William T. Sherman to Thomas Ewing Jr., May 11, 1860

LOUISIANA STATE SEMINARY of Learning and Military Academy,        

Alexandria, May 11, 1860.

DEAR TOM: I have received one or two Leavenworth papers reminding me of the place, which I have read with interest, and I see that you and McCook¹ are still at work. I hope business goes prosperously; I suppose the Democratic Party does not love Kansas or its memory, and that some pretext will be sought out and found to keep her out of the Union till after the presidential election. The adjournment of the Convention in Charleston without a platform or nomination looks like a break up of the Democratic Party, and I have my fears of the consequences.

I know that our general government has not the moral or physical power to subdue a rebellion, and should one be attempted by Alabama, South Carolina or other extreme states I fear the consequences. Of course I would advocate the policy of force, for if a state may at its pleasure withdraw, leaving a gap in the seacoast or frontier, the government would not be worth preserving.

People here are somewhat troubled, they regard the Republican Party as hostile to their paramount interests, and their politicians might stir them up to resistance in the case of the election of an extreme Republican. I hope that party will [not] nominate Seward, but take up some man as McLean or Bates, who though Republicans are moderate men. I suppose your political success being based on the Republican success you will go in heart and hand to sustain the Chicago nominee, be he whom he may. John is of course committed beyond hope. That the physical and political power remains with the North is now manifest, but I hope that moderate counsels will prevail until that fact be more fixed and conceded.

I am getting along here very well, we have sixty-two cadets. Vacation is fixed for August 20 to November 1. I think I shall go for Ellen in September and return in October. I have just contracted for a good house to be built by October 15. Our institution is acting up to the expectations of the most sanguine, and the belief is that next year we will have one hundred fifty a number about as great as we can accommodate.

Thus far with the exception of a couple of weeks in April our weather is cool and pleasant. I still wear woolen clothes and sleep under a pair of blankets, but this is unusual and the crops, sugar, cotton, and corn are very backward. . .

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¹ Ewing and McCook were former law partners of Sherman. – ED.

SOURCE: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 212-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, April 17, 1865

I was actively engaged in bringing forward business which had been interrupted and suspended, issuing orders, and in arranging for the funeral solemnities of President Lincoln. Secretary Seward and his son continue in a low condition, and Mr. Fred Seward's life is precarious.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 291

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, April 19, 1865

The funeral on Wednesday, the 19th, was imposing, sad, and sorrowful. All felt the solemnity, and sorrowed as if they had lost one of their own household. By voluntary action business was everywhere suspended, and the people crowded the streets.

The Cabinet met by arrangement in the room occupied by the President at the Treasury. We left a few minutes before meridian so as to be in the East Room at precisely twelve o'clock, being the last to enter. Others will give the details.

I rode with Stanton in the procession to the Capitol. The attendance was immense. The front of the procession reached the Capitol, it was said, before we started, and there were as many, or more, who followed us. A brief prayer was made by Mr. Gurley in the rotunda, where we left the remains of the good and great man we loved so well. Returning, I left Stanton, who was nervous and full of orders, and took in my carriage President Johnson and Preston King, their carriage having been crowded out of place. Coming down Pennsylvania Avenue after this long detention, we met the marching procession in broad platoons all the way to the Kirkwood House on Twelfth Street.

There were no truer mourners, when all were sad, than the poor colored people who crowded the streets, joined the procession, and exhibited their woe, bewailing the loss of him whom they regarded as a benefactor and father. Women as well as men, with their little children, thronged the streets, sorrow, trouble, and distress depicted on their countenances and in their bearing. The vacant holiday expression had given way to real grief. Seward, I am told, sat up in bed and viewed the procession and hearse of the President, and I know his emotion. Stanton, who rode with me, was uneasy and left the carriage four or five times.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 292-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, April 14, 1865

Last night there was a general illumination in Washington, fireworks, etc. To-day is the anniversary of the surrender of Sumter, and the flag is to be raised by General Anderson.

General Grant was present at the meeting of the Cabinet to-day, and remained during the session. The subject was the relations of the Rebels, the communications, the trade, etc. Stanton proposed that intercourse should be opened by his issuing an order, that the Treasury would give permits to all who wished them to trade, excluding contraband, and he, Stanton, would order the vessels to be received into any port. I suggested that it would be better that the President should issue a proclamation stating and enjoining the course to be pursued by the several Departments.

