Showing posts with label James M. Mason. Show all posts
Showing posts with label James M. Mason. Show all posts

Wednesday, February 25, 2015

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: August 27, 1861

Theodore Barker and James Lowndes came; the latter has been wretchedly treated. A man said, “All that I wish on earth is to be at peace and on my own plantation,” to which Mr. Lowndes replied quietly, “I wish I had a plantation to be on, but just now I can't see how any one would feel justified in leaving the army.” Mr. Barker was bitter against the spirit of braggadocio so rampant among us. The gentleman who had been answered so completely by James Lowndes said, with spitefulness: “Those women who are so frantic for their husbands to join the army would like them killed, no doubt.”

Things were growing rather uncomfortable, but an interruption came in the shape of a card. An old classmate of Mr. Chesnut's — Captain Archer, just now fresh from California — followed his card so quickly that Mr. Chesnut had hardly time to tell us that in Princeton College they called him “Sally” Archer he was so pretty — when he entered. He is good-looking still, but the service and consequent rough life have destroyed all softness and girlishness. He will never be so pretty again.

The North is consolidated; they move as one man, with no States, but an army organized by the central power. Russell in the Northern camp is cursed of Yankees for that Bull Run letter. Russell, in his capacity of Englishman, despises both sides. He divides us equally into North and South. He prefers to attribute our victory at Bull Run to Yankee cowardice rather than to Southern courage. He gives no credit to either side; for good qualities, we are after all mere Americans! Everything not '' national '' is arrested. It looks like the business of Seward.

I do not know when I have seen a woman without knitting in her hand. Socks for the soldiers is the cry. One poor man said he hid dozens of socks and but one shirt. He preferred more shirts and fewer stockings. We make a quaint appearance with this twinkling of needles and the everlasting sock dangling below.

They have arrested Wm. B. Reed and Miss Winder, she boldly proclaiming herself a secessionist. Why should she seek a martyr's crown? Writing people love notoriety. It is so delightful to be of enough consequence to be arrested. I have often wondered if such incense was ever offered as Napoleon's so-called persecution and alleged jealousy of Madame de Stael.

Russell once more, to whom London, Paris, and India have been an every-day sight, and every-night, too, streets and all. How absurd for him to go on in indignation because there have been women on negro plantations who were not vestal virgins. Negro women get married, and after marriage behave as well as other people. Marrying is the amusement of their lives. They take life easily; so do their class everywhere. Bad men are hated here as elsewhere.

“I hate slavery. I hate a man who — You say there are no more fallen women on a plantation than in London in proportion to numbers. But what do you say to this — to a magnate who runs a hideous black harem, with its consequences, under the same roof with his lovely white wife and his beautiful and accomplished daughters? He holds his head high and poses as the model of all human virtues to these poor women whom God and the laws have given him. From the height of his awful majesty he scolds and thunders at them as if he never did wrong in his life. Fancy such a man finding his daughter reading Don Juan. ‘You with that immoral book!’ he would say, and then he would order her out of his sight. You see Mrs. Stowe did not hit the sorest spot. She makes Legree a bachelor.” “Remember George II and his likes.”

“Oh, I know half a Legree — a man said to be as cruel as Legree, but the other half of him did not correspond. He was a man of polished manners, and the best husband and father and member of the church in the world.” “Can that be so?”

“Yes, I know it. Exceptional case, that sort of thing, always. And I knew the dissolute half of Legree well. He was high and mighty, but the kindest creature to his slaves. And the unfortunate results of his bad ways were not sold, had not to jump over ice-blocks. They were kept in full view, and provided for handsomely in his will.”

“The wife and daughters in the might of their purity and innocence are supposed never to dream of what is as plain before their eyes as the sunlight, and they play their parts of unsuspecting angels to the letter. They profess to adore the father as the model of all saintly goodness.” “Well, yes; if he is rich he is the fountain from whence all blessings flow.”

“The one I have in my eye — my half of Legree, the dissolute half — was so furious in temper and thundered his wrath so at the poor women, they were glad to let him do as he pleased in peace if they could only escape his everlasting fault-finding, and noisy bluster, making everybody so uncomfortable.” “Now — now, do you know any woman of this generation who would stand that sort of thing? No, never, not for one moment. The make-believe angels were of the last century. We know, and we won't have it.”

"The condition of women is improving, it seems." "Women are brought up not to judge their fathers or their husbands. They take them as the Lord provides and are thankful."

“If they should not go to heaven after all; think what lives most women lead.” “No heaven, no purgatory, no — the other thing? Never. I believe in future rewards and punishments.”

“How about the wives of drunkards? I heard a woman say once to a friend of her husband, tell it as a cruel matter of fact, without bitterness, without comment, ‘Oh, you have not seen him! He has changed. He has not gone to bed sober in thirty years.’ She has had her purgatory, if not ‘the other thing,’ here in this world. We all know what a drunken man is. To think, for no crime, a person may be condemned to live with one thirty years.” “You wander from the question I asked. Are Southern men worse because of the slave system and the facile black women?” “Not a bit. They see too much of them. The barroom people don't drink, the confectionery people loathe candy. They are sick of the black sight of them.”

“You think a nice man from the South is the nicest thing in the world?” “I know it. Put him by any other man and see!”

Have seen Yankee letters taken at Manassas. The spelling is often atrocious, and we thought they had all gone through a course of blue-covered Noah Webster spellingbooks. Our soldiers do spell astonishingly. There is Horace Greeley: they say he can't read his own handwriting. But he is candid enough and disregards all time-serving. He says in his paper that in our army the North has a hard nut to crack, and that the rank and file of our army is superior in education and general intelligence to theirs.

My wildest imagination will not picture Mr. Mason1 as a diplomat. He will say chaw for chew, and he will call himself Jeems, and he will wear a dress coat to breakfast. Over here, whatever a Mason does is right in his own eyes. He is above law. Somebody asked him how he pronounced his wife's maiden name: she was a Miss Chew from Philadelphia.

They say the English will like Mr. Mason; he is so manly, so straightforward, so truthful and bold. “A fine old English gentleman,” so said Russell to me, “but for tobacco.” “I like Mr. Mason and Mr. Hunter better than anybody else.” “And yet they are wonderfully unlike.” “Now you just listen to me,” said I. “Is Mrs. Davis in hearing — no? Well, this sending Mr. Mason to London is the maddest thing yet. Worse in some points of view than Yancey, and that was a catastrophe.”
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1 James Murray Mason was a grandson of George Mason, and had been elected United States Senator from Virginia in 1847. In 1851 he drafted the Fugitive Slave Law. His mission to England in 1861 was shared by John Slidell. On November 8, 1861, while on board the British steamer Trent, in the Bahamas, they were captured by an American named Wilkes, and imprisoned in Boston until January 2, 1862. A famous diplomatic difficulty arose with England over this affair. John Slidell was a native of New York, who had settled in Louisiana and became a Member of Congress from that State in 1843. In 1853 he was elected to the United States Senate.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 112-7

Thursday, February 19, 2015

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: December 18, 1861

The Briars,” — Sadly negligent of my diary lately. Nothing new has occurred. We pleasantly pursue the even tenor of our way, but are now preparing to go to my brother's, in Hanover, next week. We have been to "Mountain View" for a couple of days, on a farewell visit to the family. The Bishop has sent his study-carpet to the camp, along with every thing he could possibly spare, for the soldiers' comfort. He looks cheerfully upon our prospects, and is now listening to “Motley's Dutch Republic” with “infinite zest.” It is read to him by his daughter-in-law, on these long winter nights. His manner of life is certainly most amiable, as well as pleasant to himself and instructive to others.

Newspapers have just come, giving an account of a fight at Cheat Mountain, on the 13th of December, in which we were successful. Rumours also of a fight on the Chesapeake and Ohio Canal; and another rumour that England has demanded the restoration of “Mason and Slidell,” and in case of non-compliance with the demand, that Lord Lyons should demand his passports. How ardently I do wish that England would break up the blockade!

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 73-4

Tuesday, February 10, 2015

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: August 1, 1861

Mm. Wigfall, with the “Lone Star” flag in her carriage, called for me. We drove to the fair grounds. Mrs. Davis's landau, with her spanking bays, rolled along in front of us. The fair grounds are as covered with tents, soldiers, etc., as ever. As one regiment moves off to the army, a fresh one from home comes to be mustered in and take its place.

The President, with his aides, dashed by. My husband was riding with him. The President presented the flag to the Texans. Mr. Chesnut came to us for the flag, and bore it aloft to the President. We seemed to come in for part of the glory. We were too far off to hear the speech, but Jeff Davis is very good at that sort of thing, and we were satisfied that it was well done.

Heavens! how that redoubtable Wigfall did rush those poor Texans about! He maneuvered and marched them until I was weary for their sakes. Poor fellows; it was a hot afternoon in August and the thermometer in the nineties. Mr. Davis uncovered to speak. Wigfall replied with his hat on. Is that military?

At the fair grounds to-day, such music, mustering, and marching, such cheering and flying of flags, such firing of guns and all that sort of thing. A gala day it was, with double-distilled Fourth-of-July feeling. In the midst of it all, a messenger came to tell Mrs. Wigfall that a telegram had been received, saying her children were safe across the lines in Gordonsville. That was something to thank God for, without any doubt.

These two little girls came from somewhere in Connecticut, with Mrs. Wigfall's sister — the one who gave me my Bogotsky, the only person in the world, except Susan Rutledge who ever seemed to think I had a soul to save. Now suppose Seward had held Louisa and Fanny as hostages for Louis Wigfall's good behavior; eh?

Excitement number two: that bold brigadier, the Georgia General Toombs, charging about too recklessly, got thrown. His horse dragged him up to the wheels of our carriage. For a moment it was frightful. Down there among the horses' hoofs was a face turned up toward us, purple with rage. His foot was still in the stirrup, and he had not let go the bridle. The horse was prancing over him, tearing and plunging; everybody was hemming him in, and they seemed so slow and awkward about it. We felt it an eternity, looking down at him, and expecting him to be killed before our very faces. However, he soon got it all straight, and, though awfully tousled and tumbled, dusty, rumpled, and flushed, with redder face and wilder hair than ever, he rode off gallantly, having to our admiration bravely remounted the recalcitrant charger.

