Sheridan last Monday
with a large cavalry force went towards Staunton, Charlottesville, and Lynchburg
to destroy stores and connections with Richmond. Mud and water
his chief enemies.
Clear and warm.
The local troops did
not march until this morning, and no one supposes Richmond is seriously menaced
by Grant. I believe the object of the demonstration on the part of the enemy is
to draw our forces away from the vicinity of Washington.
The Chief of the
Signal Corps reports, on information supposed by him to be reliable, that Gen.
Early's captures in Maryland were worth $12,000,000—consisting of some 10,000
horses, 10,000 cattle, 7000 hogs, 4000 sheep, 20,000 barrels of flour, and a
large amount of bacon, etc. Also, that he got between 2000 and 3000 recruits.
All this doubtful.
Mr. G. W. Lamar,
Augusta, Ga., writes the Secretary of War that he knows, personally, over one
hundred men who have bought exemptions, and that they are
bought and sold every day at a certain price. Now will the Secretary order an
investigation? Mr. L. has, or had, nine sons in the army, and he says he could
have bought exemptions for all, as he is rich. And yet a poor ensigncy is
refused one of his sons.
BEFORE JACKSON,
July 14, 1863.
Good for Richmond. I
never attached much importance to the place, but tell me the fate of Lee's army
the moment you hear. If that can be broken up and destroyed, with our successes
out West, it will make an impression on rebeldom and the world. Tell the
general I have heard of his appointment as major-general in Regular Army. Of
course I congratulate him, and hope he may live long to enjoy the ease and
luxury of the position.
I think we are doing
well out here, but won't brag till Johnston clears out and stops shooting his
big rifle guns at us. If he moves across Pearl River and makes good speed, I
will let him go. By a flag of truce to-day I sent him our newspapers of 7th and
8th; that, with our cannon to-night, will disturb his slumbers.
The President yet remains with the army, and the indications are that a great and perhaps final battle is near. Tom writes me, dating his letter “Headquarters Army of the James, near Hatcher's Run,” saying he had scarcely slept for forty-eight hours, the army having commenced moving on the evening of the 27th, and his letter was dated the evening of the 29th. General Ord must, therefore, have moved his army from before Richmond, crossed the James, and got below Petersburg. I infer, therefore, that the demonstration will be on that plan, and I trust defeat and capture of Lee and his army.
Greeley's letter of last summer to the President, urging peace for our “bleeding, bankrupt, ruined country” has been published in England. This was the letter which led to the Niagara conference. I advised its publication and the whole correspondence at the time, but the President was unwilling just then, unless Greeley would consent to omit the passage concerning our ruined country, but to this Greeley would not consent, and in that exhibited weakness, for it was the most offensive and objectionable part of his letter.
How it comes now to be published in England I do not understand. I should have preferred its appearance at home in the first instance. Poor Greeley is nearly played out. He has a morbid appetite for notoriety. Wishes to be noted and forward in all shows. Four years ago was zeal or willing — to let the States secede if they wished. Six months later was vociferating, “On to Richmond.” Has been scolding and urging forward hostile operations. Suddenly is for peace, and ready to pay the Rebels four hundred millions or more to get it, he being allowed to figure in it. He craves public attention. Does not exhibit a high regard for principle. I doubt his honesty about as much as his consistency. It is put on for effect. He is a greedy office-hunter.
A telegram from the President this morning to the War Department states that a furious fight is going on. Sheridan has got west of Petersburg on the South Side Railroad, creeping from the west, at the same time Grant has ordered an advance of our lines. Wright and Parke are said to have broken through the Rebel lines. General Ord is fighting, but results unknown. General Halleck states that Lee has undoubtedly sent out his force to protect the railroad and preserve his communications, that this has left Richmond weak, and Ord is pressing on the city. I inquired if Ord was not below Petersburg at Hatcher's Run. He said no, that was newspaper talk. Told him I had supposed otherwise.
On going to the War Department a few hours later to make further inquiries, I carried with me Tom's letter, but Halleck was not there. Stanton, however, maintained the same ground until I read Tom's letter, when he yielded.
Clear and dry; pleasant temperature.
I learn that Petersburg has not been much injured by the enemy's batteries, and that Gen. Lee has ordered the casting of mortars for use immediately.
