Showing posts with label Whigs. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Whigs. Show all posts

Thursday, October 12, 2023

Senator Daniel Webster to Franklin Haven, Thursday Morning, July 11, 1850—8:00 a.m.

Washington, July 11, 1850. Thursday morning, eight o'clock.

MY DEAR SIR,—It is not easy to say what will be the extent of the changes in consequence of General Taylor's death, and Mr. Fillmore's accession. It is at this moment supposed that there will be an entirely new Cabinet. Certainly not more than one or two can remain. Who will succeed to the vacant places, I have no means of saying with any certainty. One thing I feel sure of, and that is that they will be sound men. The President is a sensible man, and a conservative Whig, and is not likely to be in favor of any "isms," such as have votaries at the present day.

I believe Mr. Fillmore favors the Compromise, and there is no doubt that recent events have increased the probability of the passage of that measure. Nothing will be done in congress this week. The funeral ceremonies will take all that remains of it.

P. S. Two o'clock.—I am rather confirmed in the expectation of a total change. Beyond this I know little, and nothing which I can communicate. The idea is now general that the Compromise will go through. I have a few words to say on Monday or Tuesday.

Yours truly,
DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 376

Senator Daniel Webster to Franklin Haven, Tuesday Morning, July 16, 1850

July 16, 1850. Tuesday morning.

MY DEAR SIR,—The President goes slow, but I trust will come out well. He will undoubtedly have a sound Cabinet, and one acceptable to all good Whigs. How able he may make it, 1 cannot say. As yet, I believe he has not committed himself.

I hope we shall at last finish this so long protracted measure in the Senate. The story yesterday was that the extreme South would join the extreme North, and lay the bill on the table, judging it the less evil, in their opinion, to let California come in at once, and the territorial bills go over.

Yours, truly,
DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 377

Senator John C. Calhoun to Thomas G. Clemson, August 24, 1849

Fort Hill 24th Augt 1849

MY DEAR SIR, Politically I have nothing good to write. The appearance is, that Taylor's administration will prove a failure. I fear he is in the hands of the Northern Whigs, exclusively. In the meane time, the alienation between North and South is daily progressing. Benton and Clay are both playing for the North. I enclose in pamphlet form my notice of his1 assault on me. I would have sent it earlier, but only received it in that form, a few days since. It is, as far as I have heard regarded as triumphant. It is said, that he will not be able to sustain himself in Missouri. His colleague, Genl Atchison, says he has no chance to be reelected.

We are all anxious about the fate of Hungary, and the future condition of Europe. Write me in your next fully, what is your impression and the intelligent portion of Europe in reference to both. If Hungary should be able to maintain herself, the condition of Russia will become critical. What is to become of Germany and France?

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1 Benton's. See the letter of June 23, 1849.

SOURCE: J. Franklin Jameson, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1899, Volume II, Calhoun’s Correspondence: Fourth Annual Report of the Historical Manuscripts Commission, Correspondence of John C. Calhoun, p. 771-2

Thursday, September 21, 2023

Congressman Horace Mann, April 6 1850

APRIL 6, 1850.

Public affairs are looking worse here,―more dangerous for the cause of liberty than ever. The defection of Mr. Webster is dreadful! The Whigs and Free-soilers in Massachusetts are so hostile to each other, that, though the great body of them think alike on the most important subjects, they cannot act together. They fly from each other with hard words, instead of laboring together for the cause of the country.

Since Mr. Webster's speech, the tide of things is changed. The South have taken courage, and are pressing their schemes with renewed energy. Their old skill can hardly be improved.

Being the last bid for the Presidency, this speech of Mr. Webster's was the heaviest; but the other aspirants for the same object do not wish to be outdone or outbid, and so they are taking a strong Southern ground. I fear the cause will be lost. God grant that I may be mistaken!

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 299

Tuesday, July 25, 2023

Congressman Horace Mann to E. W. Clapp, February 6, 1850

WASHINGTON, Feb. 6, 1850.
E. W. CLAP, Esq.

