come promptly to your aid. You do the work & bear the brunt of the contest, and they should unhesitatingly furnish the munitions of war. I have taken the liberty of writing to my friend Mr. Coyne (?) on this subject. Was this wrong? If not, will you not speak to him yourself?

Let me hear from you soon, & meantime believe me

[Salmon P. Chase.]

____________________

* From letter book 6, pp. 172-173.

¹ This idea bad been elaborated in the National Era for Aug. 19, 1847. ef. E. G. Bourne, “The Proposed Absorption of Mexico,”     Essays in Historical Criticism, p. 236.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 171-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, August 17, 1863

Wrote Dahlgren, who has serious apprehensions about Laird's ironclad steamers, which troubled Du Pont, that I thought he might feel assured they would not disturb him. Seward says Mr. Adams has made a vigorous protest, and informed the British Government if the Rebel ironclads are permitted to come out it will be casus belli. If he has taken that position, which I have always urged, and we persist in it, all will be well.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 406

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, December 20, 1862

Camp Maskell, Near Gauley Bridge, December 20, 1862.

Dear Uncle:— Dr. Webb went home on a thirty-day furlough a few days ago. Our good health here makes a surgeon almost unnecessary. We now have only one man in hospital — a chance case of erysipelas. Our camp is improving. We are almost out of the mud and the greater part of our cabins finished.

Another serious reverse. Burnside's repulse at Fredericksburg is bad enough as it looks from my point of view. It would seem as if neither party in eastern Virginia was strong enough to make a successful invasion of the territory of the other — which is equivalent to saying that the Rebellion can there sustain itself as long as, it stands on the defensive. I don't like two things in this campaign of General Burnside. (1) It looks as if his first delay opposite Fredericksburg was an error. (2) To attack an enemy of equal (or nearly equal strength) behind entrenchments is always an error. This battle is a set-off for Antietam. That forced the Rebels back across the Potomac. This forces us back across the Rappahannock. We suffer, I fear, a larger proportionate loss. I suspect the enemy lost but little, comparatively. Now remains our last card, the emancipation of the slaves. That may do it. Some signs of wavering are pointed out by the correspondents, but I trust the President will now stand firm. I was not in a hurry to wish such a policy adopted, but I don't now wish to see it abandoned. Our army is not seriously weakened by the affair at Fredericksburg and very slight events will change the scale in our favor. Push on the emancipation policy, and all will yet go well.

Our partisanship about generals is now rebuked. General McClellan has serious faults or defects, but his friends can truly claim that if he had retained command, this disaster would not have occurred. The people and press would perhaps do well to cultivate patience. It is a virtue much needed in so equal a struggle as this. If the people can hold out, we shall find the right man after [a] while.

But I bore you with reflections that must occur to every one.

Sincerely,

R. B. Hayes.

S. BlRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 377-8

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: June 10, 1864

The whole camp in a blaze of excitement. Plans for the outbreak known to Capt. Wirtz. Some traitor unfolded the plans to him Thirty or forty pieces of artillery pointed at us from the outside, and stockade covered with guards who shoot right and left. Thirty or forty outsiders sent inside, and they tell us how the affair was found out. A number of the ring leaders are undergoing punishment. Hendryx has made his escape, and not been heard of since yesterday. It is said he went away in full Confederate dress, armed, and furnished with a guide to conduct him. Dr. Lewis died to-day. Jack Walker told us about his death. Capt. Wirtz has posted up on the inside a notice for us to read. The following is the notice:

NOTICE.

Not wishing to shed the blood of hundreds not connected with those who concocted a plan to force the stockade, and make in this way their escape. I hereby warn the leaders and those who formed themselves into a band to carry out this, that I am in possession of all the facts, and have made my arrangements accordingly, so to frustrate it. No choice would be left me but to open with grape and cannister on the stockade, and what effect this would have in this densely crowded place need not be told.