To morrow being the anniversary of the surrender of Vicksburg to Grant, I should not be surprised if that general let off some fire-works, not only in commemoration of that event, but in pursuance of some desperate enterprise against Richmond. I don't see how he can feel any veneration for the day of Independence for the “rebels” of 1776, without sympathy for the “rebels” of 1864, struggling also for independence.
After the failure of the enemy's next move, I think the tempest of war will rapidly abate. Nearly every movement in this (I think final) effort to capture Richmond bas failed. Sheridan failed to destroy the Central, Hunter the South Side, and Wilson the Danville Railroad—each losing about half his men and horses. Grant himself, so far, has but “swung round" a wall of steel, losing 100,000 men, and only gaining a position on the James River which he might have occupied without any loss. On the other hand, Lee wields a larger army than he began with, and better armed, clothed, and fed.
This ought to end the vain attempt at subjugation. But if not, the Confederate States, under the new policy (defensive), might maintain the contest against a half million of invaders. Our crop of wheat is abundant, and the harvest over; our communications will be all re-established in a few days, and the people being armed and drilled everywhere, the enemy's raiders will soon be checked in any locality they may select as the scene of operations. All the bridges will be defended with fortifications. Besides, Lee is gathering rapidly an army on the Potomac, and may not only menace the enemy's capital, but take it. Early and Breckinridge, Imboden and Morgan, may be at this moment inflicting more serious injury on the enemy's railroads and canals than we have sustained in Virginia. And it is certain the stores of the Federal army in Georgia have been captured or destroyed to a very serious extent.
Still, in this hour of destitution and suffering among certain classes of the people, we see no beggars in the streets.
Likewise, notwithstanding the raiding parties penetrate far in the rear of our armies, there has been no instance of an attempt on the part of the slaves to rise in insurrection.
The drought continues; vegetation wilting and drying up. There is no war news, save some shelling by the enemy at Petersburg
The raiders have caused many who were hiding and hoarding their meat and grain to bring them to market, for fear of losing them. This has mitigated the famine, and even produced a slight reduction of prices.
But the gardens are nearly ruined, and are only kept alive by watering freely. Mine has repaid me. The tomatoes are growing apace, and seem to endure the drought pretty well; also the lima beans. We are now eating the last of the cherries. We began to pull them about one month ago.
Some of the members of the Tredegar Battalion have been detected endeavoring to pass over to the enemy. It is said (maliciously) Jos. R. Anderson's works (the Tredegar) would not be destroyed if the enemy were to capture the city, nor Crenshaw's nor Haxall's mills, all having an understanding that the party in power shall enjoy the benefits of them. The fall of Richmond would exhibit strange developments among men of wealth. The poor could not get away, and would have no alternative but submission. But Richmond will not be taken.
Since our return from the Tuscumbia Valley nothing' of interest has occurred until to day; flaming bulletins are now flying everywhere exciting loud huzzas from the soldiers in and around Corinth. “Richmond fallen,” “Stoneman occupying the city,” “the stars and stripes floating over the ramparts," “Valandigham arrested, &c.” Everything seems perfectly wild to night, and loud acclamations rend the air for Hooker. Bonfires are burning in every direction. The excitement beggars discription. Cheers are heard everywhere for Hooker, Burnside and No. 38; for the arrest of Ohio's arch traitor, the seared and corrupt hearted, sycophant, C. L. Vallandigham. May he be banished and be compelled to go creeping and whining through the back grounds of an English aristocracy, there to be execrated and condemned by all liberty loving people, for the ignoble part he played upon the American stage; and when peace shall have returned to a stricken people, should this traitor leader on the northern line return among America's loyal people, may the widow and the orphan child say, there goes the traitor Vallandigham, who, when our loved and lost were being submerged by war's crimson wave, was standing upon the American Congress floor, saying that he would sooner see them die and the flag go down than vote one dollar for the prosecution of the war. Sad, sad record for one of the republic's sons!
DEAR GENERAL: I
would most respectfully suggest that you use your personal influence with
President Lincoln to accomplish a result on which it may be the ultimate peace
and security of our country depends. I mean to his use of the draft to fill up
our old regiments.