MY DEAR SIR, . . . You must be entirely mistaken in your speculations. The Free-soil party, with the best principles to stand on that ever a political party had, well-nigh ruined themselves by   their injudicious conduct. But I am afraid the Whigs are behaving every whit as badly as they. Last Monday, a portion of the party gave the most insane votes that ever sane men gave. They voted down, or helped to vote down, not only the Wilmot Proviso, but the Declaration of Independence and the Ordinance of 1787. To be sure, they say they voted against these doctrines because they were brought forward by Root and Giddings for the mischievous purpose of embarrassment and party spite, and without any adequate cause. But I would not vote against such a measure if the Devil brought it forward. . . .

Yours very truly,

HORACE MANN.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 289-90

Congressman Horace Mann, March 8, 1850

March 8.

Mr. Webster spoke yesterday; and (can you believe it?) he is a fallen star!—Lucifer descending from heaven! We all had the greatest confidence in him. He has disappointed us all. Within a week, I have said, many times, that he had an historic character to preserve and maintain, which must be more to him than any temporary advantage. His intellectual life has been one great epic, and now he has given a vile catastrophe to its closing pages. He has walked for years among the gods, to descend from the empyrean heights, and mingle with mimes and apes! I am overwhelmed. There is a very strong feeling here among the Whigs of the New England delegation; and we shall do what we can still to uphold our cause.

It is a terrible battle. Not balls of lead or copper strike their victim down, but, I fear, those of gold, or what some men value more than gold,—the possession of office. But Mr. Webster never can be President of the United States; never, never! He will lose two friends at the North where he will gain one at the South.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 293

Sunday, July 23, 2023

Charles Sumner to William Jay, June 1, 1850

I am glad of your new appeal. Like everything from you, it is careful, logical, clear, and with a practical bearing on the times. I am inclined to believe with you that under the Constitution the duty of surrendering fugitive slaves is imposed upon the States; but there is great difficulty in assuming this point in the face of a solemn decision of the Supreme Court. If that decision were out of the way, I think it could be easily vindicated the States. Mr. Chase in his masterly speech has touched this point strongly.

You have doubtless read Webster's recent wicked letter.1 There is a diabolism in it beyond even that of his speech. He seeks to assimilate the cases of fugitives from justice and fugitive slaves under the Constitution; and because the former cannot claim the trial by jury where they are seized, “argal” slaves cannot ! But the Constitution, by its peculiar language, settles this point. Look at the express words of the two clauses. Here ex vi termini the question whether service or labor be due must be determined, as a condition precedent, before the person can be delivered up. Of course, this must be determined in the State where he is found, and not in that to which he may be transported.

The feeling against Webster among many of his old Whig partisans continues to hold out. At present it seems as if there must be another split in the Whig party here. The systematic efforts now making to suppress all discussion of this great question, the increasing malevolence towards the friends of freedom, and the treachery and apostasy of men, small as well as great, are in themselves most disheartening. Still, I know the cause is right, and as sure as God is God must prevail.
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1 To Citizens of Newburyport, May 15, 1850.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 216

Charles Sumner to Horace Mann, September 3, 1850

You do not reflect that there are many here who have been through similar experiences.1 My position has always been humble compared with yours; but I remember the time when two or three of the metropolitan papers never missed an opportunity to fling at me, and when the “Advertiser” and “Atlas” had elaborate articles often impugning even my character for veracity. One paper had at least six or seven articles, short and long, against me. At that moment I was surrounded by a large circle of persons calling themselves friends; not one of them stirred in my behalf. The “Atlas” and “Advertiser” were owned in part by persons among my friends. Several became personally hostile, and down to this day have not renewed their friendship. But I have lived through it; you will live through your trial also. You are not the first who has suffered in this cause; though your case happens to be now most prominent, as your character and position are most prominent.
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1 Mann was feeling keenly the personal attacks upon him made by the Compromise Whigs on account of his protests against Webster's recent course.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 217

Thursday, July 20, 2023

Willis P. Bocock to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, February 13, 1851

RICHMOND, [Va.], 13th February 1851.

MY DEAR SIR: Permit me to introduce to your acquaintance my esteemed friend Col[onel] Fuqua, a member of the Convention of Virginia from my old county of Buckingham, and a good and true democrat and southerner. He is one of the signers of the "Ebony line" letter and to him I refer you for his views with this only remark that whatever he may say you cannot better satisfy him than by Strict adherence to the principles that should guide a V[irgini]a Senator. Tell him what I have said.