Signed,

H. Wirtz.

June 10, 1864

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 65-6

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: June 18, 1863

From Winchester we have many accounts, in the absence of official reports (Gen. Lee being too busy in the saddle to write), which have exalted our spirits most wonderfully. The number of prisoners taken, by the lowest estimate is 5000, — the others say 9000, — besides 50 guns, and an immense amount of stores. Our own loss in storming the fortifications was only 100 killed and wounded! Milroy, they say, escaped by flight — but may not have gotten off very far, as it seems certain that our one-legged Lieut.-Gen. Ewell (fit successor of Jackson) pushed on to the Potomac and surrounded, if he has not taken, Harper's Ferry, where there is another large depot of supplies. The whole valley is doubtless in our possession — the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad — and the way is open into Maryland and Pennsylvania. It is believed Hooker's army is utterly demoralized, and that Lee is going on. This time, perhaps, no Sharpsburg will embarrass his progress, and the long longed-for day of retributive invasion may come at last.

Col. Gorgas, Chief of Ordnance (Northern born), recommends that the habit of issuing twenty cartridges extra to each of our men be discontinued, and suggests that they be given three cartridges per month, and all over that to be issued upon requisition of the commanding general, on the eve of battle. But might they not, if this were adopted, be liable to be caught sometimes without enough ammunition? He says there is a deficiency of lead.

There is a rumor that the Secretary of the Navy sent an ironclad out yesterday, at Savannah, to fight two of the enemy's blockading squadron, and that after an engagement of thirty minutes, our ship struck her colors. If this be so, the people will wish that the Secretary had been on the boat that surrendered.

A man by the name of Jackson a short time since obtained a passport through our lines from Judge Campbell, and when a negro was rowing him across the Potomac, drew a pistol and made him take him to a Federal gun-boat in sight. He was heartily received, and gave such information to the enemy as induced them to engage in a raid on the Northern Neck, resulting in the devastation of several counties. These facts I got from the President's special detective, Craddock. Craddock also informs me that my communication to Col. Johnston was laid before the President, who called in the Secretary of State and the Secretary of War, to consult on some means of regulating the passport business, etc. He says prompt measures will be adopted immediately.

Craddock also informs me that a Jew named Cohen, in this city, has been co-operating with his brother living in the North, obtaining passports both ways for bribes — and bribing the officials that granted them, much to our detriment. This, perhaps, has alarmed the President; but if the business of selling passports be lucrative, I despair of his being able to put an end to it.

I see the enemy have destroyed the President's house, furniture, etc., in Mississippi.

I have good reason to suppose that the package marked “important,” etc., sent from the President's office yesterday to the Secretary of War, was the substance of a conversation which took place between Mr. Ould and Mr. Vallandigham. What Mr. V. revealed to Mr. O., perhaps supposing the latter, although employed here, friendly to ultimate reconstruction, there is no means of conjecturing. But it was deemed “highly important.”

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 352-3

Diary of 1st Lieutenant Lemuel A. Abbott: Sunday, November 27, 1864

Warm and pleasant; nothing doing; have been lounging about and resting up; saw guard mounting this morning at the Marine Barracks and also at the post; hope I shan't have to remain here long, it's so dull; shall go to the front in the morning if they will let me.

SOURCE: Lemuel Abijah Abbott, Personal Recollections and Civil War Diary, 1864, p. 233

1st Lieutenant Charles Wright Wills: August 7, 1862

Tuscumbia, Ala., August 7, 1862.