Now if I were to pick out the best abused one, where all catch it so bountifully, I should say Mr. Commissary-General Northrop was the most “cussed” and villified man in the Confederacy. He is held accountable for everything that goes wrong in the army. He may not be efficient, but having been a classmate and crony of Jeff Davis at West Point, points the moral and adorns the tale. I hear that alluded to oftenest of his many crimes. They say Beauregard writes that his army is upon the verge of starvation. Here every man, woman, and child is ready to hang to the first Lamp-post anybody of whom that army complains. Every Manassas soldier is a hero dear to our patriotic hearts. Put up with any neglect of the heroes of the 21st July — never!

And now they say we did not move on right after the flying foe because we had no provisions, no wagons, no ammunition, etc. Rain, mud, and Northrop. Where were the enemy's supplies that we bragged so of bagging? Echo answers where? Where there is a will there is a way. We stopped to plunder that rich convoy, and somehow, for a day or so, everybody thought the war was over and stopped to rejoice: so it appeared here. All this was our dinner-table talk to-day. Mr. Mason dined with us and Mr. Barnwell sits by me always. The latter reproved me sharply, but Mr. Mason laughed at “this headlong, unreasonable woman's harangue and female tactics and their war-ways.” A freshet in the autumn does not compensate for a drought in the spring. Time and tide wait for no man, and there was a tide in our affairs which might have led to Washington, and we did not take it and lost our fortune this round. Things which nobody could deny.

McClellan virtually supersedes the Titan Scott. Physically General Scott is the largest man I ever saw. Mrs. Scott said, “nobody but his wife could ever know how little he was.” And yet they say, old Winfield Scott could have organized an army for them if they had had patience. They would not give him time.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 96-8

Sunday, December 7, 2014

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: April 17, 1861

This was a memorable day. When we assembled at Metropolitan Hall, it could be easily perceived that we were on the threshold of momentous events. All other subjects, except that of a new political organization of the State, seemed to be momentarily delayed, as if awaiting action elsewhere. And this plan of political organization filled me with alarm, for I apprehended it would result in a new conflict between the old parties — Whig and Democrat. The ingenious discussion of this subject was probably a device of the Unionists, two or three of them having obtained seats in the Revolutionary Convention. I knew the ineradicable instincts of Virginia politicians, and their inveterate habit of public speaking, and knew there were well-grounded fears that we should be launched and lost in an illimitable sea of argument, when the business was Revolution, and death to the coming invader. Besides, I saw no hope of unanimity if the old party distinctions and designations were not submerged forever.

These fears, however, were groundless. The Union had received its blessure morlelle, and no power this side of the Potomac could save it. During a pause in the proceedings, one of the leading members arose and announced that he had information that the vote was about being taken in the other Convention on the ordinance of secession. “Very well!;” cried another member, “we will give them another chance to save themselves. But it is the last!” This was concurred in by a vast majority. Not long after, Lieut.Gov. Montague came in and announced the passage of the ordinance by the other Convention! This was succeeded by a moment too thrilling for utterance, but was followed by tears of gladness and rapturous applause. Soon after, President Tyler and Gov. Wise were conducted arm-in-arm, and bare-headed, down the center aisle amid a din of cheers, while every member rose to his feet. They were led to the platform, and called upon to address the Convention. The venerable ex-President of the United States first rose responsive to the call, but remarked that the exhaustion incident to his recent incessant labors, and the nature of his emotions at such a momentous crisis, superadded to the feebleness of age, rendered him physically unable to utter what he felt and thought on such an occasion. Nevertheless, he seemed to acquire supernatural strength as he proceeded, and he spoke most effectively for the space of fifteen minutes. He gave a brief history of all the struggles of our race for freedom, from Magna Charta to the present day; and he concluded with a solemn declaration that at no period of our history were we engaged in a more just and holy effort for the maintenance of liberty and independence than at the present moment. The career of the dominant party at the North was but a series of aggressions, which fully warranted the steps we were taking for resistance and eternal separation; and if we performed our whole duty as Christians and patriots, the same benign Providence which favored the cause of our forefathers in the Revolution of 1776, would again crown our efforts with similar success. He said he might not survive to witness the consummation of the work begun that day; but generations yet unborn would bless those who had the high privilege of being participators in it.

He was succeeded by Gov. Wise, who, for a quarter of an hour, electrified the assembly by a burst of eloquence, perhaps never surpassed by mortal orator. During his pauses a silence reigned, pending which the slightest breathing could be distinctly heard, while every eye was bathed in tears. At times the vast assembly rose involuntarily to their feet, and every emotion and expression of feature seemed responsive to his own. During his speech he alluded to the reports of the press that the oppressors of the North had probably seized one of his children sojourning in their midst. “But,” said he, “if they suppose hostages of my own heart”s blood will stay my hand in a contest for the maintenance of sacred rights, they are mistaken. Affection for kindred, property, and life itself sink into insignificance in comparison with the overwhelming importance of public duty in such a crisis as this.” He lamented the blindness which had prevented Virginia from seizing Washington before the Republican hordes got possession of it — but, said he, we must do our best under the circumstances. It was now Independence or Death — although he had preferred fighting in the Union — and when the mind was made up to die rather than fail, success was certain. For himself, he was eager to meet the ordeal, and he doubted not every Southern heart pulsated in unison with his own.

Hon. J. M. Mason, and many other of Virginia's distinguished sons were called upon, and delivered patriotic speeches. And I finally, Gov. Letcher appeared upon the stage. He was loudly cheered by the very men who, two days before, would gladly have witnessed his execution. The governor spoke very briefly, merely declaring his concurrence in the important step that had been taken, and his honest purpose, under the circumstances, to discharge his whole duty as Executive of the State, in conformity to the will of the people and the provisions of the Constitution.

Before the sine die adjournment, it was suggested that inasmuch as the ordinance had been passed in secret session, and it was desirable that the enemy should not know it before certain preparations could be made to avert sudden injury on the border, etc., that the fact should not be divulged at present.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 1, p. 21-4

Saturday, October 11, 2014

James Russell Lowell to James T. Fields, January 1, 1862

Elmwood, Jan. 1, 1862.

My dear Fields, — I sent number two to Mr. Nichols this morning. If I am not mistaken it will take. ’Tis about Mason and Slidell, and I have ended it with a little ballad with a refrain that I hope has a kind of tang to it.

Do you want any more literary notices? I have some Calderon translations I should like to say a few words about.

I wish you and Ticknor a Happy New Year, and remain

Truly yours,
J. R. Lowell

SOURCE: Charles Eliot Norton, Editor, Letters of James Russell Lowell, Volume 1, p. 357

Monday, September 1, 2014

Francis W. Pickens* to SenatorRobert M. T. Hunter, December 10, 1859

(Private.)

St. Petersburg, [russia], December 10,1859.

My Dear Sir; I wrote Mason a week or so ago and enclosed him his letter which I had published in the leading paper of this city, and you will now pardon me for enclosing you a letter in the same paper, the leading court paper, written from N[ew] York, and I would most respectfully call your attention to it, as it embraces exactly the current ideas that now prevail throughout Europe as to the weakness, of the South and the general belief that the North are about to “Conquer and subjugate the South.” We are looked upon and studiously represent as being in the condition of Mexico and the South American States. And I would cautiously suggest, that one leading object of McLain [?] in travelling in England and the Continent this last summer, was to spread these ideas, and most particularly to ascertain the feelings of the public men in England in reference to a rupture which he anticipated as certain. I will not say this certain, but it is my firm impression from various sources of information. We are certainly on the eve of very great events and I do not wish to be so presumptious as to advise any one in your distinguished position, but it does seem to me that it would be more impressive for Virginia to say less through newspapers and through them, to use more calm language and a firmer higher tone. She is a great state and has a great name. She made the Constitution and the Union, and she has a right to be heard. Under the circumstances in which she is placed, if the Legislature were, by a unanimous vote, to demand a Convention of the States, under the forms of the Constitution, and propose new Guarantees and a new League, giving security and peace to her, from the worst form of war, waged upon her, through the sanction of her border states, it would produce a profound impression. And if the South were to join in this demand, unless the Northern people immediately took decided steps themselves to put down forever the vile demagogues who have brought the country to the verge of ruin, a convention could not be resisted. And if after a full and truthful hearing, new securities and guarantees were refused, then the Southern States stand right before the world and posterity, in taking their own course to save their power and independence, be the consequences what they may.

Under the old articles of Confederation the Union had practically fallen to pieces and the wisest men thought it could not be saved, and yet in Convention of able and wise men, face to face and eye to eye, disclosing truthfully the dangers with which they were surrounded, the present Constitution was formed for a more perfect union and adopted by the States. So too now, when new dangers are developed, a full and manly discription in a Constitutional Convention of all the Statrs, may develop new remedies, and even a new league or covenant suited to the demands of the country. I merely suggest these things most respectfully, for I dread to see any hasty or ill-advised, ill conceived measures resorted to, which will end in bluster and confusion. Every thing ought to be done by the state as a state, with a full comprehension of the gravity of the matter and the momentous consequences involved. I think we ought to endeavor faithfully to save the Constitution and the Federal Union, if possible, and if not, then it is our duty to save ourselves. Even if the two sections were compelled to have separate internal organizations and separate Executives, still they might be united under a League or Covenant for all external and foreign intercourse, holding the free interchange of unrestricted internal and domestic trade as the basis of competing peace and union by interest. I merely throw out this idea, as I know your philosophical mind will readily comprehend it in all its details and bearings. It is a subject that I have thought of before, and it is forced up by the present unfortunate condition of affairs in our country. At this distance from home, I am filled with pain and apprehension for the future. I know and feel that we have arrived at a point where we will require stern and inflexible conduct united with thorough knowledge to carry us through safely. There is no time for ultraism of factious moves. There must be firmness and wisdom, and it must come from the States, and especially from Virginia moving as a state determined to protect her people and their rights, without the slightest reference to partizan contests of any kind whatever. Excuse me for writing thus freely, but our former relations justify it, and I sincerely desire to know the councils of wise and true men of the South. True I am here, but at the first tap of the drum I am ready for my own home and my own country.
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* A Representative in Congress from South Carolina, 1834-1843.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter, 1826-1876,p. 275-7

Wednesday, January 22, 2014

Diary of Edward Bates, December 31, 1861 – First Entry

Ever since last date, the weather has been mild and beautiful. . . .