I have no doubt that the signatures procured to that paper are in the main attributable to the influence and popularity of Beverly Tucker and Kennedy. They were over here and gave a supper to that end. Besides that a friend of theirs Hon. Mr. Chilton of Fauquier presented and when necessary pressed it on the members of the Convention. His good nature, their facility and a general and growing desire in V[irgini]a for some plan to remove the free negroes accounts for the number of signatures. While it was in Chilton's hands and after it had been presented to me I spoke of it in [the] presence of one or two members of [the] Convention. One of them I remember said he had signed it thoughtlessly and would go and have his name taken off. I have not had an opportunity to converse extensively on the subject, but I am decidedly of opinion and will add such is Goode's opinion, that you and your colleague should act upon the lights before you without reference to these signatures unless the more deliberate wishes of the legislature should be communicated.

I hope after 4th March and when you have paid a short visit home and seen the State of progress on your farm, unexampled in your experience as a farmer, you will come over to see your friends here and make yourself very agreeable to members of the Convention, but ́especially to the members of the Legislature.

A message for T. S. Bocock if you see him. The Whigs of his district in Convention assembled have, without any other name being before them, nominated the Rev. John Early D. D. as the Whig Candidate for the district. Harvey Irving is furious on it, and opinions are various as to the strength of the nominee. It is rather a formidable move, but in my opinion not invincible.

Mr. Wise is attempting to make a platform for the democracy in Virginia. A meeting was called last night perhaps you saw or heard of the call in the Enquirer. It was well attended. Mr. Wise moved for a committee, and I understand read resolutions. The Committee was appointed to report to an adjourned meeting Monday night next. I learn I am one of the Committee, I did not remain till they were named. The resolutions which Wise read take the ground of attachment to the Union and the rights of the States &c, submission to what has been done and opposition to dissolution for that cause, compliment to Pennsylvania and a promise, the other democratic states concurring, to sustain such candidate for the presidency as she may name, with an invitation to her to designate a candidate. He is of opinion there is a design to put Cass on us again whom he wont vote for. [He] is I believe for Buchannan, believes a national Convention Nomination impracticable, and thinks the Whigs will beat us unless we take the platform of Union from them. What think you all? I wish I could hear from our friends in Washington on the subject in time. This movement makes little favor here as far as I can gather, and is not agreeable to my own notions.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 124-6

Sunday, May 28, 2023

Congressman Horace Mann, January 11, 1850

We have been going the same rounds, in attempting to choose a Clerk, which occupied us three weeks before we chose a Speaker. It is most irksome business, and cuts away all the ties that bind me to office.

We have just this minute elected a Clerk from Tennessee. He is a Southerner, but as unobjectionable as any Southerner can be. He does not hold slaves; but he was once a member of Congress, and voted with the slave-party through and through. I have not voted for him at all, though he is a Whig. We had an exciting time at the close of the voting, and before the vote was declared. The Southern Democrats, seeing how near he was to being elected, came over to him one after another, and at last gave him just enough. That is the way. They are always more true to slavery than to Democracy. It is a good result; but I am rejoiced that I did not help to bring it about. During the whole voting, the Northern Whigs came round me, and some of our Massachusetts men too, and urged and besought me to change my vote. At one moment, when only one more vote was wanted, forty men turned bescechingly to my seat. I shook my head at them all; and at that moment a Southern man on the other side of the House jumped up, and changed his vote. This settled it.

SOURCE: Mary Tyler Peabody Mann, Life of Horace Mann, p. 286-7

Saturday, May 27, 2023

Charles Sumner to William Jay, March 23, 1850

I thank you very much for writing that letter on Mr. Webster's speech. It will be read extensively, and will do great good. You expose his inconsistency and turpitude in a manner that must sink into the souls of all who read what you have written. It must sink into the soul of the great apostate. Horace Mann writes that all the Northern Whigs out of the three great cities are against the speech, and will speak against it.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 213

Charles Sumner to George Sumner, April 15, 1850

It is evident that there will be a new Cabinet soon. I have for several weeks thought that Webster would be Secretary of State, but I have some reason now to doubt whether Taylor would take him. He wishes to get out of the Senate, and I think desires to be Secretary. He can hardly dare confront the people of Massachusetts at the next election, as he must do if he is a candidate for re-election. The disaffection towards him among leading Whigs of the North, particularly of Massachusetts, is very strong. To me his present position seems deplorable. With all his majestic powers, he is a traitor to a holy cause. Franklin Dexter says strongly that he has deliberately committed a crime.