The enemy is reported nearer us than usual to-night, and in considerable force. Have no idea they intend fighting us here though. This has been the hottest day of the summer, and I've been in the sun all day with thick woolen clothes on, wool shirts, too. I started for Decatur about 7 this morning and got back at 5 p. m. All platform cars, no possible chance for shade. I rode on the [cowcatcher] going out, and on the tender, which was ahead, coming back. We got within ten miles of Decatur when we came to two bridges burned last night, and had to come back. There is not a bridge or culvert on this road as far as our brigade guards it, that has not been burned, at least once, and many of the cattle guards even have been burned. They don't fire on the trains though in this country, which is some little consolation to the traveler. Since we have been guarding the road, some two weeks, they have burned in our district four bridges, one water tank, and two station houses, and torn up rails several times. All this work is done in the night. The tank and stations were of no use to us and the bridges we can build about as fast as they can burn them, tearing down secesh houses to find the timbers ready hewn. There are some grand plantations along the line I have traveled to-day. Thousands of acres in some of them with from 50 to 250 hands, each. The negroes are under no restraint whatever, now. Don't half work, their masters say, About 40 negro women who were clearing a piece of woodland dropped their axes and picks and came out to the road as the train passed. They were by odds the most antic and amusing lot of slaves I have yet seen. So clumsily ludicrous, with their close-curled wool, great white and black eyes, and heavy-ended motions. Some wore sun bonnets, some men's old hats, but most were bareheaded. The negro women all wear handkerchiefs (I think they are), turban fashion, while indoors, and sun bonnets, or go bareheaded, when out. They seem to be all dressed alike, in very ragged, shabby, thick, cotton stuff, which is either white or yellow. I have never seen one of these dresses clean enough to tell which. I have seen but two negroes yet that have marks of severe punishment. They were man and wife, and belong to a planter living 12 miles from here. The man I think is made a cripple for life from blows by a club on his ankles and knees, the woman is badly cut on the arms and shoulders, as with a horsewhip, but she's all right yet. How a man can be fool enough to so abuse such valuable property as this is more than I can understand. You have no idea to what an extent the habit of dipping is carried here. I have, while talking to women who really had in every way the appearance of being ladies, seen them spit tobacco juice, and chew their dipping sticks, perfectly at ease. I don't think it common to do it so openly, but I have seen two ladies, and any number of common women, engaged in the delightful pastime. Colonel Kellogg seems to think that I will be mustered out in a short time. I'll promise you one thing, that if I am, I'll not enlist again until the policy of this war changes, and in actions as well as words, too. J. Pope is disgusting me with him very rapidly. John is a horrid blower of his own horn. If he don't astonish this country, after all of his blowing, the country will astonish him to his entire dissatisfaction before he's many months older. Oh! if Grant will only go to work and get somebody whipped, or if he'd retreat, that would be better than doing nothing, though not as good as advancing.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 122-3

Diary of Sergeant Major Luman Harris Tenney: June 21, 1863

Breakfasted and were off at 6. Rained a little. Crossed over to the Jamestown road. Found the roads over the mountain very rough indeed. Hills very steep and rugged. Several hills capped with high pinnacles of rocks. Rested at a house on the creek. One intelligent girl, but secesh. Reached Traversville at 4 P. M. Several houses but no occupants. Grazed our horses, camped. Scouting party went near Jamestown. Bathed in creek.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 74

Shaver’s Brigade Position Marker: On Highway 142, midway between its intersections with Highway 22 & Bark Road, Shiloh National Battlefield

C. S.

SHAVER’S (1^ST) BRIGADE

7^th Ark., 2^d Ark., 6^th Ark. 3^d Confederate,

Miller’s Tenn. Battery, Swett’s Mississippi Battery

Hardee’s Corps

Army of the Mississippi

——— — ———

The brigade with its regiments in order from left to right as above, and its batteries in rear, bivouacked at this place Saturday night April 5, 1862.  It advanced Sunday morning at 6 o’clock and was soon engaged with pickets and at 8 o’clock attacked Peabody’s camp.

Abram Joseph Ryan

RYAN, Abram Joseph, poet-priest, was born in Norfolk, Va., Aug. 15, 1839. He was ordained a R.C. priest in 1861, and served as chaplain in the Confederate army, 1861-65. He became priest in the archdiocese of New Orleans, La., in 1865, where he edited the Star, a Roman Catholic weekly; was transferred to Knoxville, Tenn., and subsequently to Augusta, Ga., where he founded and edited the Banner of the South, a political and religious weekly. He was pastor of St. Mary's church in Mobile, Ala., 1868-80, traveling and lecturing to raise money for the cathedral in Mobile; and in 1880 removed to Baltimore, Md., with the intention of making a lecture tour. He delivered his first lecture: "Some Aspects of Modern Civilization " in Baltimore, and in return for the hospitality he had enjoyed at Loyola college gave $300, the proceeds of a public reading, to the Jesuit fathers to found a medal for poetry in the college. His lecture tour not proving successful, and being in feeble health he received permission to retire from all parochial duty in October, 1881 ; settled in Biloxi, Miss., and devoted himself to literary work. He is the author of: Poems, Patriotic, Religious and Miscellaneous (1880), including: The Conquered Banner; The Lost Cause; The Sword of Lee; The Flag of Erin, poems; the epic, Their Story Runneth Thus, and at the time of his death he had in preparation a Life of Christ. He died in Louisville, Ky., April 22, 1886.