I do wonder at the slowness of our military movements. Byrnside's expedition has not yet sailed.57 He says he is ready, he says he is ready and yet he does not go — And the Naval men say that they are ready, and yet they do not go—

And just so with Butler's expedition58 — It does not go. Meanwhile, all this charming weather is lost, and I fear that, at last, they will start just in time to catch the storms of winter.

I hear that a Reg[imen]t. of Caval[r]y has been sent to Sherman, in S. Carolina.59

[Marginal Note.] Jan.y. 4 [1862]. I hear today, that Gen Sherman has taken a point on the Charleston and Savanna[h] R. R. near to Charleston[.]

We are expecting daily important news from the West. A great battle is imminent, near Bowling Green K.y. between the insurgents under A. S. Johns[t]on60 and Buckner61 and our army under Buell.62 If Halleck63 can only cooperate, and simultaneously, move upon Columbus, we may [stand] to win advantages decisive of the war. But I fear that their arrangements are not as perfect as they ought to be.

There is an evident lack of system and concentrated intelligence — Of course, I did not expect exact system and method in so large an army raised so suddenly, but surely, many of the deficiencies ought before now, to have been corrected.

For months past (and lately more pressingly) I have urged upon the President to have some military organization about his own person — appoint suitable aid[e]s — 2 — 3 — or 4 — to write and carry his orders, to collect information, to keep the needful papers and records always at hand, and to do his bidding generally, in all Military and Naval affairs. I insisted that, being “Commander in chief” by law, he must command — especially in such a war as this. The Nation
requires it, and History will hold him responsible.

In this connexion, it is lementable [sic] that Gen McClellan — the General in chief, so called — is, and for some time has been incapacitated by a severe spell of illness (and Genl. Marcy,64 his chief of Staff — and father in law, is sick also[)]. It now appears that the Genl. in chief has been very reticent — kept his plans absolutely to himself, so that the strange and dangerous fact exists, that the Sec of War and the Prest. are ignorant of the condition of the army and its intended operations!

I see no reason for having a Genl. in chief at all. It was well enough to call the veteran Lieut. Genl. Scott so, when we had no enemies in the [sic] in the field, and no army but a little nucleus
of 15.000 men. But now that we have several mighty armies and active operations spreading over half a continent, there seems to me no good sense in confiding to one general the command of the whole; and especially, as we have no general who has any experience in the handling of large armies — not one of them ever commanded 10.000 under fire, or has any personal knowledge of the complicated movements of a great army.

If I were President, I would command in chief — not in detail, certainly — and I would know what army I had, and what the high generals (my Lieutenants) were doing with that army.65

As to the Slidell and Mason affair, see my notes, elsewhere, at large.66
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57 See supra, Nov. 29, 1861.

58 See loc. cit.

59 See supra, Nov. 13, 1861.

60 Albert S. Johnston, West Point graduate of 1826 who had served in the U. S. Army, 1826-1834, in the Texas Army, 1836-1837, in the Mexican War, and again in the U. S. Army from 1849 until he resigned when Texas seceded. He served with distinction in high command in the Confederate Army until he was killed in battle on April 6, 1862. At this time he was commanding in Kentucky.

61 Simon B. Buckner of Kentucky, West Point graduate of 1844, had served in the Army in Mexico and on the frontier, but had resigned in 1855. He had organized an effective Kentucky militia in 1860-1S61 and commanded Kentucky's troops during the period of her neutrality. He tried to keep both Confederate and Union forces out of Kentucky, but when this failed he threw in his lot with the Confederates, became a brigadier-general, and at this time was fighting under Johnston.

62 Don Carlos Buell of Indiana: West Point graduate of 1841 who had served in Mexico; officer in the Army, 1841-1861; brigadier-general of volunteers in 1861. He had been sent by McClellan to command the Army of the Ohio and to organize the Union forces in Kentucky. He marched on Bowling Green on February 6, 1862, and drove the Confederates temporarily back into Tennessee.

63 Supra, Nov. 13, 1861, note 37.

64 Randolph B. Marcy, West Point graduate of 1832 who had served In Mexico, on the frontier, and in Florida. He was McClellan's chief-of-staff until McClellan was displaced and then he was sent to the West on inspection duty.

65 For an interesting study of this problem of the assumption of supreme military command by Lincoln see Sir Frederick Maurice's Robert E. Lee, the Soldier, 73-75, 223-224, and his Statesmen and Soldiers of the Civil War, 59-117.

66 Supra, Nov. 16, Nov. 27, Dec. 25, 1861.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, The Diary of Edward Bates, published in The Annual Report Of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930 Volume 4, p. 217-9

Thursday, December 5, 2013

Sensible to the Last

The Democrat cannot endorse the Democratic address recently promulgated by Vallandigham and thirteen other pro-slavery members of Congress.  Good for Dick!  It is a vile production and we cannot see how any man having a particle of loyalty in his heart can give in his adhesion to such a document.  The Democrat does not, however, seem to object to the substance of the address so much as to the fact of it having so few signatures.  If he will wait awhile until Jeff. Davis, Floyd, Toombs, Wise and all those other chaps get a squint at it, and Mason and Slidell return from their excursion to Europe, it will get plenty of signatures.  Our neighbor has been a long time in getting his cue how to act in the premises, but having taken his stand we hope he will maintain it.  We had intended to fulminate an article against this address, but if even the Democrat cannot endorse it, it would be a waste of ammunition and we forbear.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, May 17, 1862, p. 2

Saturday, November 9, 2013

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, December 27, 1861

CAMP PIERPONT, VA., December 27, 1861.

You have doubtless seen in the papers the enemy's account of the Dranesville fight. From their own showing they had a larger force than we, and chose their own position and time of attack, and yet were not only beaten, but most ignominiously driven off the field. It is without doubt one of the most brilliant and successful affairs of the war, and the only success that has been accomplished as yet by the Grand Army of the Potomac.

You are mistaken in calling Ord a civilian. He is a West Pointer, having graduated some four or five years after me, and has always been in the artillery, of which branch of the service he has always been considered a distinguished officer. Unfortunately for him, McCall's appearance on the field, just at the close of the affair, has given an opportunity to the latter to carry off the lion's share of the glory; but Ord was the man. I do not now remember what I wrote to you, but I should be sorry to do injustice to our men, and the fact is not to be disguised, that they behaved better than we expected.

The weather continues very boisterous and cold, rendering life in camp proportionately uncomfortable. I do not mind the cold, because exercise by day and plenty of blankets by night will remedy it; but the terrible wind, which penetrates and searches into everything, shaking your tent and making you believe each moment it is coming down, filling it with smoke from your chimney, so that half the time you cannot keep any fire — this is what renders us so uncomfortable. Still we get along and preserve our health wonderfully.

How strange it is and how little we can anticipate events! Do you remember when you accompanied me to Washington, about the 1st of September, that I was nervous for fear Washington might be attacked before you reached it — then, after being assigned to McCall, how nervous I was lest a battle should come off before I got my brigade? And now four months have elapsed without matters changing their aspect materially.

I infer from the tone of the public press that the war with England will be avoided, if concession on our part can keep it off, and that Mason and Slidell will be given up, and Wilkes's act disavowed, unless the ultras are too strong for Seward1 and the President, or unless they see that England is determined to fight us and there is no use in trying to avoid the conflict.
__________

1 William H. Seward, secretary of state of the United States.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 239-40

Friday, November 8, 2013

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, December 25, 1861


CAMP PIERPONT, VA., December 25, 1861.

I write a few lines on this day of rejoicing and festivity, to let you know I am well, and though absent from you in the body, that I am with you and my dear children in spirit and thought. As this day is the anniversary commemorating the great promise held out to all mankind, let us hope it may promise speedy peace and happiness to us in this world as well as the one to come. God grant it may be so!

I see you are greatly concerned about the foreign news. I doubt that there will be a war with England, because I think I see symptoms of backing out on the part of our Government, notwithstanding all their bluster, and this shows the impropriety of our making such boasts and bragging, passing votes of thanks to Captain Wilkes1 for an act we may be forced to disavow. A war with England would be nothing less than self-destruction on our part, amounting to madness. Our only course is to yield to England's demands under protest, as to an acknowledged superior force, settle the rebellion, and then, when our hands are free, call on England for an apology or fight her. This course will not dishonor us, and will enable us to continue operations against the South unembarrassed by a foreign war.
__________

1 Captain Charles Wilkes, U. S. N., in command of the frigate San Jacinto, captured Mason and Slidell on board the British steamer Trent.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 239

Wednesday, October 23, 2013

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, December 9, 1861

CAMP PIERPONT, VA., December 9, 1861.

Most persons here pooh-pooh the news from England, but I think it very serious, as it confirms my apprehension that England would feel herself compelled to intervene in our domestic troubles, and would seize the first plausible pretext for doing so. There is no earthly doubt but that we were justified by the laws of nations in arresting Mason and Slidell. It is, however, a question whether it was done in the right mode, and whether Wilkes ought not to have captured the vessel and carried it into port, where an admiralty judge could have settled the legal points involved, and have ordered the release of the prisoners, in case their arrest was contrary to national law. This I understand is the point England now makes, viz.: that no naval officer is empowered to decide on the spot questions of international law — which can only be settled by admiralty courts.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 234-5

Monday, October 21, 2013

General Robert E. Lee to Mary Custis Lee, December 25, 1861

COOSAWHATCHIE, S. C, December 25, 1861.