I see by the public
journals that a draft is to be made, and that 100,000 men are to be assigned to
fill up the old regiments, and 200,000 to be organized as new troops. I do not
believe that Mr. Lincoln, or any man, would at this critical period of our
history repeat the fatal mistakes of last year. Taking this army as a fair
sample of the whole, what is the case? The regiments do not average 300 men,
nor did they exceed that strength last fall when the new regiments joined us in
November and December. Their rolls contained about 900 names, whereas now their
ranks are even thinner than the older organizations. All who deal with troops
in fact instead of theory know that the knowledge of the little details of camp
life is absolutely necessary to keep men alive. New regiments for want of this
knowledge have measles, mumps, diarrhea, and the whole catalogue of infantile
diseases, whereas the same number of men distributed among the older regiments
would learn from the sergeants and corporals and privates the art of taking
care of themselves, which would actually save their lives and preserve their
health against the host of diseases that invariably attack the new regiments.
Also, recruits distributed among older companies catch up, from close and
intimate contact, a knowledge of drill, the care and use of arms, and all the
instruction which otherwise it would take months to impart. The economy, too,
should recommend the course of distributing all the recruits as privates to the
old regiments, but these reasons appear to me so plain that it is ridiculous
for me to point them out to you, or even to suggest them to an intelligent
civilian.
I am assured by many
that the President does actually desire to support and sustain the Army, and
that he desires to know the wishes and opinions of the officers who serve in
the wood instead of the "salon." If so, you would be listened to.
It will take at
least 600 good recruits per regiment to fill up the present army to the proper
standard. Taking 1,000 as the number of regiments in actual existence, this
would require 600,000 recruits. It may be the industrial interests of the
country will not authorize such a call, but how much greater the economy to
make an army and fight out this war at once. See how your success is checked by
the want of prompt and adequate enforcement to guard against a new enemy
gathering to the rear. Could your regiments be filled up to even the standard
of 700 men for duty, you would be content to finish quick and well the work so
well begun. If a draft be made, and the men be organized into new regiments
instead of filling up the old, the President may satisfy a few aspiring men,
but will prolong the war for years and allow the old regiments to die of
natural exhaustion. I have several regiments which have lost honestly in battle
and by disease more than half their original men, and the wreck or remainder,
with colonel, lieutenant-colonel, major, ten captains, lieutenants, &c.,
and a mere squad of men, remind us of the army of Mexico—all officers and no
men. It would be an outrage to consolidate these old, tried, and veteran
regiments and bring in the new and comparatively worthless bodies. But fill up
our present ranks, and there is not an officer or man of this army but would
feel renewed hope and courage to meet the struggles before us.
I regard this matter
as more important than any other that could possibly arrest the attention of
President Lincoln, and it is for this reason that I ask you to urge it upon him
at this auspicious time. If adopted, it would be more important than the
conquest of Vicksburg and Richmond together, as it would be a victory of common
sense over the popular fallacies that have ruled and almost ruined our country.
SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official
Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 3 (Serial No.
124), p. 386-8
DEAR UNCLE: - We broke camp at Camp Russell yesterday at early daylight and marched to this place on the railroad from Harpers Ferry towards Winchester. It rained, snowed, "blew, and friz" again. Awful mud to march in and still worse to camp in. But today it is cold and none of us got sick, so far as I know. Our First Division took cars to join Grant. It is said we shall follow in a day or two. This is not certain, but I shall not be surprised if it is true. I prefer not to go, and yet one feels that it is almost necessary to be present at the taking of Richmond. I am content, however, to go. I believe in pushing the enemy all winter if possible. Now that we have a decided advantage is the time to crowd them. Things look as if that were to be the policy.
I like the new call for troops. What good fortune we are having. If Sherman takes Savannah and then moves north, this winter will be the severest by far that our Rebel friends have had.
I received today your letter of the 14th enclosing Uncle Austin's about the sad fate of Sardis. I will do what I can to get further information, but we are no longer with the Nineteenth Corps and may not again see them.
I am sorry to hear you have a severe cold. I am getting more nervous when I hear of your taking cold. Don't try to visit Lucy or anybody else in the winter. I am afraid I shall not get to visit you this winter.
P. S. — There is a short but tolerably fair account of the battle of Winchester in Harper's Monthly of January. It is written by somebody in the Nineteenth Corps. You will hardly read it with such emotion as I do. The writer calls our force "the Eighth Corps.” When you read on the 199th page his account of our battle-yell as we advanced, and of the Rebel musketry which met it, you will remember that I led the advance brigade of the advance division, and that perhaps the happiest moment of my life was then, when I saw that our line didn't break and that the enemy's did.