McCulloch expressed a willingness to be relieved of the Treasury agents. General Grant expressed himself very decidedly against them; thought them demoralizing, etc. The President said we, i. e. the Secretaries of Treasury, War, and Navy, had given the subject more attention than he had and he would be satisfied with any conclusion we would unite upon. I proposed to open the whole coast to any one who wished to trade, and who had a regular clearance and manifest, and was entitled to a coast license. Stanton thought it should not extend beyond the military lines. General Grant thought they might embrace all this side of the Mississippi.

Secretary Stanton requested the Cabinet to hear some remarks which he desired to make, and to listen to a proposition or ordinance which he had prepared with much care and after a great deal of reflection, for reconstruction in the Rebel States. The plan or ordinance embraced two distinct heads, one for asserting the Federal authority in Virginia, the other for reëstablishing a State government. The first struck me favorably, with some slight emendations; the second seemed to me objectionable in several essentials, and especially as in conflict with the principles of self-government which I deem essential. There was little said on the subject, for the understanding was that we should each be furnished with a copy for criticism and suggestion, and in the mean time we were requested by the President to deliberate and carefully consider the proposition. He remarked that this was the great question now before us, and we must soon begin to act. Was glad Congress was not in session.

I objected that Virginia occupied a different position from that of any other State in rebellion; that while regular State governments were to be established in other States, whose Secession governments were nullities and would not be recognized, Virginia had a skeleton organization which she had maintained through the War, which government we had recognized and still recognized; that we to-day acknowledged Peirpoint as the legitimate Governor of Virginia. He had been elected by only a few border counties, it was true; had never been able to enforce his authority over but a small portion of the territory or population; nevertheless we had recognized and sustained him.

The President said the point was well taken. Governor Dennison said he thought we should experience little difficulty from Peirpoint. Stanton said none whatever.

I remarked the fact was not to be controverted that we had treated with the existing government and could not ignore our own acts. The President and a portion of the Cabinet had, in establishing the new State of West Virginia, recognized the validity of the government of Virginia and of Peirpoint's administration, which had given its assent to that division. Without that consent no division could legally have taken place. I had differed with others in that matter, but consistency and the validity of our own act required us to continue to acknowledge the existing government. It was proper we should enforce the Federal authority, and it was proper we should aid Governor Peirpoint, whose government was recognized and established. In North Carolina a legal government was now to be organized and the State reëstablished in her proper relations to the Union.

Inquiry had been made as to army news on the first meeting of the Cabinet, and especially if any information had been received from Sherman. None of the members had heard anything, and Stanton, who makes it a point to be late, and who has the telegraph in his Department, had not arrived. General Grant, who was present, said he was hourly expecting word. The President remarked it would, he had no doubt, come soon, and come favorable, for he had last night the usual dream which he had preceding nearly every great and important event of the War. Generally the news had been favorable which succeeded this dream, and the dream itself was always the same. I inquired what this remarkable dream could be. He said it related to your (my) element, the water; that he seemed to be in some singular, indescribable vessel, and that he was moving with great rapidity towards an indefinite shore; that he had this dream preceding Sumter, Bull Run, Antietam, Gettysburg, Stone River, Vicksburg, Wilmington, etc. General Grant said Stone River was certainly no victory, and he knew of no great results which followed from it. The President said however that might be, his dream preceded that fight.¹

“I had,” the President remarked, “this strange dream again last night, and we shall, judging from the past, have great news very soon. I think it must be from Sherman. My thoughts are in that direction, as are most of yours.

I write this conversation three days after it occurred, in consequence of what took place Friday night, and but for which the mention of this dream would probably have never been noted. Great events did, indeed, follow, for within a few hours the good and gentle, as well as truly great, man who narrated his dream closed forever his earthly career.

I had retired to bed about half past-ten on the evening of the 14th of April, and was just getting asleep when Mrs. Welles, my wife, said some one was at our door. Sitting up in bed, I heard a voice twice call to John, my son, whose sleeping-room was on the second floor directly over the front entrance. I arose at once and raised a window, when my messenger, James Smith, called to me that Mr. Lincoln, the President, had been shot, and said Secretary Seward and his son, Assistant Secretary Frederick Seward, were assassinated. James was much alarmed and excited. I told him his story was very incoherent and improbable, that he was associating men who were not together and liable to attack at the same time. “Where," I inquired, “was the President when shot?" James said he was at Ford's Theatre on 10th Street. "Well," said I, “Secretary Seward is an invalid in bed in his house yonder on 15th Street." James said he had been there, stopped in at the house to make inquiry before alarming me.