I cannot let this day of grateful rejoicing pass without some communion with you. I am thankful for the many among the past that I have passed with you, and the remembrance of them fills me with pleasure. As to our old home, if not destroyed it will be difficult ever to be recognized. Even if the enemy had wished to preserve it, it would almost have been impossible. With the number of troops encamped around it, the change of officers, the want of fuel, shelter, etc., and all the dire necessities of war, it is vain to think of its being in a habitable condition. I fear, too, the books, furniture, and relics of Mount Vernon will be gone. It is better to make up our minds to a general loss. They cannot take away the remembrances of the spot, and the memories of those that to us rendered it sacred. That will remain to us as long as life will last and that we can preserve. In the absence of a home I wish I could purchase Stratford. It is the only other place I could go to now acceptable to us, that would inspire me with pleasure and local love. You and the girls could remain there in quiet. It is a poor place, but we could make enough corn-bread and bacon for our support, and the girls could weave us clothes. You must not build your hopes on peace on account of the United States going to war with England. The rulers are not entirely mad, and if they find England is in earnest, and that war or a restitution of the captives* must be the consequence, they will adopt the latter. We must make up our minds to fight our battles and win our independence alone. No one will help us.
__________

* Mason and Slidell.

SOURCES: John William Jones, Life and Letters of Robert Edward Lee: Soldier and Man, p. 153; Fitzhugh Lee, General Lee, p. 129

Monday, October 14, 2013

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, November 17, 1861

CAMP PIERPONT, VA., November 17, 1861.

I went into town yesterday to attend to my Lake Survey accounts at the Treasury, which I believe are now all explained satisfactorily, so that should anything happen to me, you will remember that my public accounts are all settled, and that my vouchers, etc., are in a tin box in Major Woodruff's office, Topographical Bureau.

People who think the war is about to close, because we have achieved one signal success, are very short-sighted. I agree with you in thinking it has only just begun. Think of Percy Drayton1 firing into a fort commanded by his own brother!2 Is not this enough to make one heartsick? We hear the news of the capture of Messrs. Mason and Slidell.3 I hope their being taken out of a British mail packet will not bring us into trouble with John Bull. If it is true that he is disposed to quarrel with us, this gives him a very pretty chance to begin.


November 17—9 P. M.

The foregoing part of my letter was written this A. M. General Brooks dined with us, we having a nice green goose for dinner. General McCall paid me a visit during the afternoon, but had no news to communicate. Every one is speculating, but no one knows what is going to be done; all we can do is to wait patiently.

I am very much pleased with Hamilton Kuhn. He is a gentleman and intelligent, and it is quite refreshing to have him for an associate.
__________

1 Percival Drayton commanded the Pocahontas in the Port Royal, S. C., expedition November 7, 1861.

2 Thomas F. Drayton, brigadier-general C. S. A. Led the Confederate troops in the Port Royal expedition.

3 Commissioners from the Confederate States Government sent to Great Britain and France, and captured by the United States Government on the British steamer Trent, November 8, 1862.


SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 228

Wednesday, May 15, 2013

War with England

Shall we have a war with England?  Nothing but a speedy settlement of the difficulties with the South will prevent it.  The rebels are now hemmed in on every side, and vigorous attacks from various points must result in their overwhelming defeat.  The longer the Southern Confederacy stands, the stronger is it becoming in the eyes of foreign nations.  There is no way in which hostilities with England can be prevented, but by the speedy subjugation of the South.  If this war continues six months longer, we shall have old England, with perhaps one or two allied powers, upon us.

The telegraph informs us that the governments of England, France and Spain are mediating an early recognition of the Confederate States.  Their plea is said to be that of “humanity” – a plea that our Government might have used with a thousand fold more plausibility toward either Ireland or the Indies.  Since the rendition of Mason and Slidell, England has been vigorously preparing for war.  Her North American colonies are especially the object of her solicitude.  They have been more strongly fortified, while one hundred thousand men have been raised to protect them from aggression.

Our Government is aware of the preparations that this power has been making for war.  It knows that they are not all intended for the conquering of Mexico, and it must know that there is no way left under heaven to prevent hostilities with England, but the speedy suppression of the rebellion now raging in our own country.  Knowing all this, why there has not been a general advance of the Federal troops ere this time, is more than we can fathom. – But we “possess our souls in patience,” hoping each day that the next will bring us news that the belligerents which have so long been threatening one another on the Potomac have at last concluded to measure strength.  We have the confidence in McClellan to believe that the news of an advance of the Federal troops under his Generalship would be akin to the heralding of a great victory and the postponing of the recognition by humane England of the rebel confederacy.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, February 4, 1862, p. 2

Tuesday, April 16, 2013

The Rebel Emissaries At Bermuda

The British steamer Rinaldo, with Mason and Slidell on board, arrived at Bermuda on the 7th.  The Rinaldo was to have taken the Commissioners to Halifax to enable them to take passage in the Cunard steamer for England.  She however, having met with such exceedingly bitter weather, ice having formed in thick masses around her hull, on her deck and some distance up her rigging, and having had several of her crew frost bitten, the Captain, though at one time within fifty miles of Halifax, was reluctantly compelled to bear up for Bermuda.  On the day the Rinaldo arrived at Bermuda the Naval Commander-in-Chief, Admiral Sir Alexander Milne, entertained a party at dinner, and Commander Hewitt (of the Rinaldo), and four Southern gentlemen, his guests, were invited to Clarence Hill, where they spent the evening.

It appears that Mr. Slidell in Bermuda was a blatant blusterer, even at the British Admiral’s table, but Sir Alexander Milne, who is too old to be caught with bombast, determined to allow no latitude of this kind, and took care to stop it when it became obtrusive.  Mr. Mason is described as being a perfect gentleman, and appears to have satisfied The English Admiral in every way.  It is a general rule with Admiral Milne not to allow matters involving such heavy responsibilities to be talked over at the dinner table, more particularly as it was a spirit of generous hospitality alone which prompted him to invite the rebels.  On their arrival at Camber, and before leaving Bermuda, Mason is described as looking depressed, careworn and dejected – no doubt arising from the fact that he was now a world-wide wanderer, after proving a rebel to his country and a traitor to its Constitution.  Slidell wore the appearance of a man possessing a stern, forward and uncontrollable temper, which nothing can daunt or subdue. – On the 10th inst. the Rinaldo left with the Commissioners and their Secretaries for the Island of St. Thomas.  She endeavored to land at Halifax, but was prevented by the weather. – They left Bermuda as they came – without a solitary cheer from the crowd or the slightest mark of public enthusiasm being tendered them.

The rebel agents were evidently disappointed at the absence of éclat or fuss which attended the surrender.  They complain of the “crazy” tug boat in which they were forwarded to the Rinaldo, of the manner in which the master of the boat addressed Queen Victoria’s naval officers.  “I say, man, are you the skipper of this ere craft?” And of the danger of drowning to which they were exposed had the storm overtaken the tug.  The Bermuda papers seem to adopt this strain, and condemn the manner in which the restoration was conducted.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 2

Sunday, April 14, 2013

Later From Europe

Arrival of the Anglo Saxon.

PORTLAND, MAINE, Jan. 30. – The Anglo Saxon from Liverpool, 16th, via Queenstown, 17th, arrived here this morning.  Her dates are five days later.

The steamship Teutonia, from New York, arrived at Southampton on the 12th, with the steamship America, from New York, and the Novascotian arrived at Liverpool on the 14th.  The Edinburg, from New York arrived at Liverpool on the 15th.

The news by the Anglo Saxon is unimportant.

It was rumored that the rebel steamer Nashville had been sold to English ship owners.  The Tuscarora continued to blockade her.

Corn, easy, market closed steady, with an upward tendency for wheat.  Provisions, quiet.

Consols, for money, 93¼.

The London Globe announces that the Washington Cabinet had given orders for the release of the two Americans taken from the English schooner Eugenie and the steamer Santiago de Cuba.

But little business was doing at Loyd’s [sic] in war risks.  There was continued activity in all the departments at the Portsmouth dock yard.

It was stated that the Tuscarora’s movement in leaving her moorings on the 13th inst., was to prevent the Nashville from getting under way for 24 hours.  It was understood that the Tuscarora’s orders were never to leave sight of the Nashville, to blockade her in Southampton, and if she should leave, to chase her as long as she is at sea.  In addition to the Frigate Dauntless, the war steamer Argus, had been placed at the mouth of the Southampton docks, to watch the movements of the two vessels.

The London Times says that mercantile letters from New York represent that the cry for promoting insurrection among the slaves was gaining force, and looking at the threatened horrors, whispers were at length heard of a wish that for the sake of humanity European intervention might be fount practicable.

Additional correspondence had been published in regard to the Trent affair, including Lord John Russell’s reply to Mr. Seward’s dispatch, dated January 11th.  It expresses much satisfaction at the conclusion arrived at by the Washington Government, which it considers most favorable to the maintenance of most friendly relations.  The English Government, however, differs from Mr. Seward in some of his conclusions, and as it may lead to a better understanding on several points of international law.  Lord John Russell proposes in a few days to write another dispatch on the subject.  In the mean time he says that it is desirable that the commanders of United States cruisers shall be instructed not to repeat acts for which the British Government will have to ask redress, and which the United States government can not undertake to justify.  Lord Lyons is thanked for his discretion.

Mason and Slidell had been expected by the America, and a good deal of interest was felt as to the reception they would get at Liverpool. – Various expedients were adopted to secure anything but a flattering one.

There has been no reply to the strictures on the stone blockade of Charleston.

The extra workmen at the dock yards will be discharged at the end of the financial year.

The Shipping Gazette says that war of further diplomatic strife is certain between England and America.