SOURCE: Edward L. Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 214

Monday, May 22, 2023

William O. Goode to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, May 11, 1850

[BOYDTON, VA.], May 11, 1850.

DEAR HUNTER: I have to thank you for the copies of the speeches which you have sent me. Seward's "Execrable" is at hand! Your own speech had been eagerly read before I received the Pamphlet, and read I assure you with pride and satisfaction. In this part of the State, it is esteemed, the best effort which you have made. My individual opinion might accord equal merit to previous labours but I was proud of the last speech. The position which it assumes and to which you particularly directed my attention, I regard as indisputable, and resting at the foundation of the Social Compact. The Property of the Citizen is subject to taxation, and as an equivalent for this right surrendered to Society and by the Citizen. Society guarantees protection to property. They are just as much recognized equivalents, as Military service and protection of persons. We feel that the Federal Government exercises the power of Taxation, and we know of no political arrangement or process of just reasoning by which it can claim exemption from the obligation to protect. Property subjects itself to taxation and claims protection as an equivalent. The right to tax and obligation to protect are reciprocal terms and will only be controverted by those who would dispute the first principles of the social system. When I had written thus far I was interrupted and did not resume until my return from the District Convention. I wrote you a short and hasty note from Lawrenceville. I was called out in Convention before the Election of Delegates. I expressed the opinion that the Compromise projected by the Senate Com[mittee] as shadowed forth in the Newspapers, would be distructive of the South, that the South surrendered all and secured nothing. I supported this opinion by examination of the Subjects of Compromise, but expressed my readiness to take a compromise approved and recommended by Southern Members of Congress, because I trusted them as honorable men who would not sacrifice the honor of the South and property of the South.

I said in substance, California would be admitted with her present boundaries, not designed to be permanent, but contemplating a division and future erection of two free States, whose character was to be determined by the Casual Agency and usurped sovereignty of the present Adventurers, designedly fixing boundaries to include all the Land suited to Slaves &c. And I deprecated subjecting any part of Texas to future jurisdiction and action of freesoilers. I spoke perhaps more than an hour and awakened opposition to me. My election was opposed on the ground of my Ultraism and alledged desire for dissolution, which allegation is gratuitous. I do not desire dissolution. I expressed the apprehension, that California and the Territories in one Bill might command [a] small majority of the Senate without the Wilmot [Proviso]. In the House, they would be separated. Cal[iforni]a sent back to Senate, would pass without the Territories. After which Territories would be subjected to Wilmot [Proviso] or neglected. I lost nearly all the Anti Ultra Vote. I received nearly all the Democrats present with some Whigs. I lost [the] greater part of Whigs with a few Democrats. Petersburg was not represented (Meade's residence). All the Counties were represented.

I want you and Mason and Seddon, Meade and others to inform me fully of the prospect before us and furnish me all necessary documents. I shall prepare to leave home by 20 Inst. if necessary. I shall be delighted if the necessity can be superceded. I am obliged to be a little troublesome. You must talk with our friends especially those mentioned above and write me fully and immediately, and tell them especially Seddon and Mason, to do so too. I write in great haste, shall be exceedingly occupied for ten days. Do let me hear from you forthwith.

[P.S.] I expect to be in Rich[mon]d 20th Ins[tan]t: to go Southern Route.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 112-3

Senator Daniel Webster to Peter Harvey, Sunday Evening, January 27, 1850

Washington, January 27, 1850. Sunday evening.

MY DEAR SIR,—As to the surveyorship, I do not know whether Fletcher had not better starve than take it. It is a profitable office, but it is temporary. I fear he cannot discharge its duties without being drawn away from his profession; and, if that should be the case, what would become of him, when his office expires?

It is disagreeable, but not disreputable, to starve. And, to say truth, I do not wish to see him dependent for his bread on the income of a subordinate place in the custom-house would rather starve with him. Besides, General McNeil will hold on, and expect to be continued. He is poor, and has daughters to support. He is a wounded soldier; his father was a most excellent man, and was a subordinate under my father's command at the battle of Bennington. I do not want to have any hand in turning him out.

The President's message is rather better received by the Whigs here than it seems to be with you. In some particulars, certainly, it might have been better.