I immediately dressed myself, and, against the earnest remonstrance and appeals of my wife, went directly to Mr. Seward's, whose residence was on the east side of the square, mine being on the north. James accompanied me. As we were crossing 15th Street, I saw four or five men in earnest consultation, standing under the lamp on the corner by St. John's Church. Before I had got half across the street, the lamp was suddenly extinguished and the knot of persons rapidly dispersed. For a moment and but a moment I was disconcerted to find myself in darkness, but, recollecting that it was late and about time for the moon to rise, I proceeded on, not having lost five steps, merely making a pause without stopping. Hurrying forward into 15th Street, I found it pretty full of people, especially so near the residence of Secretary Seward, where there were many soldiers as well as citizens already gathered.

Entering the house, I found the lower hall and office full of persons, and among them most of the foreign legations, all anxiously inquiring what truth there was in the horrible rumors afloat. I replied that my object was to ascertain the facts. Proceeding through the hall to the stairs, I found one, and I think two, of the servants there holding the crowd in check. The servants were frightened and appeared relieved to see me. I hastily asked what truth there was in the story that an assassin or assassins had entered the house and assaulted the Secretary. They said it was true, and that Mr. Frederick was also badly injured. They wished me to go up, but no others. At the head of the first stairs I met the elder Mrs. Seward, who was scarcely able to speak but desired me to proceed up to Mr. Seward's room. I met Mrs. Frederick Seward on the third story, who, although in extreme distress, was, under the circumstances, exceedingly composed. I asked for the Secretary's room, which she pointed out, — the southwest room. As I entered, I met Miss Fanny Seward, with whom I exchanged a single word, and proceeded to the foot of the bed. Dr. Verdi and, I think, two others were there. The bed was saturated with blood. The Secretary was lying on his back, the upper part of his head covered by a cloth, which extended down over his eyes. His mouth was open, the lower jaw dropping down. I exchanged a few whispered words with Dr. V. Secretary Stanton, who came after but almost simultaneously with me, made inquiries in a louder tone till admonished by a word from one of the physicians. We almost immediately withdrew and went into the adjoining front room, where lay Frederick Seward. His eyes were open but he did not move them, nor a limb, nor did he speak. Doctor White, who was in attendance, told me he was unconscious and more dangerously injured than his father.

As we descended the stairs, I asked Stanton what he had heard in regard to the President that was reliable. He said the President was shot at Ford's Theatre, that he had seen a man who was present and witnessed the occurrence. I said I would go immediately to the White House. Stanton told me the President was not there but was at the theatre. “Then,” said I, “let us go immediately there.” He said that was his intention, and asked me, if I had not a carriage, to go with him. In the lower hall we met General Meigs,² whom he requested to take charge of the house, and to clear out all who did not belong there. General Meigs begged Stanton not to go down to 10th Street; others also remonstrated against our going. Stanton, I thought, hesitated. Hurrying forward, I remarked that I should go immediately, and I thought it his duty also. He said he should certainly go, but the remonstrants increased and gathered round him. I said we were wasting time, and, pressing through the crowd, entered the carriage and urged Stanton, who was detained by others after he had placed his foot on the step. I was impatient. Stanton, as soon as he had seated himself, turned round, rose partly, and said the carriage was not his. I said that was no objection. He invited Meigs to go with us, and Judge Cartter of the Supreme Court³ mounted with the driver. At this moment Major Eckert⁴ rode up on horseback beside the carriage and protested vehemently against Stanton's going to 10th Street; said he had just come from there, that there were thousands of people of all sorts there, and he considered it very unsafe for the Secretary of War to expose himself. I replied that I knew not where he would be more safe, and that the duty of both of us was to attend the President immediately. Stanton concurred. Meigs called to some soldiers to go with us, and there was one on each side of the carriage. The streets were full of people. Not only the sidewalk but the carriage-way was to some extent occupied, all or nearly all hurrying towards 10th Street. When we entered that street we found it pretty closely packed.

The President had been carried across the street from the theatre, to the house of a Mr. Peterson. We entered by ascending a flight of steps above the basement and passing through a long hall to the rear, where the President lay extended on a bed, breathing heavily. Several surgeons were present, at least six, I should think more. Among them I was glad to observe Dr. Hall, who, however, soon left. I inquired of Dr. H., as I entered, the true condition of the President. He replied the President was dead to all intents, although he might live three hours or perhaps longer.