Liverpool Breadstuffs. – W. N. & Co. and others, report flour dull and declined 6d@1s, wheat declined 1d@2d – red 11s@12s 4d, white western 12s 6d@12s 9d, white southern 12s 9d@13s 3d.  Corn easier, mixed 31s@31s 6d.


(Latest via Londonderry.)

Liverpool, 17. – Flour steady, wheat active with an upward tendency, corn quiet but steady, provisions ditto.

LONDON, Jan, 17. – Consols for money 93¼.  I. C. shares 42 7/8 @ 43 1/8 disc., Erie shares 28 N. Y. C. 71@73.

The Times predicts a speedy collapse in America under the suspension of specie payment. – It also published extracts from Mr. Russell’s diary to the 3d of January.  He says it requires an augmentory faith to believe there will be any success in subjugating the South, for the army of the North will be stricken down for the want of means.  The troops sent to points along the coast are suffering from sickness.  The pretense of there being Union men at the South is fast vanishing.  Mr. Russell sees an extraordinary lack of ordinary political common sense in American Journals.

Capt. Symmes of the Confederate States Navy, and commander of the Sumter has addressed a letter to the Times defending his ship against the insinuations of the Secretary of the Federal Navy who in his official report describes the Sumter as a piratical rover.

Paris Bourse steady.  Rentes quoted 69f 20c.

The French journals generally compliment the Washington Cabinet for their action in the Trent affair.

PRUSSIA. – The King of Prussia, in his speech at the opening of the Chambers rejoiced at the happy issue of the Anglo American difficulties.

SPAIN. – The privateer Sumter continued at the port of Cadiz.

London Money Market. – Consols experienced a further decline of ½ per cent.  Money very easy.

The publication of the correspondence in relation to the Trent affair, has lead to some very bitter strictures on the dispatch of Mr. Seward, particularly as regards that part of it where it is announced that the prisoners, Mason & Slidell would have been retained had the interests of the Union required it.

The London Times doubts whether any nation ever committed a blunder so palpable and so enormous.

The London Morning Post says it is clear that the law of the stronger is the only law ruling in the United States.

The London Herald says that the last four lines of Mr. Seward’s dispatch is the only part of it that can be accepted as an answer to British Demands.


(Very Latest per Anglo Saxon.  Telegraphed to Londonderry.)

Liverpool, Jan. 17. – Notwithstanding the rumored sale of the Nashville she continued to fly the Confederate flag.  No sale has been registered at the Admiralty.

Berlin, Jan. 17. – It is reported that England has no objection to examine the question of guarantee for the rights of neutrals by diplomatic correspondence, but would be opposed to a Congress on the question.

Several members of Parliament had been addressing their constituents.  America was the main topic.  Mr. Gladiator made a speech at Leith.  He was very friendly towards America, and hoped the concession of the American Government would be conceived in a most generous spirit and irritation not to be increased by minute criticism.  He thought the North had undertaken a task which would prove too much for them.

Mr. Gilpin, of Northampton, declared that the lack of sympathy with the North was because the North had not identified themselves with the first principles of the Constitution, which declares all men are born free and equal.  But he believed the question had now become Slavery or Freedom.  He called on Englishmen to hesitate before they directly or indirectly sanctioned a premature and unnecessary acknowledgment of the South.

Lord Henry at the same meeting uttered similar sentiments.

Mr. Peeresford took rather opposite ground, he believed that if the Southern Confederacy established its independence it would lead to an amelioration of the condition of the slave.

The frigate Mirror was expected at Plymouth in a day or two on her way to the North American Station.

ITALY. – The Pope in announcing to the Cardinals that Russia had consented to the re-establishment of the Papal Nuncio at St. Petersburg, said he hoped this fresh concession on the part of the Emperor would be the signal for others in favor of the unfortunate Polish nation.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 2

Friday, April 5, 2013

Canadian Feeling Towards the United States

The Quebec Chronicle, a short time ago, was most rabid in its prognostications of war, and predicted that, even though Mason and Slidell were given up the breaking up of the blockade by the British Government would furnish another casus belli.  It has now however copied the example of the Leader and moderated its tone amazingly.  In a recent article the Chronicle says:

There were hardly a dozen men in Canada who were not rejoiced when they heard that the American Government had removed the likelihood of war.

We feel that if unfortunately there should ever be actual hostilities between England and America Canada would suffer severely.  Canada would be what Virginia now is, the battleground of contending armies, and the worst consequences of war would fall upon us.  Our best blood would be shed like water, and sorrow and mourning would be brought to the door of every family in the country.  Our property would fall in value everywhere, our [fairest internal] commerce would cease, our revenue would diminish to a trifle.  The States would suffer too, and we believe we should eventually be successful in repelling their invading forces.  But we know how dearly that result would certainly be bought.

In the event of a simple war of tariffs and the repeal of the Reciprocity treaty, too we should also suffer for a time.  Established business connections would be broken up every new trade opening would be the consequence of the closing of another, and it would be a poor consolation for the loss of the American market to our cereals to know that we had closed ours to the Western States, and prohibited the Eastern seamen from fishing on our coasts.

So we strongly deprecate all feelings of enmity to our neighbors, for political and commercial reasons not to speak of those higher ones which we too often neglect.  We would rather Canada would be a bond of union between Britain and the States than the occasion or pretext for war.  If there should be an international contest, we shall have to choose our side, the Americans will not allow us to be neutral.  But the people of the United States ought not to look upon this as a fault of ours, it is the only drawback to the advantages of our connection with the country we love and honor.

We write these words in all sincerity, and command them, as the opinions by far, of the largest portion of the Canadian public to the press of the United States.  We feel sure that our American contemporaries with whom we exchange will be doing good service both to their country and ours, by reproducing them with such comments as to them may seem fit and proper.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 1, 1862, p. 2

Friday, March 1, 2013

Mason And Slidell – What Has Been Gained By Their Surrender

The following is an extract from and English letter written, says the New York Evening Post, by a most intelligent observer:

“Since the surrender of Mason and Slidell our position in Europe is much better than it has been at any time before since the rebellion.  A strong reaction has set in against the South and in our favor I am greatly mistaken if those gentlemen don’t find a cheerless welcome in Europe.  Mr. Seward’s dispatches are widely and strongly commended, as well as the magnanimity and sagacity of the Government.  That fact is, all Europe was frightened almost to death by the apprehension that we meant to resist, for which they every day had increasing evidence of our ability, if we were reckless enough of consequences about which they had not much doubt.  When they found the men were delivered up, and in such a spirit, their gratitude was proportioned to their selfishness and the feeling towards the South was changed in a corresponding degree.  The northern cause now stands a great deal better in Europe than it did before the seizure.  It was feared we were going to give England a triumph as the champion of the rights of neutral commerce.  When it was ascertained that we had caught her in a trap, and, while vindicating our traditional policy, had brought her mouth to the bucket, every one gave our Government the credit for having achieved a masterly triumph.  It will now be very difficult to awaken any hostile feeling towards the North in Europe, if it in any way can promote the interests of the Secession States.  England has paid about £4,000,000 for a false alarm, to say nothing of the depreciation in the sale of stocks, a good many times as much more, and the Government may cry “Wolf!” now as often as they please, they will not be headed.”

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 8, 1862, p. 2

Wednesday, February 27, 2013

A Prophet In The Wrong

The special correspondent of the London Times has been writing for nearly a year the demonstration of his incapacity to understand the American question, the American people, the American future.  No prophet was ever so uniformly wrong. – The following is one of his latest vaticinations, dated at Washington, December 23 at a moment when the reasons of Mr. Seward, delivered three days after, was in all probability written.

“At 10 o’clock this morning Lord Lyons went to the State Department and communicated to Mr. Seward officially the note of the English Government.  Mr. Seward expressed no opinion at this formal interview and the note will be laid before a Cabinet Council, and will form the subject of its deliberations to-day or to-morrow, but as the mail leaves Washington  this afternoon, I shall not be able to communicate anything in addition to this bare statement of facts.  My impression is that Mr. Seward will endeavor to open a correspondence, and that failing, as he necessarily must in that, he will refuse on the part of the Government to surrender Messrs. Mason and Slidell and their Secretaries.  In that case Lord Lyons leaves the United States with the Members of his legation.”

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 8, 1862, p. 2

Sunday, February 24, 2013

K. G. C.

AN AUTHENTIC EXPOSITION

OF THE

Origin, Objects and Secret work of the Organization known as the

KNIGHTS OF THE GOLDEN CIRCLE.
__________

(Published by the U. S. National U. C., February 1862.)

The loyal people of the United States have long been aware of the existence in this country and especially in the Southern States, of various secret organizations having for their object the “Americanization” of some of our weaker neighbors beyond the Southern limits of our domain, and the aggrandizement of their leaders and members through the forcible acquisition of the territory, and subversion of the Governments of the Central American States and Mexico.  Of this character was the order of the Lone Star, under whose auspices men and means were raised for the Lopez raids upon the Island of Cuba, in the year 1850, and 1851, and for the subsequent forays into the Central American States under the leadership of the "grey-eyed man of destiny," William Walker.  These Hostile designs upon the territory of our Southern neighbors having failed, the order fell into disrepute, and its secrets were exposed and burlesqued by the “Sons of Malta.”

This order of the Lone Star, was a branch of that now known as the K. G. C., if indeed it was not identical with it.  Probably thousands of our fellows citizens, North and South, who were once familiar with the secret work of the order of the Lone Star, will be able to discern the old landmarks throughout the exposition contained in these pages.  We are assured by an intelligent gentleman, once a member of this organization, that in its early history, it had no designs hostile to our Government and people but that its sole object was the acquisition of foreign territory by the force of arms, the introduction of immigrants from the Southern States, who should seize upon and possess the soil, and reduce the natives to the condition of slaves, or expel them from the country at the point of the bayonet.

These grand schemes failed for the time, and the surviving members of this band of land pirates soon found work at home.

