George Thompson to William Lloyd Garrison, October 28, 1834

PoRTLAND, (Me.) Oct. 28, 1834.

MY DEAR GARRIsoN,

It is now more than a fortnight since I parted with you in Boston, on my way to the Anti-Slavery Convention at Augusta. The time has rolled rapidly away. Each day has brought with it duties and occupations, which have either absorbed the mind in the study and discussion of the “great question,” or engaged the feelings of the heart in communion with those who are nobly seeking the welfare of the oppressed. Besides the claims exerted by kind friends and solemn duties upon the heart and head, the eye has been continually arrested by some new object. Wherever I have travelled, by land or by water, I have been constantly reminded that I am in New and not Old England. The size, beauty, construction, and management of your unrivalled steam vessels: — the splendid autumnal tints of your forest foliage; — the appearance of your cities and towns, as they are seen from the deck of one of your floating palaces, as she proudly approaches the port, “walking the water like a thing of life;” — your stage coaches and tavern accommodations; — your hedgeless fields, covered with antediluvian fragments, or the stumps of hundreds of demolished trees, or plentiful crops of Indian corn and pumpkins; — the garbs and vehicles of your happy, enterprising and independent Yankee farmers; — your beautiful meetinghouses, every where visible, their modest spires directing the mind of the thoughtful traveller upward to nature's God; — All these novel and striking scenes, calculated to interest, most deeply, every intelligent stranger. In my mind they have awakened new and strong emotions. Nor have I been less affected by the more romantic portions of the scenes I have witnessed. Every thing is full of thrilling association and historical interest. Already, in imagination, I have lived a thousand years upon your soil. I have roamed the banks of the Kennebeck and the Penobscot with the Indian hunter; — I have plunged with him into your pathless woods,

“Where rang of old the rifle shot;”

have mingled with the untutored worshippers of the “Great Spirit;” — have listened to the eloquence of barbarian sages, and witnessed the deeds and death of generations, whose kindlier fate it was to ‘have their being ere science guided the white man to those shores, and the hand of an insatiate dominion commenced by the guilty work of conquest, robbery, and extermination. I have passed downwards through the bloody period of your political regeneration, and have caught a spark of genuine patriotism from off the purest altar on which its hallowed fire was ever seen to glow — the heart of Washington. I have lived through ages yet to come. I have seen this people rise like Nineveh of old; and “proclaim a fast, and put on sackcloth and ashes, from the greatest even to the least; and cry mightily to God, and turn every one from his evil way, and from the violence that is in his hands.” I have heard the omnipotent voice of Justice thundering in the Capitol, and echoing from the Halls of Legislation in the South. I have seen exulting millions trample in the dust the galling chain of an execrated tyranny, and with uplifted hands invoke the blessing of God on a nation, that had at last broke “every yoke,” and set “the oppressed free.” But I will forbear to describe further the visions I have had of the past and the future, and return to speak of recent efforts in which I have been honored to join — efforts, to bring near the day of redemption, which, in fancy, I have already realized.

Sunday, Oct. 12. I spent this day in Portland. In the morning, I accompanied Gen. Fessenden to the meetinghouse of the Third Parish, and heard a very excellent sermon preached by the Rev. Mr. Dwight. In the afternoon I enjoyed the privilege of addressing a congregation of colored persons in the Abyssinian church. This was the first time I had ever worshipped in a place, exclusively appropriated to colored persons; nor had I ever, on any occasion, seen so many assembled together. I analyzed my mind, with some anxiety, to discern, if, in these entirely new circumstances, any feelings of prejudice or dislike were called forth. I can with truth declare, that I experienced none. The attention paid to the services was apparently deep. The deportment of all, decent and devout. The singing good; and the whole appearance of the audience that of intelligence and respectability. In the evening I lectured in the First Christian church. The audience numbered upwards of 1200. I was heard with the greatest patience and attention for upwards of two hours.

Monday, 13. Proceeded with Mr. Phelps to Brunswick, and in the evening lectured in the Rev. Mr. Titcomb's church, to a numerous and respectable auditory. The students from Bowdoin College were all present.

Tuesday, 14. Left Brunswick, and reached Hallowell about 6 o'clock.

Wednesday, 15. Went to Augusta, the Capital of this state. At 11, the Anti-Slavery Convention assembled. — I was introduced by a very kind and flattering speech from Gen. Fessenden; and on his motion, was elected a corresponding member of the Convention. In the evening, I delivered a somewhat long address. Was very hospitably entertained by the Rev. Mr. Tappan. Some remarks of mine, during the speech referred to, gave offence to a certain party in the town; and the first manifestation of their displeasure, was to visit the house of my host, about 1 or 2 o'clock in the morning, and break nine or ten squares of glass.