The giant sufferer lay extended diagonally across the bed, which was not long enough for him. He had been stripped of his clothes. His large arms, which were occasionally exposed, were of a size which one would scarce have expected from his spare appearance. His slow, full respiration lifted the clothes with each breath that he took. His features were calm and striking. I had never seen them appear to better advantage than for the first hour, perhaps, that I was there. After that, his right eye began to swell and that part of his face became discolored.

Senator Sumner was there, I think, when I entered. If not he came in soon after, as did Speaker Colfax, Mr. Secretary McCulloch, and the other members of the Cabinet, with the exception of Mr. Seward. A double guard was stationed at the door and on the sidewalk, to repress the crowd, which was of course highly excited and anxious. The room was small and overcrowded. The surgeons and members of the Cabinet were as many as should have been in the room, but there were many more, and the hall and other rooms in the front or main house were full. One of these rooms was occupied by Mrs. Lincoln and her attendants, with Miss Harris. Mrs. Dixon and Mrs. Kinney came to her about twelve o'clock. About once an hour Mrs. Lincoln would repair to the bedside of her dying husband and with lamentation and tears remain until overcome by emotion.

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¹ General Grant interrupted to say Stone River was no victory, — that a few such fights would have ruined us. The President looked at Grant curiously and inquiringly; said they might differ on that point, and at all events his dream preceded it. This was the first occasion I had to notice Grant's jealous nature. In turning it over in my mind at a later period, I remembered that Rawlins had been sent to Washington to procure action against General McClernand at Vicksburg. Later there was jealousy manifested towards General Thomas and others who were not satellites. - G. W.

² Montgomery C. Meigs, Quartermaster-General.

³ That is, of the Supreme Court of the District of Columbia.

⁴ Maj. T. T. Eckert, Assistant Superintendent of the Military Telegraph.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 280-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, April 5, 1865

We get no particulars of the surrender of Richmond, of the losses and casualties, of the time and circumstances of the evacuation. On Sunday afternoon Lee sent word to Davis that they were doomed, and advised his immediate departure. With heavy hearts and light luggage the leaders left at once.

Mr. Seward read to Mr. McCulloch and myself a proclamation which he had prepared for the President to sign, closing the ports to foreign powers, in the Rebel States. He and myself have had several conversations for the last two or three months on this subject. The time had arrived when it seemed to him proper to issue it, and unless the President returned forthwith it was, he thought, advisable that he, Mr. Seward, should go to Richmond and see him. He could also communicate with the President on the subject of payment of requisitions of the Navy and War Departments. Accordingly, a telegram was prepared and sent to the President, and Seward, anticipating that the President would remain a few days longer, made preparations to leave by procuring the promise of a revenue cutter to convey him. He is filled with anxiety to see the President, and these schemes are his apology.

Within half an hour after parting from Mr. Seward, his horses ran away with the carriage in which he was taking a ride, he jumped from the vehicle, was taken up badly injured, with his arm and jaw broken, and his head and face badly bruised.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 275

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, April 10, 1865

At day-dawn a salute of several guns was fired. The first discharge proclaimed, as well as words could have done, the capture of Lee and his army. The morning papers detailed the particulars. The event took place yesterday, and the circumstances will be narrated in full elsewhere.

The tidings were spread over the country during the night, and the nation seems delirious with joy. Guns are firing, bells ringing, flags flying, men laughing, children cheering; all, all are jubilant. This surrender of the great Rebel captain and the most formidable and reliable army of the Secessionists virtually terminates the Rebellion. There may be some marauding, and robbing and murder by desperadoes, but no great battle, no conflict of armies, after the news of yesterday reaches the different sections. Possibly there may be some stand in Texas or at remote points beyond the Mississippi.

Called on the President, who returned last evening, looking well and feeling well. Signed the proclamation closing the Southern ports. Seemed gratified that Seward and myself were united in the measure, remembering, I think, without mentioning, the old difference.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 278

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, April 12, 1865

The President to-day issued a proclamation excluding after a reasonable time the naval vessels of those powers which deny hospitality to our ships, in other words applying the principle of reciprocity. This rule I have long since urged upon the Secretary of State, but he has halted, put it off, and left us to put up with the insolence of the petty officials of John Bull. But we shall now assert our rights and, I hope, maintain them.

The President addressed a multitude who called upon him last evening in a prepared speech disclosing his views on the subject of resumption of friendly national relations.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 279

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, March 20, 1865

Seward sends me a half-scary letter from Sanford, who is in Paris, that Page intends coming out of Ferrol and fighting the Niagara. I do not believe it, though, were Page a desperate and fighting man, it would be probable. But Page wants power. Not unlikely his associates have come to the conclusion that there is no alternative, and that he must make up his mind to fight. Under this stimulant he may do so, but I have my doubts.