Of the K. G. C., a writer in the Continental Monthly, for January, 1862, says:

“This organization which was instituted by John C. Calhoun, William L. Porcher, and others, as far back as 1835, had for its sole object the dissolution of the Union, and the establishment of a Southern Empire. – Empire is the word, not Confederacy or Republic – it was solely by means of its secret, but powerful machinery, that the Southern States were plunged into revolution, in defiance of the will of a majority of their voting population.  Nearly every man of influence at the South, (and many a pretended Union man at the North,) is a member of this organization, and sworn, under the penalty of assassination, to labor “in season and out of season, by fair means and by foul, at all times and on all occasions,” for the accomplishment of its object.”

Upon what evidence the above statement in regard to the agency of Messrs. Calhoun and Porcher in the foundation of this organization is made, we know not; but there can be no reasonable doubt that these men, and their associates, did resort to secret and powerful means for the spread of their views, and for the instruction of the public mind of the South in those doctrines of disunion and treason which they originated.  Through these means, and especially by the agency of the K. G. C., “the Southern mind has been educated and the Southern heart fired,” persistently and thoroughly, for a long series of years, until the hopes of the arch traitors were in part realized by the inauguration of civil war, on the 12th of April 1861, by that fatal shot for the South, the firing of the first gun at Fort Sumter!

Since the commencement of the internal dissensions in the United States, which culminated in the great rebellion of 1861-2, this treasonable organization has acquired new strength, and become widely disseminated throughout the length and breadth of our land, embracing within its circle many thousands of disloyal men, who are secretly conspiring against the rights and liberties of our people.  Men of all grades in society, from the lordly banker and merchant, the eloquent statesman and the ambitious politician, down to the lowest ruffian and assassin who infests the purlieus of our cities, are believed to be connected with this organization; their object being the advancement of their own ends, whatever they may be, even at the sacrifice of our government, our rights, our liberties and even our existence as a great and powerful nation.  Indeed, the cardinal object of the conspiracy seems to be the utter destruction of the Great Republic, and the establishment upon its ruins of a military despotism, or of an oligarchy, wherein the rich may lord it over the poor, making the laws which shall govern the “mudsills of society,” and dictating the terms upon which the great mass of the people of this broad land shall be permitted to exist.

There is good reason to believe that the chief seat of the power of the K. G. C. has recently been transferred from the Southern States to Canada, and that it has powerful allies among the mobility, bankers and merchants of England.  Having accomplished its great design at the South, by arousing the people to the fighting point, it leaves them in the hands of the military despots, who rule them with a rod of iron, joins hands with our foreign foes, and seeks by the foulest secret means, the overthrow of our liberties.  Our foreign enemies are banded together in this infamous league, by tens of thousands, and are vigorously at work, night and day, “at all times and all seasons, by fair means and by foul,” to accomplish the fulfillment of their long cherished hopes, and oft repeated predictions of the downfall of our Republican form of Government, the dismemberment of our Union, and the utter destruction of this last and greatest home of freedom for the oppressed nations of the world.

Men of America!  Who love your country with all its glorious memories, and all its bright prospect of future greatness, whose fathers freely shed their blood to secure to you and to your children the blessings of civil and religious liberty, those are facts! And you shall be convinced of them.  Your enemies are secretly at work in your very midst, and are in conspiracy with foreign emissaries to deprive you of the blessings which you have ever enjoyed under your paternal Government, and for the maintenance of which you may be compelled yet again to peril your lives and your fortunes.  Are you willing that this hellish conspiracy shall be permitted to go on undisturbed until the wicked traitors who are engaged in it shall have accomplished their designs, until you are bound hand and foot, and chained to the car of despotism by fetters that cannot be broken; or will you at once awake to a realization of the impending danger, and by a united effort strangle the monster?

For the purpose of exposing to the world the secret means by which this treasonable order has been so far successful in the accomplishment of its great end, the dismemberment of our Republic, this publication is made.  We have no wish, or design, to cause unnecessary alarm, or to arouse the passions; but our leading object is to convince the loyal people of the United States that their liberties are at this moment in greater danger from the secret enemies in their own midst, and the foreign enemies of our institutions who are in league with them, than from the armed hordes who are now in rebellion against the government.

The secrets of the K. G. C. are very carefully guarded, and we are not yet able to reveal to the world all that we could wish; but the work of investigation is in competent and faithful hands, and we hope that we shall be able hereafter to make known all the secret means by which this vile conspiracy is carried on.

The following exposition of the work of the K. G. C., was first published in the columns of the Louisville Journal, in July, 1854.  Of its authenticity there can be no doubt.  Geo. D. Prentice, Esq., the editor of the Journal, give his “solemn assurance as an editor and as a man,” that the documents from which he derived his information are authentic.  He asserts moreover, that he received them from a prominent Knight of the third degree.  The genuineness of these documents has never yet been denied by any man whose word can be regarded as valid testimony in the case.  Corroborative evidence was furnished in a violent newspaper quarrel, which occurred soon after the first publication was made, in which several “Knights of the 3d Degree” in the city of Louisville, were participants, the question in dispute being as to the authorship of the revelations made to Mr. Prentice.  After the warfare had subsided, he informed them that they were all mistaken, and that each one of the parties implicated was equally guiltless.

That the work, in many of its details, has been essentially changed since the first publication of this exposition, we are well aware.  But enough remains to convince the loyal people of the United States, that the objects and plans of the K. G. C., are inimical to the best interests of the country, and that this diabolical organization should be exposed in all its enormity, and crushed by the strong arm of power.  Since its introduction into the Northwestern States and Canada, the order has adopted a modus operandi materially differing from that herein revealed, and perhaps better suited to its new field of operations.  Its most active members are among the noisiest of the pretended friends of the Union; and there is reason to suspect that it has its emissaries in high and confidential positions in civil and military departments of our Government.  Its real designs are cloaked under a specious garb of patriotism, and of intense solicitude for the preservation of the Union and for the welfare of our people.  The revelations here made should convince the most incredulous that the true objects of the members of this order are of the basest sort; and that they are utterly unscrupulous as to the means by which their ends are to be attained.  They are banded together by the most solemn obligations, to obey the orders of their commanders, whatever they may be; and it is evident that human life is held to be of but little value, should it offer an obstacle to the accomplishment of the object sought.

[We omit the exposition published by the Journal, for want of space. – EDS. GAZETTE.]

That the K. G. C. planned the assassination of Mr. LINCOLN, either on his journey to the Capitol, or during the ceremonies of his inauguration, scarcely admits of a doubt.  The plot was discovered and revealed to his friends long before his departure from his home for the City of Washington, and was frustrated by the vigilance of his friends and the military precaution of Gen. SCOTT.

Enough has been revealed in regard to this wicked and treacherous organization to convince every man of sane mind that it is dangerous in the extreme; that it seeks the overthrow of our government, the disruption of the great American Union; the seizure, by fraud or by force, of the territory of our southern neighbors, with whom we are at peace, and the acquisition of an immense extent of territory in which slavery shall be made the leading institution, from which the free white laboring man shall be excluded, or in which he shall be reduced to the condition of a serf, and where a Paradise may be established for the exclusive benefit of the effete and bloated aristocracy of South Carolina, and the few despotic masters of the reckless cut-throats and ruffians who compose the rank and file of the K. G. C.

But our task is not yet done.  We propose now to give some evidence of the existence and thorough organization of this order among our neighbors of Canada, and among the nobility, aristocracy and moneyed classes in England.

From the first outbreak of the present rebellion the tone of the British Press toward the Government and people of the loyal portion of the United States, has been of the most hostile and ungracious character; and a careful comparison of the articles which have appeared in a majority of the leading British newspapers, with those published in the South, shows unmistakable evidence of identity of origin.  All have been dictated in the same spirit, and probably to a great extent by the same parties.  In the discussions arising out of the arrest of Slidell and Mason, the similarity of tone and temper was too palpable to be overlooked.  The British Press teemed with unfounded slanders upon our Government and people.  The public mind of England was inflamed by the publication of the most deliberate falsehoods, wholesale vituperation, and the fullest calumnies, such as could originate nowhere else than in the distempered brains of men who viewed everything from the Secession standpoint, and who were determined to accomplish, so far as was in their paper, the disruption of the Union by means of a foreign war, and the establishment of two separate confederacies within its limits.  That a large and powerful interest in England was determined on war with the United States, was perfectly plain.  Whence came these indisputable manifestations of hostility towards the United States, in consequence of an affair which every sensible man in England knew could and would be amicably arranged, and adjusted without a resort to arms?  Whence came the palpable and wicked falsehoods which were used to inflame the public mind against the only true friends that England ever had upon the face of the globe?  Whence came all the insult and vituperation against us, which disgraced the British Press and the British people in the eyes of the civilized world – whence but from the K. G. C. and its allies abroad?

The following letter is from the pen of a gentleman who has had ample opportunity to make himself acquainted with the facts whereof he writes, and who had devoted much time to the investigation of the secret and treacherous designs which he reveals.  His language shows him to be an intelligent man.  The statement which he makes is corroborated by proof which is within the reach of every man who is conversant with the tone of the British and Southern Press, and who closely watches events as they transpire.  This statement should be accepted as positive of the truth of the revelations made, unless disproved by evidence of the most convincing character.  Neither the word nor the oath of any member or number of members of the K. G. C. will suffice to refute this evidence of the treasonable character of the conspiracy in which they are engaged:

DEAR SIR.  Your note has been received asking for such information as I may have of the objects and working of the secret conclave of traitors in the Northern States, known as the “Knights of the Golden Circle” (K. G. C.) I have devoted considerable time and attention to this organization, and my opportunities have been very rare for gaining information.  And here let me say it is the sworn duty of every K. G. C. who is true to his obligation, to deny the existence of the organization, not generally by positive denials, but by heaping ridicule on the idea of such an organization, which implies that all Northern men are not loyal.  There is, however, ample and positive proof that the Order of K. G. C. is thoroughly organized in every Northern State, as auxiliary to the Southern rebellion.  It assumes various shapes and colors, yet all working under the same system of operations, and all aiming at the same end. – The designation of the “K. G. C.” having become unpopular on account of the known treasonable designs of that Order, is protean in its character, and sails under different cognomens to best effect its purpose – sometimes being the “Peace Party,” the “Union Party,” the “Constitutional Party,” the “Democratic Society,” “Club” or “Association,” the “Mutual Protection;” and, since the “Indiana leak,” as they call it, about the “M. P.’s,” they have chosen “S. P.” or “Self Protection,” as a name.  And since you ask for facts only, I may say it is properly a secret political treason party, as its members initiated are all most strictly limited to the known members of one political party.