23d. — It is pretty certain (that) we do not go to Grant; probably in a week or two to Cumberland or West Virginia.
S. BIRCHARD.
Dry and pleasant.
The city full of idle rumors that the whole brigade of local troops were captured yesterday—that Gen. Fitz Lee has again been made prisoner, and that another raiding party is threatening the Danville Road, the canal, etc. There is no foundation for any of them, so far as I can learn.
Hot and dry.
Twelve hundred Federal prisoners passed our door to-day, taken at Petersburg—about half the number captured there during the last two days.
The news of the cutting of the Danville Railroad still produces despondency with many. But the people are now harvesting a fair crop of wheat, and the authorities do not apprehend any serious consequences from the interruption of communication with the South — which is, indeed, deemed but temporary, as sufficient precaution is taken by the government to defend the roads and bridges, and there seems to be discussions between the generals as to authority and responsibility. There are too many authorities. Gen. Lee will remedy all this.
The clerks are still kept out, on the north side of the James River, while the enemy is on the south side—the government, meantime, being almost in a state of paralysis. Such injustice, and such obtuseness, would seem to be inexcusable.
The Secretary has sanctioned the organization of a force in the Northern Neck, to capture and slay without mercy such of the enemy as may be found lurking there, committing outrages, etc.
The President still devotes much time to the merits of applicants for appointments on military courts, brigadier-generals, etc.
It is reported that Grant has announced to his army that the fighting is over, and that the siege of Richmond now begins. A fallacy! Even if we were unable to repair the railroads, the fine crop of wheat just matured would suffice for the subsistence of the army—an army which has just withstood the military power of the North. It is believed that nearly 300,000 men have invaded Virginia this year, and yet, so far from striking down the army of Lee with superior numbers, we see, at this moment, the enemy intrenching himself at every new position occupied by him. This manifests an apprehension of sudden destruction himself!
But the country north and east and west of Richmond is now free of Yankees, and the railroads will be repaired in a few weeks at furthest. Gen. Hunter, we learn to-day, has escaped with loss out of the State to the Ohio River, blowing up his own ordnance train, and abandoning his cannon and stores. So we shall have ammunition and salt, even if the communication with Wilmington should be interrupted. No, the war must end, and is now near its end; and the Confederacy will achieve its independence. This of itself would suffice, but there may be a diversion in our favor in the North—a revolution there—a thing highly probable during the excitement of an embittered Presidential campaign. Besides, there may at any moment be foreign intervention. The United States can hardly escape a quarrel with France or England. It may occur with both.
Clear and cool.
Gen. Bragg sent to
the Secretary of War to-day a copy of a letter from him to the President,
yesterday, proposing to send 6000 more troops to Western Virginia, as Breckinridge
has only 9000 and the enemy 18,000.
Lieut.-Gen Holmes
sends from Raleigh, N. C., a letter from Hon. T. Bragg, revealing
the existence of a secret organization in communication with the enemy, styled
the “H. O. A.;" and asking authority to arrest certain men supposed to be
implicated.
A letter was
received from G. W. Lay, his son-in-law, by the Assistant Secretary of War,
Judge Campbell, dated near Petersburg, stating that the Southern Express
Company would bring articles from Charleston for him. That company seems to be
more potential than ever.
Cannonading was
heard far down the Chickahominy this morning. And yet Lieut.-Gen. Ewell marched
his corps to-day out the Brooke Road, just in the opposite direction. It is
rumored that he is marching away for Washington! If he had transportation,
and could march in that direction, no doubt it would be the speediest way of
relieving Richmond. Gen. Lee, however, knows best.
At the conclave of
dignitaries, Hunter, Wigfall, and Secretary Seddon, yesterday, it is reported
that when Mr. Seddon explained Grant's zigzag fortifications, Senator Hunter
exclaimed he was afraid we could never beat him; when Senator Wigfall said
nothing was easier—the President would put the old folks and children to praying at
6 o'clock A.M. Now if any one were to tell these things to the President, he
would not believe him.
Clear and cool.
Gen. Grant has
changed his base—disappearing from the front of Lee in the night. He is
supposed to be endeavoring to get his army below the city, and in communication
with Butler on the south side.
A dispatch from Gen.