I am very glad that you are coming to New York, this week or next, and that we may expect to see you here, for a day or two. As Mrs. Harvey is coming as far as Philadelphia, you ought, by all means, to bring her to Washington. We have not, I wish we had, a house large enough to offer her a room; but if you will give me notice, I will look up a comfortable lodging, and Mrs. Webster will be most happy to do all in her power to make her comfortable. Bring her.

Yours, always truly,
DAN'L WEBSTER.

SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 352-3

Wednesday, May 3, 2023

Jefferson Davis to George W. Jones, February 9, 1839

West Warrenton Mi
9th Feby 1839
My dear Jones,

If I were a "whig" I should begin this letter by a Phillipic against Amos Kendall, in this, that your much valued favor of 16th Dec. '38 did not reach me until the news-papers had brought such intelligence as rendered it probable that my answer would not find you in Washington D. C. the further information received by me induced me to send this to your home, a place hallowed in my memory by associations of friendship and kindly feeling.

I will not pretend that I do not regret the decision of the House of Reps. in the Wisconsin Ty. case, yet my regrets are mitigated by the assurance that your interests will be advanced by your presence at home and that the happiness you will find in the midst of your amiable family will greatly exceed all you could have hoped for at Washington that hot bed of heartlessness and home of the world's worldly.

Although I have seen on former occasions a man's best feelings used as weapons of assault against him, I had not conceived that the disinterested sacrifice you made to support Mr. Cilley and the pain and difficulty you encountered because of your connection with that affair, could be arrayed against you, and I am glad to perceive that you have not recoiled with disgust from a constituency so little able to appreciate your motives.

Doty is too cunning to last long, and the "little man that writes for the news-papers" will probably find himself too poorly paid to play into his hand again

The President in refusing your appointment as Govr. of Iowa pursued the same shackled electioneering policy that caused him to call an Extra session of Congress and covered the financial part of his last message with the spirit of Banking, a policy which may divide the Democrats take from the banner under which the State right's men would have rallied to their aid, but can never propitiate Bank whigs or Federalists; as the head of the democratic party I wish him success, but he had sowed indecision, a plant not suited to the deep furrows ploughed by his predecessors. You perceive that when I write of politics I am out of my element and naturally slip back to seeding and ploughing about which I hope to talk with you all next summer.

It gave me much pleasure to hear that I was not forgotten by Dr. Linn1 and Mr. Allen2 I esteem them both, and I love the Doctor.—I have written to you I scarcely know about what but it all means I am interested in whatever concerns you and wish to hear from you often. My health is better than when we parted, and I hope to visit Sinsinawa next summer looking something less pale and yellow than when we met last winter

Present my remembrances and kindest regards to your Lady and believe me to be

most sincerely yr. friend
Jeffn. Davis
Geo. W. Jones
        Sinsinawa
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* George Wallace Jones (1804-1896), an American political leader, was born in Vincennes, Ind., April 12, 1804; was graduated from the Transylvania University in 1824, studied law and served as clerk of the U. S. District Court for Missouri in 1826-1827. He removed to Sinsinawa Mound, Michigan Territory (now Wisconsin), in 1827; served in the Black Hawk war on the staff of General Henry Dodge; was a Michigan delegate in Congress, 1835-1836, and a Wisconsin delegate, 1837-1839; Surveyor General of public lands for Wisconsin and Iowa from January 29, 1840, to July 4, 1841, and from January 3, 1846, to December, 1848; U. S. Senator from Iowa from December 7, 1848, to March 3, 1859; U. S. Minister to Bogota from March, 1859, to July, 1861. Shortly after his return from Bogota Jones was arrested in New York on a charge of disloyalty based on a friendly letter to Jefferson Davis and was imprisoned for sixty-four days in Fort Lafayette, when he was released by order of President Lincoln. He died in Dubuque, Iowa, July 22, 1896.

1 Lewis Fields Linn, United States Senator from Missouri, 1833-1843.

2 William Allen, United States Senator from Ohio, 1837-1849. 

SOURCE: Dunbar Rowland, Editor, Jefferson Davis, Constitutionalist: His Letters, Papers and Speeches, Volume 1, p. 2-4

Sunday, March 14, 2021

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, September 1, 1864

 Great is the professed enthusiasm of the Democrats over the doings at Chicago, as if it were not a matter of course. Guns are fired, public meetings held, speeches made with dramatic effect, but I doubt if the actors succeed even in deceiving themselves. Notwithstanding the factious and petty intrigues of some professed friends, a species of treachery which has lurked in others who are disappointed, and much mismanagement and much feeble management, I think the President will be reëlected, and I shall be surprised if he does not have a large majority.