Craven is a good officer, though a little timid and inert by nature. The occasion is a great one for him and will rouse his energies. I wish he had smooth-bores instead of rifles on his vessel, provided they have a conflict; wish he was more of a rifle himself.

I apprehend Seward has been cheated and humbugged in regard to this vessel by the Rebels and the French, and I am not satisfied with the part Denmark has played. Our Minister does not appear to have been efficient in the matter, or if so, it has not been disclosed. The State Department is mum, troubled.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 261

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, March 27, 1865

Immediately after the capture of Charleston, it was suggested at one of the Cabinet-meetings, by Dennison and Speed, that we should go either on the anniversary of the fall of Sumter and raise again the old flag. I declined to be a party in such a movement, as Sumter was already taken and the flag had been raised on its ruins. But others, I see, have taken a different view, and Stanton with a party is to go to Charleston for the purpose indicated. Without having heard a word from Seward, I shall expect him to work into the party. He likes fuss and parade; is already preparing his speech.

Ordered to-day the Wyoming to the East Indies. Had dispatches on Saturday from Craven, who is on the Niagara watching the Rebel ironclad Stonewall at Corunna. He says he is “in an unenviable and embarrassing position.” There are many of our best naval officers who think he has an enviable position, and they would make sacrifices to obtain it. Perhaps Craven will fight well, though his language is not bold and defiant, nor his sentiments such as will stimulate his crew. It is an infirmity. Craven is intelligent, and disciplines his ship well, I am told, but his constant doubts and misgivings impair his usefulness.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 267

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, March 29, 1865

The Secretary of State has written me, requesting that J. P. Hale, recently appointed Minister to Spain, should be sent out in a public ship. I have written him in reply that it cannot be done without much inconvenience and expense; that it would be better to send out a purchased steamer with cabin room than to attempt to crowd him and suite on board a man-of-war. The whole scheme is petty foolishness, an attempt on the part of Seward to ingratiate himself with the Abolitionists, whom he privately denounces and ridicules. It is one of those small meannesses which aspiring and not over-scrupulous men sometimes resort to. A shameful prostitution, waste, and wrong.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 268-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, March 30, 1865

The President still remains with the army. Seward yesterday left to join him. It was after I saw him, for he was then expecting the President would return last evening or this morning. Stanton, who was present, remarked that it was quite as pleasant to have the President away, that he (Stanton) was much less annoyed. Neither Seward nor myself responded. As Seward left within less than three hours after this interview, I think the President must have telegraphed for him, and, if so, I come to the conclusion that efforts are again being made for peace.

I am by no means certain that this irregular proceeding and importunity by the Executive is the wisest course. Yet the President has much shrewdness and sagacity. He has been apprehensive that the military men are not very solicitous to close hostilities, — fears our generals will exact severe terms.

Mr. Faxon left this p.m. for Connecticut. His absence and that of Mr. Fox and Edgar will make my labors exceedingly arduous for the next fortnight, for Faxon will not return until week after next, and the others the week following.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 269

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, March 2, 1865

Had a houseful of visitors to witness the inauguration. Speaker Colfax is grouty because Mrs. Welles has not called on his mother, — a piece of etiquette which Seward says is proper. I doubt it, but Seward jumps to strange conclusions.

Hale, as I expected he would, made an assault on Fox's appendix to my reply, and denounces it as egotistical autobiography, and is determined it shall not be printed. The poor fellow seems not aware that he is advertising and drawing attention to what he would suppress.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 250-1

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, March 4, 1865

Was at the Capitol last night until twelve. All the Cabinet were present with the President. As usual, the time passed very pleasantly. Chief Justice Chase came in and spent half an hour. Later in the night I saw him in the Senate. Speed says Chase leaves the Court daily to visit the Senate, and is full of aspirations. I rode from the Capitol home at midnight with Seward. He expressed himself more unreservedly and warmly against Chase than I have ever heard him before.

The inauguration took place to-day. There was great want of arrangement and completeness in the ceremonies. All was confusion and without order, — a jumble.

The Vice-President elect made a rambling and strange harangue, which was listened to with pain and mortification by all his friends. My impressions were that he was under the influence of stimulants, yet I know not that he drinks. He has been sick and is feeble; perhaps he may have taken medicine, or stimulants, or his brain from sickness may have been overactive in these new responsibilities. Whatever the cause, it was all in very bad taste.