Lee says Gen. Hampton has defeated Sheridan.
Forrest has gained a
victory in the West.
Lincoln has been
nominated Andrew Johnson, of Tennessee, for Vice-President.
Gen. Whiting writes
that supplies from abroad are coming in abundantly at Wilmington, N. C.
If we can only
preserve our communications with the South, I regard the campaign, if not the
war, pretty nearly at an end, and Richmond safe! Grant has failed, after doing
his utmost to take Richmond. He has shattered a great army to no purpose; while
Lee's army is as strong as ever. This is true generalship in Lee. But Grant can
get more men.
SOURCE: John
Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate
States Capital, Volume 2, p. 231
Clear and cool; warm
late in the day.
It is rumored now that
the enemy got to Westtown yesterday, some ten miles below the point on this
side occupied by Butler; and to-day he is leaving, either crossing to the south
side (probably to cut the railroad), or embarking in his transports for no one
knows whither. So, this attempt to take Richmond is as bad a failure as any.
Grant has used up nearly
a hundred thousand men—to what purpose? We are not injured, after withstanding
this blow of the concentrated power of the enemy. It is true some bridges are
burned, some railroads have been cut, and the crops in the line of the
enemy's march have been ruined; but our army is intact: Lee's losses
altogether, in killed and wounded, not exceeding a few thousand.
A report of an
officer states that the James River is not fordable anywhere above for forty
miles.
There is a rumor on
the street that the head of Ewell's corps (commanded by Gen. Early) crossed the
Rappahannock, yesterday, at United States Ford. If this be so, there must be
consternation in Washington; and the government there will issue embarrassing
orders to Grant.
The spirits of the
people here are buoyant with the Western news, as well as with the result of
Lee's campaign.
The death of Gen.
Polk, however, is lamented by a good many.
The operations of
Forrest and Morgan are inspiring.
Hazy and cool.
We have no details
this morning of the fighting yesterday, and some doubt if a battle was fought.
I presume assaults were made on our intrenchments in diverse places, and
repulsed.
Beauregard's battle,
Friday night, is still in smoke, but it is rumored the enemy lost 9000 killed
and wounded.
Firing is heard
to-day. There may be good policy in keeping back accounts from the field, until
it is all over and something decisive accomplished. We have not met with
serious disaster at all events, else there would be consternation in the city,
for bad news flies fast, and cannot be kept back.
There was fighting
yesterday at Lynchburg, no result known yet.
Every Sunday I see
how shabby my clothes have become, as every one else, almost, has a good suit
in reserve. During the week all are shabby, and hence it is not noticeable. The
wonder is that we are not naked, after wearing the same garments three or four
years. But we have been in houses, engaged in light employments. The rascals
who make money by the war fare sumptuously, and “have their good things in this
world.”
The weather is dry
and dusty; the hazy atmosphere produced perhaps by the smoke of battle and the
movements of mighty armies.
Eight P.M. The city
is still in utter ignorance of the details and result of the battle
yesterday—if there was one. If the government is in possession of information,
it is, for some purpose, studiously kept from the public, and why, I cannot
imagine, unless there has been a disaster, or Beauregard has done something not
approved.
I do not think the
people here appreciate the importance of the contest on the south side of the
river. If Lee's army were broken, I doubt whether it would even attempt to
regain the fortifications of Richmond, for then it might share the fate of
Pemberton's army at Vicksburg. And the fall of Richmond would involve the fall
of the State, and Virginia would immediately become a free State.
Very warm and
cloudy.
There was no general
engagement yesterday, but heavy skirmishing, and several assaults at different
points; and a dispatch from Gen. Lee says they resulted favorably to our arms.
A dispatch from Gen.
Johnston says his men are in good plight, after combats enough to make a
battle, in all of which the enemy suffered most.
The local troops
(Custis's battalion, etc.) were ordered out today. I have not understood to
what point they were ordered; but it indicates the imminency of a battle. Lee
has not less than 80,000 men—veterans.
I saw, to day, Gen.
Beauregard's plan, dated May 14th. It was addressed to Gen. Bragg,
"Commanding Confederate States Armies." He suggested the falling back
on the defenses of Richmond, and detaching 15,000 to the south side to crush or
drive away Butler. He would then not only return the 15,000 to the north side,
but bring over 25,000 additional to crush Grant.