THE IMMEDIATE OBJECT, is the overthrow of the Government established by our patriot sires, baptized in their life-blood, and handed down to us, to be forever defended and protected, as the best form of government ever given to man.  THE ULTIMATE OBJECT, the spoils of Office and the control of the Government, by the party which sustains the efforts of these “knights” of treason.  The great majority of the most active leaders are those who have heretofore emoluments of place in the Government, and which to be restored to power.  For this purpose they are willing to tear down the old fabric and erect a new one upon its ruins.  They have some definite plans of operation, and forming a strong network of treason around the Union, well calculated to draw in many true men, to be used by them unawares in carrying out their plots.  I will refer briefly to a few of the means they use:

1.  THEY WISH TO PROLONG THE WAR hoping that something may turn up to get their Southern rebel friends out of their position, without being made to acknowledge the supremacy of the Constitution and the Union.  They hope and work for a foreign war, to make that a pretext for stopping the domestic strife, and uniting against a common foe.  They are for prolonging the war also, for the purpose of tiring the patience of the country, while they can make a public sentiment ready to “compromise” with armed rebellion – to do anything honorable or dishonorable to stop the war.  To do this they appeal to the pockets of the people with exaggerated pictures of enormous taxes, and virtually say, that because it costs money to maintain the Union, we ought to surrender at discretion to the demand of those who have taken up arms in rebellion against it.

2.  THEY WORK BY TREACHERY. – Having first opposed the Government in asserting any authority to enforce the laws and maintain the Union and the Constitution, and done what they could to encourage the outbreak by tendering Northern sympathy and support in advance, they are now seeking to assist their friends in the Southern army, by getting themselves into positions to betray the Union cause for their benefit.  In the month of August last, immediately after the disaster of Bull Run, they marked out a new programme, and sent messengers through all the loyal States to give their friends – the K. G. C., the CUE for putting their new plan into extensive operation.  The treachery of their men at the head of a column of the Federal army, who turned the tide of battle against us at Bull Run, worked so well, that they determined at once, during the reorganization of our army, to fill it with their own men for similar future operations.  “Castles” were forthwith organized in all the States.  Those who had been vomiting treason among their loyal neighbors, to the full extent that public sentiment would tolerate, now very suddenly and mysteriously became seemingly loyal and patriotic, and are anxious for places to draw their swords in defense of the Union, and measure them with its rebellious foes.  They wanted to be decorated with epaulets.  They would serve as captains and from that up to Colonels of Regiments, Brigadier and Major Generals.  They wound a network of influence around Congress and the “powers that be,” to maintain men in the Departments, and to get others in, especially in the War Department – who were shining lights in the “Castles” of the K. G. C., for the avowed and express purpose of aiding the enemy by treacherously watching, and conveying the secrets of the Government to the rebel army. – Men were selected in the States, and sent hundreds of miles to Washington, with strong influences to back them, for this purpose.  Better to carry out their project, they adroitly raised the “No Party” cry, and by professing the most exalted and devoted loyalty, claimed the best places in which to betray the Union cause, for those who were trusted “Knights” – thus secretly plotting reason against the very cause that was to feed and clothe them!  Among the K. G. C. of the Third Degree they freely calculate their prospects of success from the “treachery” of Federal officers, and especially of officers in the Union army, who, if occasion presents, are to disobey orders, and screen themselves behind flimsy excuses for allowing the enemy to escape, when by acting in good faith, they might be defeated.  They point to the singular escape of Floyd and his crew in Western Virginia, after Rosecrans had so decoyed them into a position, that he was certain to bag the whole command, if orders had been executed by his subordinates.  At the time of the Ball’s Bluff disaster they also gave knowing winks to indicate that it was the fulfillment of a chapter in their programme to disgust and dishearten the loyal North, discourage any advance movements, and encourage the rebel army with the report of victory.  They claim a large number of officers of Companies, Regiments, and Brigades, and Divisions, secretly to be in their interests, and even have the audacity to whisper that Gen. McClellan understands their programme, and is not unfriendly to working up to it. They claim, also, a goodly number of friends and brethren in the officers of the Navy.  They deprecate the appointment of Stanton to the administration of the War Department, and regret that he is not one of their mystical number.  They fear that all the influences they can throw around him will not induce him to bend his policy to favor their projects; they are ever on the alert, and will make a concerted effort, by pretended confidence and flattery, to weave an influence around him that will partially capture him, and control his policy  They acknowledge their faint hopes, however, of being able either to induce him to become a “Knight,” or to lure him into their plausible scheme for the future control of the spoils of Government.

3.  PEACE CONVENTION AND NEW CONSTITUTION. – Another mode of arriving at their object, is a National Peace or Compromise Convention, is to be held when all thing are prepared.  The schedule is to call a convention of all the States, North and South, to arrive at an understanding, and compromise the difficulty upon a basis already fixed.  The basis is the Jeff. Davis Constitution of the Southern Confederacy – conceding and adopting some of its features, and yielding some of the important ones in our present instrument, as a “compromise.”  The main features of the compromise will be a constitutional recognition, guaranty, and protection of Slavery in the States and Territories, without distinction.  In the meantime, the country being tired and sick of war and taxes, they expect to manufacture a public opinion that will adopt their scheme.  To give popular strength to this “convention,” there is to be a most earnest and persistent effort to carry every local and State election this year against the administration, or War and Union party – so that it will appear that the country has changed, and is against the further prosecution of the war for the supremacy of the old Union and the old Constitution as it is; and that the party calling the “National Peace Convention” are the majority or dominant party, and represent the public will. Further to facilitate party success at the polls, and cover up or draw attention from their own treasonable plotting against the Government, they are to join in a united and harmonious howl of “ABOLITIONIST” against all loyal men who sustain the Administration and the war to crush the rebellion; for the purpose of trying to identify and stigmatize them with the sins, and the long odious (in the North) doctrines and sentiments promulgated by a band of fanatical disunionists headed by Garrison and Wendell Phillips – claiming that all whom they chose to call “Abolitionists,” including the whole party that elected the administration, and all who sustain it in the prosecution of the war, are equally “traitors” with those who are in arms against the Union; and if the life of a Southern man, caught in the overt act, is sacrificed, the life of an “Abolitionist” should balance the account.  While none but Southern men are in arms to overthrow the Government, the responsibility of the war is to be persistently charged upon the loyal North, which should be the first to offer terms of “peace” and “compromise.”  By throwing every obstacle in the way of the Government, added to secret treason, they hope to give plausibility, among the weak-minded, that whenever the control of the nation passes from their hands the country will get into trouble, and that the only party capable of governing the country is the one they lead – that peace and prosperity cannot return until they are restored to power.  “Look at the country in a civil war in less than three months after the change of rulers,” they say, with exulting triumph.  No means are to be left untried to “divide and conquer” the war party at the polls.  They have a systematic plan to discredit the Government in the eyes of the people.  They cry aloud about frauds, while they are busily employed seeking contracts for the very purpose of defrauding the Government, to give coloring to their charges!  If they cannot get original contracts, they seek sub-contracts from the friends of the Union, that the odium of their own dishonesty may fall on the shoulders of the War party.  They boast of having already used these tactics to great effect.  Doubting the ability of the Government to pay its liabilities, with a view of depreciating the public Securities and Treasury notes, the withdrawal of public confidence, and cutting off the supplies to carry on the war, is another favorite scheme.  It is seriously discussed in the “castle” meetings, whether they will not utterly refuse to pay the war tax, which they think will not only embarrass the Government, but create a great public excitement that may demand the discontinuance of further resistance to the rebellion.

The demand for the exchange of prisoners, upon the terms dictated by Jeff. Davis, was an effort for the recognition of the “Confederacy,” and to save the necks of the ringleaders of the treason when they are eventually caught (as they expect to be,) by claiming to be “prisoners of war” – “belligerents” – instead of traitors to their Government.  And when the war is over – whether the Union is re-established on its old basis, or upon the projected Jeff. Davis Compromise-Constitution – the K. G. C. party are to assume all the credit of ending the conflict through their influence, and of having been the special friends of the rebels during their rebellion, and thereby claim their political affinities and support in a consolidated party for the future control of the nation.  They will divide and distract the Union party by a hypocritical support and flattery of the President and his policy, to create distrust in the minds of the real friends of the Administration that it is not true to, and is about to abandon the party and the principles upon which it was raised to power.  In short, the schemes of the K. G. C. to overthrow the government, embrace the whole catalogue of strategy known to corrupt politicians.