Thursday, 16. Attended the morning meeting of the Convention. A little before 1, was called out of the Convention by Mr. Tappan, and informed that five gentlemen were in an anti-room waiting to see me. On being introduced to them, they said that they came from a meeting of citizens, that morning held, to inform me, that my speech of the previous night, had given great offence — that I was regarded as a foreign emissary, an officious intermeddler, &c. &c. — and that, therefore, I should not be permitted to attend the afternoon sitting of the Convention, but must leave the town immediately. I returned a calm and respectful answer, declining, however, to say whether I should comply with the “Notice to quit.” At dinner, I consulted with some friends, and it was finally arranged that I should abide at Mr. Tappan's until the remaining business of the Convention was transacted, and then retire to Hallowell, the neighboring town, and lecture there in the evening. During the afternoon sitting, the Convention passed a resolution, unanimously welcoming me to this country, and recommending me to the confidence and hospitable attention of the Christian community. At 5, I bid farewell to Augusta. At 7, I lectured in the Baptist church, Hallowell, to a very numerous and attentive auditory. A number of my opponents from Augusta were present. The people of Hallowell, however, had determined, that no “foreign interference” should prevent them from hearing my address. I was therefore permitted to lecture in peace, and I have since heard, that my address produced a good impression.

Friday, 17. At 10 o'clock Mr. Grosvenor of Salem, Mr. Bacon, and myself, started for Waterville. On arriving at the College, we were very warmly greeted by Professor Newton. In the evening, I lectured in the Baptist Church to a very large auditory, including all the students from the College. The utmost attention was paid to my address, which lasted two hours.

Saturday, 18. Saw a number of the students. Received a letter and some verses, expressive of the feelings of all the students towards me, and wishing me “God speed,” in my labors in this land. The Secretary of the Anti-Slavery Society in the College, writing to Mr. Phelps, says, — “Mr. Thompson had a large congregation last evening, and our students enthusiastically admire him. His coming here, brought over ALL that remained in the College, at least.” General Fessenden of this place, who was at Waterville with me, and has two sons in the College, told me last night, that after my lecture, six students who had previously opposed the abolitionists, requested permission to sign the Constitution of the Anti-Slavery Society, and be promoters of the cause they had hitherto withstood. Thirty-nine of the students became monthly subscribers of 123 cents to the funds of the American Anti-Slavery Society, making a total of about 59 dollars a year.

Monday, 20. Brunswick. In the morning, at 12, Mr. Phelps and myself met upwards of seventy students in the College chapel, and had a familiar conversation respecting various disputed points — the students proposed questions, and we answered them. In the afternoon, at 2, we held a small meeting at the Conference Room, in the village, where we had a very interesting conversation with a select company. In the evening, at 7, I lectured in the Baptist church to a full house.

Tuesday, 21. In the morning, at eight, we met upwards of one hundred students in the College chapel, and had a second friendly discussion on various points connected with the question. They seemed exceedingly sorry that we were obliged to depart in the course of that day. At 1 o’clock, we left for Portland.

Wednesday, 22. Held a meeting in the evening in the Friends' meeting house. The place was crowded. Speeches were made by the Rev. Mr. Adams of Brunswick, Mr. Phelps, Mr. Grosvenor of Salem, and myself. There is reason to believe, that some were converted, and many others half won over.

Thursday, 23. In the afternoon, at 3, about 120 ladies assembled in the Friends’ meeting-house, and were addressed by the gentlemen named above. The ladies agreed to meet again on Saturday afternoon. I have no doubt that a flourishing society will be established among the ladies of this city. In the evening, at 7, I met the Committees of the two male Anti-Slavery Societies in this place. Mr. Phelps and myself were earnestly requested to prolong our visit, and hold meetings as often as possible. Mr. Phelps agreeing to stay as long as I would, and feeling a conviction that we might be useful, I consented to delay my departure for a few days.

Friday, 24. In the evening, Mr. Phelps and myself held a meeting in the meeting-house of the Third Parish, and delivered addresses. The audience was very numerous, respectable, and attentive.

Saturday, 25. In the afternoon, at 3 o'clock, we had a large audience of ladies in the above church. Long addresses were delivered by Mr. Phelps and myself.