At Chicago there were extreme partisans of every hue, —Whigs, Democrats, Know-Nothings, Conservatives, War men and Peace men, with a crowd of Secessionists and traitors to stimulate action, — all uniting as partisans, few as patriots. Among those present, there were very few influential names, or persons who had public confidence, but scoundrels, secret and open traitors of every color.

General Gillmore and Fox went yesterday to the front to see General Grant and try to induce him to permit a force to attack and close the port of Wilmington. It is, undoubtedly, the most important and effective demonstration that can be made. If of less prestige than the capture of Richmond, it would be as damaging to the Rebels.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 132-3

Thursday, February 11, 2021

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, August 27, 1864

Much party machinery is just at this time in motion. No small portion of it is a prostitution and abuse. The Whig element is venal and corrupt, to a great extent. I speak of the leaders of that party now associated with Republicans. They seem to have very little political principle; they have no belief in public virtue or popular intelligence; they have no self-reliance, no confidence in the strength of a righteous cause, little regard for constitutional restraint and limitations. Their politics and their ideas of government consist of expedients, and cunning management with the intelligent, and coercion and subornation of the less informed.

Mr. Wakeman, the postmaster at New York, with whom I am on very good terms, — for he is affable, insinuating, and pleasant, though not profound nor reliable, - a New York politician, has called upon me several times in relation to the Brooklyn Navy Yard. He is sent by Raymond, by Humphrey, by Campbell and others, and I presume Seward and Weed have also been cognizant of and advising in the matter. Raymond is shy of me. He evidently is convinced that we should not harmonize. Wakeman believes that all is fair and proper in party operations which can secure by any means certain success, and supposes that every one else is the same. Raymond knows that there are men of a different opinion, but considers them slow, incumbrances, stubborn and stupid, who cannot understand and will not be managed by the really ready and sharp fellows like himself who have resources to accomplish almost anything. Wakeman has been prompted and put forward to deal with me. He says we must have the whole power and influence of the government this coming fall, and if each Department will put forth its whole strength and energy in our favor we shall be successful. He had just called on Mr. Stanton at the request of our friends, and all was satisfactorily arranged with him. Had seen Mr. Fessenden and was to have another interview, and things were working well at the Treasury. Now, the Navy Department was quite as important as either, and he, a Connecticut man, had been requested to see me. There were things in the Navy Yard to be corrected, or our friends would not be satisfied, and the election in New York and the country might by remissness be endangered. This must be prevented, and he knew I would use all the means at my disposal to prevent it. He then read from a paper what he wanted should be done. It was a transcript of a document that had been sent me by Seward as coming from Raymond, for the management of the yard, and he complained of some proceedings that had given offense. Mr. Halleck, one of the masters, had gathered two or three hundred workmen together, and was organizing them with a view to raise funds and get them on the right track, but Admiral Paulding had interfered, broken up the meetings, and prohibited them from assembling in the Navy Yard in future.

I told him I approved of Paulding's course; that there ought to be no gathering of workmen in working hours and while under government pay for party schemes; and there must be no such gatherings within the limits of the yard at any time. That I would not do an act myself that I would condemn in an opponent. That such gatherings in the government yard were not right, and what was not right I could not do.

He was a little staggered by my words or manner, or both; insisted we could not succeed without doing these things, that other parties had done them, and we must; but he had full confidence I would do right and should tell them so when he returned.

Neither Wakeman nor those who sent him are aware that the course which he would pursue would and ought to destroy any party. No administration could justify and sustain itself that would misuse power and the public means as they propose. Such action would sooner or later destroy the government. Their measures would not stand the test of investigation, and would be condemned by the public judgment, if healthy. They are not republican but imperial.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 122-4 

Sunday, December 13, 2020

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, August 13, 1864

Had some talk with Senator Lot Morrill, who is a good deal excited, not to say alarmed. The slow progress of our armies, the mismanagement of military affairs exemplified in the recent raids, the factious and discontented spirit manifested by Wade, Winter Davis, and others, have generated a feeling of despondency in which he participates. Others express to me similar feelings.