The delivery of the inaugural address, the administering of the oath, and the whole deportment of the President were well done, and the retiring Vice-President appeared to advantage when contrasted with his successor, who has humiliated his friends. Speed, who sat at my left, whispered me that “all this is in wretched bad taste”; and very soon he said, “The man is certainly deranged.” I said to Stanton, who was on my right, “Johnson is either drunk or crazy.” Stanton replied, “There is evidently something wrong.” Seward says it was emotion on returning and revisiting the Senate; that he can appreciate Johnson's feelings, who was much overcome. I hope Seward is right, but don't entirely concur with him. There is, as Stanton says, something wrong. I hope it is sickness.

The reception at the President's this evening was a crowded affair, — not brilliant, as the papers say it was. In some respects the arrangement was better than heretofore for the Cabinet gentlemen and their families, but there is room for much improvement. Such was the crowd that many were two hours before obtaining entrance after passing through the gates. When I left, a little before eleven, the crowd was still going in.

The day has been fatiguing and trying. The morning was rainy. Soon after noon the clouds disappeared and the day was beautiful; the streets dreadful.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 251-2

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, March 6, 1865

The weather continues to be fine. Thousands have left the city, which is still crowded. The inauguration ball of this evening is a great attraction, particularly to the young. Seward has sent to me a request to attend, and Dennison desires it. I have no desire to go, but my family have, as well as my associates.

Current business at Department has accumulated, and the day has been one of unceasing application. Did not leave Department until after five o'clock. McCulloch's name was sent in to-day for the Treasury. I fear he wants political knowledge and experience, though as a financier he may not be unequal to the position; but will not prejudge him. He has been a successful banker, and that seems to have furnished the argument for his appointment. It by no means follows, however, that a successful banker, good at business details and accumulating interest, is able to strike out and establish the policy of the nation in regard to its currency and finance. He may have these essential financial qualities, but I do not think they entered into the considerations which led to his selection.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 252-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, March 7, 1865

The meeting at the Cabinet was interesting, the topics miscellaneous. Vice-President Johnson's infirmity was mentioned. Seward's tone and opinions were much changed since Saturday. He seems to have given up Johnson now, but no one appears to have been aware of any failing. I trust and am inclined to believe it a temporary ailment, which may, if rightly treated, be overcome.

Chief Justice Chase spent an hour with the President last evening, and is urging upon him to exempt sundry counties in eastern Virginia from the insurrectionary proclamation. He did not make his object explicit to the President, but most of the Cabinet came, I think, to the conclusion that there was an ulterior purpose not fully disclosed.

It is obvious that Chase has his aspirations stimulated. This movement he considers adroit. By withdrawing military authority and restoring civil jurisdiction he accomplishes sundry purposes. It will strike a blow at State individuality and break down Virginia, already by his aid dismembered and divided. It will be a large stride in the direction of the theory of the radicals, who are for reducing old States to a Territorial condition. It is centralizing, to which he has become a convert; [it] will give the Chief Justice an opportunity to exercise his authority on questions of habeas corpus, military arrests, etc.

The Chief Justice had also certain views on the present condition of the blockade, and took occasion to inform the President that his original opinion, which corresponded with mine, had undergone quite a modification; that he is now satisfied that closing the ports by a public or international blockade was better than to have closed them by legislative enactment or executive order, in effect a municipal regulation. Artful dodger. Unstable and unreliable. When Speed made some inquiry on these matters, the President stated “it related to one of the early and most unpleasant differences we had ever had in Cabinet.” It was one of the subjects that made me distrust and doubt Chase, who, while fully assenting to my opinions in our private conversations, did not vigorously sustain me in a Cabinet discussion.

The Spanish mission being vacant, it was asked if any of the number wished it. Whether it was intended as a polite tender to Usher I know not, or to any other, but I think not to any one but Usher, and perhaps not to him. This mission is a sort of plaything in the hands of Seward. The truth is, there is little utility in these legations near the governments of foreign potentates, but they are convenient places for favorites or troublesome fellows who are to be sent away.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 253-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, March 11, 1865

Mr. Eames tells me the Court has decided adversely in the matter of cotton captured by the Navy on the Red River. I perceive that the Court is adjudicating on the Treasury regulations and policy of the Chief Justice.