This scheme was
rejected by Bragg on the 19th, after consultation with the President and the
Secretary: the latter indorsing his concurrence in the
rejection, the President not committing himself in writing. But
Beauregard was ordered to attack Butler without delay, which was done, and
successfully; but he was not crushed, and still threatens our railroads with a
portion of his army, while the rest has been sent to reinforce Grant.
Nevertheless,
Beauregard is here with some 20,000, and Lee did fall back to
the defenses of Richmond.
Congress has passed
a bill increasing the compensation of themselves 100 per cent. Perhaps they
will not adjourn now, but remain and await events.
Senator Hunter and
the Secretary of War promenaded the Square yesterday afternoon in a long
“confabulation,” supposed by some to relate to political matters.
5 O'CLOCK P.M.—Heavy
and quick cannonading heard some eight or ten miles east of the city. It
continued until night, when it was raining and cold; and Custis had no blanket,
not anticipating such a change.
Clear and cool.
All quiet round the
city; but Petersburg was assaulted yesterday and successfully defended.
The battalion of
clerks still remains at Bottom's Bridge, on the Chickahominy. The pickets hold
familiar conversation every day with the pickets of the enemy, the stream being
narrow, and crossed by a log. For tobacco and the city papers our boys get
sugar, coffee, etc. This intercourse is wrong. Some of the clerks were compelled to
volunteer to retain their offices, and may desert, giving important information
to the enemy.
I had snap beans
to-day from my garden. I have seen none in market.
The congratulations and hearty cheer of the people over the victory at Fort Fisher are most gratifying. It is a comfort, too, to see, with scarcely an exception, that there is a rightful appreciation of the true merits of those who engaged in the contest, as well as of those who planned and persistently carried out this work.
But there is a contemptible spirit in one or two partisan journals that indicates the dark side of party and personal malice. The Evening Post in the capture of Fort Fisher makes no mention of the Navy. In some comments the succeeding day, the ill feeling again displays itself. The army is extolled, the Navy is ignored in the capture, and turned off and told to go forward and take Wilmington, which the editor says Admiral Porter can do if as eager as he has been for cotton bales. This gross and slanderous injustice called out a rebuke from G. W. Blunt which the editor felt bound to publish, but accompanied it with churlish, ill-natured, virulent, and ill-concealed malevolence. All this acrimony proceeds from the fact that the publisher of the Post is arrested and under indictment for fraud and malfeasance, and the Navy Department has declined to listen to the appeals of the editors to forbear prosecuting him. Henderson's guilt is known to them, yet I am sorry to perceive that even Mr. Bryant wishes to rescue H. from exposure and punishment, and, worse than that, is vindictive and maliciously revengeful, because I will not condone crime. No word of kindness or friendship has come to me or been uttered for me in the columns of the Post since Henderson's arrest, and the Navy is defamed and its officers abused and belied on this account. In this business I try to persuade myself that Godwin and Henderson are the chief actors; but Mr. Bryant himself is not wholly ignorant of what is done.
At the Cabinet-meeting yesterday Stanton gave an interesting detail of his trip to. Savannah and the condition of things in that city. His statements were not so full and comprehensive as I wished, nor did I get at the real object of his going, except that it was for his health, which seems improved. There is, he says, little or no loyalty in Savannah and the women are frenzied, senseless partisans. He says much of the cotton was claimed as British property, they asserting it had the British mark upon it. Sherman told them in reply he had found the British mark on every battle-field. The muskets, cartridges, caps, projectiles were all British, and had the British mark upon them. I am glad he takes this ground and refuses to surrender up property purchased or pretended to be purchased during the War, but which belongs in fact to the Confederate government. Mr. Seward has taken a different and more submissive view, to my great annoyance on more than one occasion, though his concessions were more generally to French claimants.