SOURCE: Rossiter Johnson & John Howard Brown, Editors, The Twentieth Century Biographical Dictionary of Notable Americans, Volume IX, Section 5 (there are no page numbers).

James Hervey Otey

OTEY, James Hervey, P. E. bishop, b. in Liberty, Bedford co., Va., 27 Jan., 1800; d. in Memphis, Tenn., 23 April. 1863. His father, Isaac Otey, was a farmer in easy circumstances, and frequently represented his count in the house of Burgesses. James was one of the younger children in a family of twelve. He early evinced a love of study and of general reading, and after attending an excellent school in his native county, was sent in his seventeenth year to the University of North Carolina, where he was graduated in 1820. He received honors in belles-lettres, and was immediately appointed tutor in Latin and Greek. In 1823 he took charge of a school in Warrenton, N. C. There his attention was turned to the ministry, and he was ordained both deacon and priest in the Protestant Episcopal church by Bishop Ravenscroft. In 1827 he removed to Tennessee and settled in the town of Franklin, but he changed his residence to Columbia in 1835, and finally to Memphis. On 14 Jan., 1834. he was consecrated bishop of Tennessee. Next to the duties of his episcopate the bishop’s heart was most engaged with the work of Christian education. It seemed to be a passionate desire with him to establish in the southwest a large institution in which religion should go hand-in-hand with every lesson of a secular character, and young men he prepared for the ministry. Accordingly, after establishing with the assistance of Rev. Leonidas Polk, a school for girls, called the “Columbia Institute,” he devoted a great part of his laborious life to the realization of his ideal. For full thirty years (1827-’57) he failed not, in public and in private, by night and by day, to keep this subject before the people of the southern states, until the successful establishment of the University of the south at Suwanee, Tenn., in which he was also aided by Bishop Leonidas Polk. The life of Bishop Otey was one of hard and unceasing labor. He lived to see the few scattered members of his church in Arkansas, Louisiana, Mississippi, and Florida, as well as Tennessee, organized into dioceses and in successful operation. He was known throughout the south and southwest as the Good Bishop. Though he was strongly opposed to secession, he wrote a letter to the secretary of state, remonstrating1 against coercion. The reply to this letter change his views on the subject. and he declined to attend the general convention of his church in the seceding states that was held in Georgia soon afterward. In person the bishop was of a commanding stature, being six feet and two inches in height, and of fitting proportions. He published many addresses, sermons, and charges, and a volume containing the “Unity of the Church” and other discourses (Vicksburg, 1852).

SOURCE: James Grant Wilson & John Fiske, Editors, Appletons' Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Volume 4, p. 604

Jefferson Pipkins to William Still, September 28, 1856

Sept. 28, 1856.

To WM. STILL. Sir:— I take the liberty of writing to you a few lines concerning my children, for I am very anxious to get them and I wish you to please try what you can do for me. Their names are Charles and Patrick and are living with Mrs. Joseph G. Wray Murphysborough Hartford county, North Carolina; Emma. lives with a Lawyer Baker in Gatesville North Carolina and Susan lives in Portsmouth Virginia and is stopping with Dr. Collins sister a Mrs. Nash you can find her out by enquiring for Dr. Collins at the ferry boat at Portsmouth, and Rose a coloured woman at the Crawford House can tell where she is. And I trust you will try what you think will be the best way. And you will do me a great favour.

Yours Respectfully,

Jefferson Pipkins.

P. S. I am living at Yorkville near Toronto Canada West. My wife sends her best respects to Mrs. Still.

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 137