John P. Hale has been nominated and confirmed as Minister to Spain, a position for which he is eminently unfit. This is Seward's doings, the President assenting. But others are also in fault. I am told by Seward, who is conscious it is an improper appointment, that a majority of the Union Senators recommended him for the French mission, for which they know he has no qualifications, address, nor proper sense to fill. Some of the Senators protested against his receiving the mission to France, but Seward says they acquiesced in his going to Spain. I am satisfied that Seward is playing a game with this old hack. Hale has been getting pay from the War Department for various jobs, and S. thinks he is an abolition leader.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 255

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, March 14, 1865

The President was some indisposed and in bed, but not seriously ill. The members met in his bedroom. Seward had a paper for excluding blockade-runners and persons in complicity with the Rebels from the country.

John P. Hale's appointment to Spain was brought up. Seward tried to gloss it over. Wanted Hale to call and see me and make friends with Fox. Hale promised he would, and Seward thought he might get a passage out in a government vessel.

The capture and destruction of a large amount of tobacco at Fredericksburg has created quite a commotion. It was a matter in which many were implicated. Several have called on me to get permission to pass the blockade or have a gunboat to convoy them. One or more have brought a qualified pass from the President. Colonel Segar, the last of them, was very importunate. I told him, as I have all others, that I should not yield in this matter; that I was opposed on principle to the whole scheme of special permits to trade and had been from the time that Chase commenced it; that I was no believer in the policy of trading with public enemies, carrying on war and peace at the same time. Chase was the first to broach and introduce this corrupting and demoralizing scheme, and I have no doubt he expected to make political capital by it. His course in this matter does much to impair my confidence in him. It was one of many not over scrupulous intrigues. Fessenden followed in the footsteps of Chase, not from any corrupt motives, nor for any political or personal aspirations, but in order to help him in financial matters. He had a superficial idea that cotton would help him get gold, — that he must get cotton to promote trade and equalize exchange.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 257-8

Mrs. Mary Duncan to Abraham Lincoln, May 24, 1863

His Excellency Abraham Lincoln

President of the United States.

My Dear Sir.

Before stating my case — permit me to introduce myself to you on paper — as a Northern woman, — wife of Henry P. Duncan of Mississippi & daughter-in-law to Dr Stephen Duncan. We have all been & are devotedly loyal. & when I inform you that my husband has had to conceal himself on various occasions — to avoid arrest & imprisonment for his well-known loyalty — & that Mr Davis issued orders for my arrest — I shall probably have said enough in sign & token of our Unionism, although — if further evidence be required — I can refer you to Mr Seward, — Genl Halleck, Gen Grant, — Admiral Porter, — Mr Thurlow Weed, Mr Alex. Hamilton, Mr George Schuyler, & any number of influential & trust-worthy persons.— So much, then, for our claims on the protection & justice of our rulers!—

Owing to the conflicting authority on the Mississippi river — the “protection papers” given us (as well known loyalists) by Genl Grant & the Admiral have been rendered null & void. & while one party violated said papers in the name of the “Treasury De'pt” — (taking books, curtains, & all they wanted) certain officers (acting under orders from Genl Thomas) have forcibly seized & impressed our remaining male negroes. (saving some few who saved themselves by concealment or flight) & carried them off for service either as laborers or soldiers. — informing my husband “that all blacks thus impressed would be permitted to return to the estates to visit their families”! Thus — Genl Grant's authority — & Gen Halleck's orders — are entirely cancelled. & if Mr Chase can seize all cotton, — Genl Thomas seize all negroes, (despite their freedom & our wages) & if armed blacks can roam over the property at pleasure, may I ask, My Dear Sir, in what shape “protection” is to come? We have (in the Duncan family) nine plantations (about ninety miles above Vicksburg) on the Mississippi river. & owing to the depredations of the Union troops, — & the enormous loss in negroes — millions would hardly cover our losses. consequently it is somewhat natural that we should ask — due protection for the fragment that remains of a once princely fortune. It seems rather hard, too, that — as recognized Unionists — we should be made to suffer so peculiarly. & while anyone hiring our estate from Genl Thomas — can obtain negro labour, & all needful supplies & provisions — no loyal citizen (who has perilled his life for loyaltys sake) is permitted to purchase one pound of food for his starving laborers — or hire his own freed blacks. neither are they given any choice of masters. but impressed to make cotton for speculating strangers, — or forced into military service. This injustice to Unionists speaks for itself. & having recently returned from a brief visit to that Mississippi region — I can speak from observation & experience — of the condition of things in that miserable country.— If we are recognized & acknowledged as faithful & long-suffering Unionists — can we not have protection from the Flag? & to you — My Dear Sir — as Chief Magistrate — do I apply for that “righting” of a great wrong. Our negroes are free. & we only ask to be permitted (with their consent) to hire the few that remain. & not to be further molested by either Gen' Thomas, — or commissioners from the Treasury De'pt.— Gen' Grant & the Admiral desire to protect us. but — their “papers” are rendered worthless — by the higher law of Gen' Thomas & others. so — I now ask your authority in the matter. in order that we may know what to expect, — & whose commands are to be obeyed? My father-in-law's Unionism has made him so conspicuous both North & South — that his name may perhaps be familiar to you. — or — you may perchance have known of him as former Vice President of the “Colonization Society”. He is Northern by birth & education, & — although nearly eighty years of age — has exhibited perfect courage & independence in the maintenance of his unflinching loyalty. yet — it is the property of this man & his family — that has been depredated & ruined.— If the oath of allegiance were offered tomorrow on the Mississippi river — it would be gladly taken by many. but — Gen' Thomas takes pains to repress & discourage loyalty. & — as in our case — makes no distinction between Unionist & rebel. All are punished & pillaged alike. & of what use are Gen' Grant & the brave Admiral's “papers” or commands — when Gen' Thomas (or others) can veto them! I have often declared (by tongue & pen) that I would willingly sacrifice all our property to ensure success to the Union cause. but — never thought that we were destined to be ruined pecuniarily — on account of the success of the Flag!