4. FOREIGN INFLUENCE. – The K. G. C. are known to each other by secret signs and words.  They seldom trust any documents to the mails, but keep messengers constantly in the field, carrying information from one “Castle” (or “Club,” “Lodge,” Society,” &c.,) to another.  (The term “Castle” is the proper designation of the place where “Knights” congregate to concoct treason.)  There is the most perfect and uninterrupted communication between the South and England through this order.  Their principle avenue is through the Canadas, where they have numerous “Castles” and co-workers, as well as in Europe.  There are numerous Southerners located in Canada, as connecting links in the agency, and several of the employees of the Provincial railroads connecting with the States are the active agents and “messengers” of the secret treason against the Government.  At both ends of the Grand Trunk, the Great Western, the Buffalo & Lake Huron roads, these agents are busy, but mostly so on the Grand Trunk and the connecting lines into Vermont.  Several of the representatives of large British capitalists residing in Canada are known to be most active operators and sympathizers.  The Donneganna and St. Lawrence hotels at Montreal are the resorts of Southern rebels, where they are met and treated with great kindness and cordiality; also, at Quebec, Toronto, Hamilton, &c.  The K. G. C. claim to own, or have a controlling interest in nearly every leading newspaper in the Canadas.  In Canada, as in England, this organization, and sympathy with the rebellion, is confined to the feudal, aristocratic, and what they claim to be the ruling classes, viz: these “born to rule by royal prerogative.”  They dread the influence of Republican America; they consider her a rival power, dangerous to the extension of their own lease of monarchial rule, and are ready to seize upon the first favorable opportunity to assist in her overthrow – and thus demonstrate to their own subjects, already restless, if not clamorous, for many “reforms” approximating to our young Government, that the “model Republic” is a failure; that Democracy cannot constitute a permanent government; that nothing short of monarchical, or strong central government, can withstand the shock of ages.  The overthrow, or division and disruption of our government, would be pointed to as a fulfillment of the long-heralded prophecies of monarchists.  The active and adroit diplomacy of the rebel States, through their ablest men, knew well where to secure a strong foothold in Europe, and they struck with success.  They sought the association of aristocracy and capital, as the strong point to be gained, and hence to a large extent, have secured the tone of the aristocratic press without striking the responsive chord in the hearts of the great mass of the European people – the working and tax-paying classes, whose representatives are “reformers” – those who turn a listening ear to the musical strains of liberty and equality which float to them from across the Atlantic, and cause the inquiry why they cannot enjoy the same blessing without risking a perilous voyage from their native land to the New World, where all are “sovereigns,” and the rulers only the subjects and servants.  The K. G. C. never seem to lack money to send messengers on long journeys, and keep them constantly in the field, or do anything else they deem important.  This gives color to their claim that the European associated aristocracy are secretly furnishing large sums of money to second the base objects of the Southern rebellion.   I have no doubt of it.

5.  THE LAST RESORT — CIVIL WAR — ASSASSINATION! — But the most damnable and atrocious part of this dark plot is yet to be told, and if it does not arouse the languid patriotic blood now resting in security to stand united against the working of this foul treason, then, indeed, our liberties are in danger. The K. G. C, through this secret organization, have the blood-thirsty scheme of assassinating Northern Union men, and creating anarchy and civil war in the North, as a means of ending resistance to the rebellion!  Believing that other means will fail, they are already privately armed and arming for the conflict.

I have before stated as a part of the programme, that all Northern Union men who voted for Lincoln, or sustain the Government in a vigorous prosecution of the war to crush out the rebellion, are to be branded “ABOLITIONISTS,” ergo “traitors,” equally guilty with Jeff. Davis and his crew, because Garrison and Wendell Phillips and other fanatical Abolitionists, have been notorious and ignominious as disunionists.  “Let the Northern Abolition traitors and Southern Rebel leaders be hung up together, if at all,” is now the watchword. – “Let them perish in equal numbers, as the authors of the war.” – “The Abolitionists of the North must first be put down before the War can come to an end.”  The danger of a Northern uprising against the Government, if the war is not speedily brought to a close.”

“We are fighting our own brethren.”  “We are willing to compromise, but the Abolitionist will not.”  “The people will rise and fight before they will pay taxes to keep our soldiers killing our brothers in the South.”  “The Abolitionists are worse traitors, and more to blame than the South.” – “The Abolitionists must be cleaned out, and then we can have peace.”  “The people must rise and hang the Abolitionists at the same time the army put down the rebellion South.”

“Blood must flow in the North, as well as the South, before we get rid of the worst traitors to the Union.”  “Abolitionists must be put in Fort Warren as well as Southern men, if you want peace.”  These and numerous other similar dark and blood-foreboding expressions that may be heard in talking with high “Knights,” only go to fully corroborate the written evidence now before me, of a blood-thirsty plot to assassinate Union men to “secure the success of the South.”  I have seen and read the special dispatches of high “Knights,” sent from one castle to the high officials of another in which the whole programme of operations and the means to be used were elaborately laid down and commented upon, in which it is always distinctly stated that the only way to success in the North, is to secure the success of the South by a concerted action throughout the North, that the country must be tired and worried out with taxes and the horrors of a war, until a pretense is given to warrant a Northern civil war, and an uprising against the “Abolitionists,” as the cause of the beginning and continuance of the conflict.  Then the private arms are to be used.  Each K. G. C. is pledged to arm himself with a long knife and a revolving pistol.  They are also provided with a small dark pocket or police lamps.  One dispatch to a high functionary, stated that if secrecy and success attended the project – and he had no doubt on that score – it would prove a second Sicilian Vesper, which has referenced also to some of the test words of recognition.  “Are you going to Vespers?” – “Are you ready for Vespers?” is the sly way of asking each other if they are “armed” and “ready;” and also of asking a stranger if he is a K. G. C. – or if in a mixed crowd, any conversation in which the word “Vespers” is used indicates membership which leads to further tests.

I have heard the more desperate openly state that if this war is not closed in less than four months, “Abolition” blood would flow in every Northern city.  I am not permitted to go more into detail at this time.  I have given you but a faint outline of the plot, and the means to be used to overthrow the old Ship of State.  When it culminates into the assassination of Union men in the peaceful, loyal North, by a band of secretly organized traitors – when the bell shall toll for another Sicilian Vespers – when traitors shall shout their songs of rebellion as the signal for the Grand Carnival of Treason to commence, with one side secretly armed for the conflict – then the country will inquire with amazement, whether the events of March 30, 1282 are yet to have their counterpart here, in the year 1862, for no other crime than being loyal to the Government, and wishing to put down the most wicked and causeless rebellion that ever existed!  Then, perhaps, the Government will be aroused to the importance of not harboring vipers in its bosom to sting its very life-blood – then the loyal people will rise in their might and protect their own liberties, and woe to be unto those who have their lot cast with the K. G. C., or have followed their leadership.

These are startling developments, and will be vigorously hooted down by every K. G. C. who is true to his obligations.  Let it be so for the present. There are some among them who have yet an inkling of patriotism left, and cannot, and will not be bound to this wicked conspiracy.  It is to this source that you are indebted for the facts above stated – facts, which I will say to you, may be most implicitly relied upon, and the time will arrive when what I have stated will be verified, and much of the same character added to it.  At some future time, developments will be made that will satisfy you that I am no alarmist, and men high in the confidence of the people will be so connected with this secret treason, that the country will despise their memory.  In the mean time, let every loyal man, wherever he is, be watchful and vigilant for the signs that I have indicated, to the identify and mark the sure enemies of the Union, and in most cases the sure trade-marks of the K. G. C.  Their emissaries are busy and on the move.  The organization is extensive, penetrating the back woods and the plains.  In many cases, in remote places, one, two, or three trusted members, are all who are entrusted with the secrets, but they are busy in making and controlling opinion – in educating their partisans up to the proper point.  The New York “Caucasian” newspaper, sustained by a private fund of the order, is a special organ of the “Castles.”  The principal headquarters in the North, are Philadelphia, New York City, and Cincinnati.  They have a large number of small newspaper editors in their secrets, some of which have to be checked occasionally for too plain talk. * *

I have extended this communication to a far greater length than I had intended, but I could not well make it shorter and do the subject justice.  I submit it for your consideration, believing that you will discover many things in your State and vicinity to corroborate what I have said.  The Work of the K. G. C., as used here, is revised and changed from that used six months ago in the Southern States. – In the first degree but little of its real character is divulged.  It is simply represented as a “Society to oppose Abolitionists.”  Little by little the candidate is let into the vortex of treason.  I earnestly warn all good men against taking the first step.

Yours very truly, for the whole Union.
***.
__________

Fellow Citizens – Loyal Union-loving men of the United States! What think you of these things?  We have proved, upon testimony which you cannot reasonably doubt, the presence in your very midst, of a deadly conspiracy, which threatens your liberties, your rights as citizens, and even the existence of that Union which you so highly prize.  And yet the half has not been told.  There are other secrets of the K. G. C. yet to be revealed.  Those secrets are in the possession of those whose duty it is, and who have the power to punish the traitors who compose the organization; and if they do not perform that duty, we intend to make further disclosures.  For the present we must forbear.

That foul disease which traitors, thirty years ago, fastened upon the body politic, has grown to the proportions of a cancer of the most dangerous character.  It must be eradicated, or you will yet have occasion to mourn over the wreck of all your long cherish[ed] hopes of your country’s greatness and glory.  Traitors at home, leagued with enemies abroad, even now present the knife at the heart of your bleeding country. – Corruption, rank and poisonous, faithlessness and treachery in high places, disregard of the most sacred obligations of man to his fellow man and his God have born their legitimate fruits.  Treason stalks unblushingly through the land.  Artful intriguing politicians and unprincipled demagogues have brought your noble government to the verge of destruction.

Your patriotic, fathers through much of personal suffering, and untold sacrifices of blood and treasure, laid broad and deep, cemented in blood and baptized in tears, the foundations of this glorious fabric of free government, fondly cherishing the hope that it would stand to remotest ages, an asylum for the oppressed of all nations, a beacon to the weary victims of tyranny, and terror to the despotism of the Old World.  This priceless legacy must be preserved.  We cannot believe that you will prove recreant to your country, to posterity and to God.  We believe that the blood and treasure so freely expended in the suppression of the atrocious rebellion now rapidly reeling to its final doom, will bear yet more fruit – that you are ready yet again, if need be, to offer your lives and all that you possess, for the preservation of your Government, and for its establishment upon a basis so solid that it shall stand as a monument of human wisdom, and as the great bulwark of Christianity, Civilization and true Liberty, until time shall be no more!

– Published in the Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, April 12, 1862, p. 2