There is no doubt a wide discouragement prevails, from the causes adverted to, and others which have contributed. A want of homogeneity exists among the old Whigs, who are distrustful and complaining. It is much more natural for them to denounce than to approve, — to pull down than to build up. Their leaders and their followers, to a considerable extent, have little confidence in themselves or their cause, and hence it is a ceaseless labor with them to assail the Administration of which they are professed supporters.

The worst specimens of these wretched politicians are in New York City and State, though they are to be found everywhere. There is not an honest, fair-dealing Administration journal in New York City. A majority of them profess to be Administration, and yet it is without sincerity. The New York Herald with a deservedly bad name, gives tone and direction to the New York press, particularly those of Whig antecedents and which profess to support the Administration. It is not, of course, acknowledged by them, nor are they conscious of the leadership, but it is nevertheless obvious and clear. When the Herald has in view to defame or put a mark upon a man, it commences and persists in its course against him. He may be the friend of the Tribune and Times. Of course, they do not at first assent to what is said by the Herald. Sometimes they will make a defense, — perhaps an earnest and strong one, but the Herald does not regard it and goes on attacking, ridiculing, abusing, and defaming. Gradually one of the journals gives way, echoes slightly the slanders of the Herald, and having once commenced, it follows up the work. The other journals, when things have proceeded to that length, also acquiesce. This is a truthful statement of the standing and course and conduct of the papers I have named.

The Times is a stipendiary sheet; its principal editor, Raymond, mercenary, possessing talent but a subservient follower of Weed and Seward. At present, the paper being in the hands of Thurlow Weed and sic, it will not for the campaign openly attack the President, who is the candidate. But it will, under the lead of the Herald, attack any and every member of the Cabinet but Seward, unless Seward through Weed restrains him.

The Tribune is owned by a company which really desired to give a fair support to the Administration, but Greeley, the editor, is erratic, unreliable, without stability, an enemy of the Administration because he hates Seward, a creature of sentiment or impulse, not of reason nor professed principle. Having gone to extremes in the measures that fermented and brought on this war, he would now go to extremes to quell it. I am prepared to see him acquiesce in a division of the Union, or the continuance of slavery, to accomplish his personal party schemes. There are no men or measures to which he will adhere faithfully. He is ambitious, talented, but not considerate, persistent, or profound.

The Evening Post is a journal of a different description and still retains some of its former character for ability and sense. Bryant, I am inclined to believe, means well, and of himself would do well. But he is getting on in years, and his son-in-law Godwin attempts to wield the political bludgeon. In him the mercenary and unscrupulous partisan is apparent. I was compelled to expose Henderson, the publisher, for malfeasance, and the commission before whom he was arraigned held him to bail for embezzlement. The Post blackguarded the witness, and Godwin said that if the Navy Department could afford to do without the Evening Post, the Evening Post could afford to do without the Navy Department. This Colonel Olcott tells me Godwin said to Wilson, the attorney for the Department.

These are the Administration journals in the city of New York. Thurlow Weed has control of the Evening Journal of Albany and to a considerable extent of the press of the State of Whig antecedents. He is sagacious, unscrupulous, has ability and great courage, with little honest principle, is fertile in resources, a keen party tactician, but cannot win respect and confidence, for he does not deserve them. For some time past he has been ingratiating himself with the Copperhead journals and leaders, and by his skill has made fools of their editors, but I apprehend has not fooled their leading managers. He evidently believes, not without reason, he is using them; they know they are using him; to some extent each may deceive the other. There is a feigned difference between him and Seward, or there has been, but no one is misled by it. Weed is indispensable to Seward and the master mind of the two. This is as well known to the Copperhead leaders as to any persons. Re cently Weed has been here and has had interviews with the President, to what purpose, whether of his own volition or by invitation, I have never inquired. I have noticed that Seward endeavors to impress on the President the value of Weed's opinion, especially in party matters.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 102-5