A few lines in answer would greatly oblige me. My address is care of “Duncan & Sherman. Bankers. New York”. & trusting that you will see justice administered to us — I remain, My Dear Sir, with much respect—¹

Yours very truly

Mary Duncan.

Staten Island.

May 24 — 63.

_______________

1 Lincoln met with Mrs. Duncan on at least one occasion in order to discuss her family's property in the South. See Collected Works, VI, 481.

SOURCE: Papers of Abraham Lincoln at the Library of Congress, Accessed October 27, 2021

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, February 2, 1865

The President and Mr. Seward have gone to Hampton Roads to have an interview with the Rebel commissioners, — Stephens, Hunter, and Campbell. None of the Cabinet were advised of this move, and without exception, I think, it struck them unfavorably that the Chief Magistrate should have gone on such a mission.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 235

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, February 4, 1865

There was yesterday no meeting of the Cabinet. This morning the members were notified to meet at twelve meridian. All were punctually on hand. The President with Mr. Seward got home this morning. Both speak of the interview with the Rebel commissioners as having been pleasant and without acrimony. Seward did not meet or have interview with them until the President arrived. No results were obtained, but the discussion will be likely to tend to peace. In going the President acted from honest sincerity and without pretension. Perhaps this may have a good effect, and perhaps otherwise. He thinks he better than any agent can negotiate and arrange. Seward wants to do this.

For a day or two, the naval appropriation bill has been under consideration in the House. A combination, of which H. Winter Davis is the leader, made it the occasion for an onset on the Department and the Administration. The move was sneaking and disingenuous, very much in character with Davis, who is unsurpassed for intrigue and has great talents for it. He moved an amendment, having for its object a Board of Admiralty, which should control the administration of the Department. The grounds of this argument were that the Department had committed errors and he wanted a board of naval officers to prevent it. He presents the British system for our guidance and of course has full scope to assail and misrepresent whatever has been done. But, unfortunately for Davis, the English are at this time considering the question of abandoning their system.

Mr. Rice, Chairman of the Naval Committee, a Boston merchant, is reported to have made a full and ample and most successful reply to Davis, who was voted down. I have not doubted the result, but there was a more formidable effort made than was at first apparent. The Speaker, who is not a fair and ingenuous man, although he professes to be so, and also to be personally friendly to me, is strictly factious and in concert with the extremists. In preparation for this contest he had called General Schenck to the chair. Schenck is one of the Winter Davis clique, and so far as he dare permit it to be seen, and more distinctly than he supposes, has the sympathy of Colfax. Stevens, Chairman of the Ways and Means, is of the same stripe. It is a combination of the radicals prompted and assisted by Du Pont and Wilkes. Hitherto hating each other, and invidiously drawing in others, the miserable wretched combinations of malcontents and intriguers, political and naval, had flattered themselves they should succeed. But they were voted down. I am told, however, that under the rulings and management of the hypocritically sanctimonious Speaker the subject is to be reopened.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 235-7