I am apprehensive, from the statement of Stanton, and of others also, that the Rebels are not yet prepared to return to duty and become good citizens. They have not, it would seem, been humbled enough, but must be reduced to further submission. Their pride, self-conceit, and arrogance must be brought down. They have assumed superiority, and boasted and blustered, until the wretched boasters had brought themselves to believe they really were a superior class, better than the rest of their countrymen, or the world. Generally these vain fellows were destitute of any honest and fair claim to higher lineage or family, but are adventurers, or the sons of adventurers, who went South as mechanics or slave-overseers. The old stock have been gentlemanly aristocrats, to some extent, but lack that common-sense energy which derives its strength from toil. The Yankee and Irish upstarts or their immediate descendants have been more violent and extreme than the real Southerners, but working together they have wrought their own destruction. How soon they will possess the sense and judgment to seek and have peace is a problem. Perhaps there must be a more thorough breakdown of the whole framework of society, a greater degradation, and a more effectual wiping out of family and sectional pride in order to eradicate the aristocratic folly which has brought the present calamities upon themselves and the country. If the fall of Savannah and Wilmington will not bring them to conciliatory measures and friendly relations, the capture of Richmond and Charleston will not effect it. They may submit to what they cannot help, but their enmity will remain. A few weeks will enlighten us.
Great talk and many rumors from all quarters of peace. The journeys of the elder Blair to Richmond have contributed to these rumors, both here and at Richmond. I am not certain that early measures may not be taken, yet I do not expect immediate results. There were, however, many singular things in the early days of these troubles, and there may be as singular things in its close. There is difficulty in negotiating, or treating, with the Rebels. At the commencement Mr. Seward consulted and diplomatized with the organs of the Rebels, and supposed he could shape and direct their movements. I should not be surprised were he to fall into the same train of conduct at the close, — perhaps with more success now than at the beginning. The President, with much shrewdness and much good sense, has often strange and incomprehensible whims; takes sometimes singular and unaccountable freaks. It would hardly surprise me were he to undertake to arrange terms of peace without consulting any one. I have no doubt that the senior Blair has made his visits in concert with the President. Seward may have been in the movement. He has queer fancies for a statesman. He told me last week that he had looked in no book on international law or admiralty law since he entered on the duties of his present office. His thoughts, he says, come to the same conclusions as the writers and students. This he has said to me more than once. In administrating the government he seems to have little idea of constitutional and legal restraints, but acts as if the ruler was omnipotent. Hence he has involved himself in constant difficulties.
Admiral Farragut returned from James River Saturday night and came directly to my house, and spent yesterday with me. The condition of things on the upper James was much as I supposed. Commander Parker seems not to have been equal to his position, but I must have his own account before forming a decided opinion.
I subsequently learned that Fox, who was present at the close of the interview at the President's on the evening of the 24th, and by whom I sent telegrams to General Grant and Commodore Parker, had, on reaching the telegraph office, substituted his own name for mine to the communications. Farragut, who was present and knew the facts and what took place at the President's, learned what Fox had done when he arrived at Grant's quarters, for he saw the telegrams. The proceeding was certainly an improper one, and it is not surprising that Farragut was indignant.
I have, on one or two occasions, detected something similar in Fox in regard to important orders, — where he had been intrusive or obtrusive, evidently to get his name in the history of these times, and perhaps to carry the impression that he was at least a coadjutor with the Secretary in naval operations.
Farragut assures me he has observed and detected this disposition and some objectionable acts in Fox, as in this instance, which he thinks should be reproved and corrected, but while I regret these faults I have deemed them venial.
I perceive that Admiral Farragut, like many of the officers, is dissatisfied with Mr. Fox, who, he says, assumes too much and presumes too much. There is truth in this, but yet it is excusable perhaps. I wish it were otherwise. He is very serviceable and, to me, considerate, deferring and acquiescing in my decision when fixed, readily and more cheerfully than most others; but he is, I apprehend, often rough with persons who have business at the Department. In many respects, in matters that are non-essentials, I yield to him and others, and it annoys many by reason of his manner and language. His position is a hard one to fill. The second person in any organization, especially if he is true and faithful to his principal, incurs the censure and ill-will of the multitude. For these things allowance must be made. Fox commits some mistakes which cause me trouble, and it is one of his infirmities to shun a fair and honest responsibility for his own errors. This is perhaps human nature, and therefore excusable. With the Naval officers he desires to be considered all-powerful, and herein is another weakness. But he is familiar with the service and has his heart in its success.
Admiral Farragut favors a Board of Admiralty. It is a favorite theme with others to give naval ascendancy in court sessions. I can perceive arguments in its favor which would relieve the Secretary of labor, provided rightly constituted and properly regulated. There would, however, be jealousies in the service of such a board, as there are of the Assistant Secretary. It would be claimed that it dictated to the Secretary and abused his confidence. It would not be beneficial to the government and country.