Tuesday, July 28, 2020

Brigadier-General James Edward Raines

Brigadier-General James Edward Rains, one of the many civilians who rose to high military command during the great war between the States, was born in Nashville, Tenn., in April, 1833. He was graduated at Yale in 1854, and then studied law. He became city attorney at Nashville in 1858, and attorney-general for his judicial district in 1860. In politics he was a Whig, and was for some time editor of the Daily Republican Banner. When the summons to war came, he enlisted in the Confederate army as a private, but was elected colonel of the Eleventh Tennessee infantry and commissioned May 10, 1861. The greater part of his service was in east Tennessee. During the winter of 1861-62 he commanded the garrison at Cumberland Gap. This position he held as long as it was possible to do so, repulsing several attempts of the enemy upon his lines. It was not until the 18th of June, 1862, that the Federals turned his position and rendered it untenable. Had this occurred earlier, east Tennessee would have been completely lost to the Confederates in 1862. But the forces which Kirby Smith was now gathering about Knoxville, in addition to those in the neighborhood of Cumberland Gap, made the Union occupation of that post almost a barren victory. When, in August, Smith advanced into Kentucky, he left Gen. Carter L. Stevenson with a strong division to operate against the Union general, Morgan, who was holding the gap with about 9,000 men. Colonel Rains commanded a brigade in Stevenson's division, and so efficient was his work that his name frequently appeared in both the Confederate and Union reports. Kirby Smith's success in Kentucky, and the steady pressure brought to bear upon Morgan by the Confederates, at last forced the Union commander to abandon Cumberland Gap and retreat through eastern Kentucky to the Ohio river. The efficient service rendered by Colonel Rains in all these movements was rewarded by a brigadier-general's commission, November 4, 1862. When Bragg was concentrating his army at Murfreesboro (November, 1862), after the return from the Kentucky campaign, the brigade of General Rains, composed of Stovall's and J. T. Smith's Georgia battalions, R. B. Vance's North Carolina regiment and the Eleventh Tennessee under Colonel Gordon, was ordered to that point and assigned to the division of General McCown, serving in Hardee's corps. In the brilliant charges made by this corps in the battle of December 31, 1862, by which the whole Federal right was routed and tent back upon the center, with immense loss in killed, wounded, prisoners and guns, McCown's division bore an illustrious part. But, as in all great battles is to be expected, the division lost many brave men and gallant officers. Among the killed was Brigadier-General Rains, who fell shot through the heart as he was advancing with His men against a Federal battery. He left to his family, to his native State and to the South the precious legacy of a noble name.

SOURCE: James D. Porter, Confederate Military History, Volume VIII. Tennessee, p. 329-31

Wednesday, January 29, 2020

John Forsyth Jr.* to Howell Cobb, November 10, 1848

Columbus, Geo., Nov. 10th, 1848.

Dear Sir: The disastrous defeat which the Democracy has just suffered makes it necessary for me to attempt to carry out a wish I have long cherished. It is to pursue my editorial profession in a field of wider influence and greater profit than can be attained in this nook of country. My preference is for Washington, the focus of political intelligence and influence, and my desire is to be connected with the organ of the Democracy in that city.

It has occurred to me that the egress of Mr. Hein from the Union office, or perhaps the declining years of the father of the press, Mr. Ritchie himself, might afford the opening I desire. Personally unacquainted with Mr. Ritchie and knowing that your relations with him are near if not intimate and confidential, I have taken the liberty of addressing you this letter to enquire, first if you can now give me the information I desire; or second if you cannot, to request you if you think proper, to make the necessary enquiries for me and pave the way for a correspondence with Washington on the subject.

Two years ago in Mexico my friend Col. H. R. Jackson and myself indulged ourselves in some dreamy plans and speculations of some joint and future arrangement of this sort. If your reply should lead me to hope that my hopes can be compassed I propose to invite him to embark with me in the undertaking.

A flood of terrible political news has been pouring in upon [us] with lightning speed since the great battle day. We are beaten at all points and have truly “lost all but our honor.” My presages for the future looking to the country (not to party) are gloomy enough. I foresee that the South has to submit to the degradation by exclusion from a joint domain, or push resistance to the verge if not over the verge of revolution of the Government.

The Whigs in our streets are even now preparing excuses for Gen. Taylor, in the event that he “holds his hand” when “the Proviso” is presented to him. The party will uphold him in it.

But enough of politics. We have both “supped full” of it, this week and you are ready to exclaim, Parce, puer, jam satis!
_______________

* A Democratic newspaper editor at Columbus, Ga.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 136