Sunday, 26. In the evening, at 7, lectured in the Second Christian church. Although the weather was most inclement, the church was filled.

Monday, 27. Met the colored people in the Abyssinian church. Prayers were offered by the Rev. Messrs. Coe and Blackman; also by the Rev. Mr. Munro, colored ministers. Mr. Phelps and myself gave addresses. The attendance was exceedingly good. We pointed out to our colored brethren the great necessity of their exhibiting a pure and blameless conduct, both for their own sake and for the good of the cause of emancipation, which might be materially advanced or retarded according to the impression made upon the public mind by their public and private demeanor.

You have now before you a very brief notice of my proceedings during the last sixteen days. These days have to me been full of interest and instruction. Proofs are every where abundant, that the cause of Truth is spreading mightily. It must, I think, greatly cheer you, my dear brother, to see the principles, which, a few years ago, you advocated almost alone, and in the face of danger, persecution, and poverty, thus going forth in their omnipotence – promising soon to pervade the whole land, and pull down the strong holds of robbery and oppression. Let us go onward. God is with us. While principle is our guide, no weapon formed against us will prosper. Let us beware of “expediency.” It is the harlot on whose knees too many good and great men sleep, and are shorn of their strength.

That you may soon see the desire of your heart, in the redemption of your beloved country from the twin abominations of Prejudice and Slavery, is the prayer of

Yours, affectionately,

GEO. THOMPSON.

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 11-16

Speech of Gerrit Smith at the National Compensation Convention, held in Cleveland, Ohio, August 25-27, 1857

We are met to initiate — I might perhaps, rather say, to inaugurate — a great movement, one that is full of promise to the slave and the slaveholder, and our whole country. It is not so much to awaken interest in their behalf that we have come together, as it is to give expression to such interest — a practical and effective expression.

We are here for the purpose of making a public and formal, and, as we hope, an impressive confession that the North ought to share with the South in the temporary losses that will result from the abolition of slavery. Indeed, such are our relations to the South in the matter of slavery, that, on the score of simple honesty, we ought to share in these losses.

SOURCES: Octavius Brooks Frothingham, Gerrit Smith: A Biography, p. 231

John Brown to Amos A. Lawrence, April 16, 1857

Springfield, Mass., April 16, 1857.

Dear Sir, — I expect to leave these parts within four or five days, and would be most grateful for the proceeds of the subscription you so generously started for me, so that I may effect the arrangement before I part with my family. I am sorry to burden you with any of my wants, but I must cast myself on those most kind. Please direct to John (not Captain) Brown, care of Massasoit House, Springfield, Mass. Please say to me what is the fate of the subscription at any rate, and greatly oblige your sincere friend.

Very respectfully yours,

John Brown.

SOURCE: William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 129

Thomas Wentworth Higginson to Harriet Prescott

Dr. Holmes — whom you evidently did not fancy, though you describe his talk so well — is really superior, at every point I can think of, to Lowell, whom you liked so much; I should except personal appearances, for Lowell's brow and eyes are Apollo-like, while all Holmes's face is small in outline and expression, though mobile and vivacious. . . .

Maria Lowell was a living poem. She was his inspiration and his moral tonic beside, and he has been living on her memory ever since, in both respects. . . .

The chief editor [Lowell of the “Atlantic”] reads every article without knowing the author's name, so as to be perfectly impartial.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 110-1

John Greenleaf Whittier to George L. Stearns, September 13, 1861

[September 13, 1861.]

Dr. Friend:

Owing to absence from home, I did not see thy letter until last evening.

It would have given me pleasure to have attended your meeting of the 10th inst.

I presume I should fully agree with you as to the duty and expediency of striking more directly at the real cause of the war. As heretofore I shall use all my endeavors to this end. If the present terrible struggle does not involve emancipation, partial or complete, it is, at once, a most wicked and the most ludicrous war ever waged.

Thanking thee and thy friends for the invitation, I shall be happy to cooperate with you to the extent of my power.

Thou wast deeply interested in John Brown, I think. Let me call thy attention to a poem, “Our First Martyr,” by Miss Phoebe Cary, of New York, in the last Independent.

Very truly thy fd.,

John G. Whittier.

SOURCE: Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 256-7

Samuel Gridley Howe to Senator Charles Sumner, Thursday, February 12, 1852

Boston, Thursday, Feb. 12th, 1852.

My Dear Sumner: — I have yours of the 7th, and thank you for it.

Don't think too much of my dissent from your Kossuth speech. I have with heart and hand, with conscience and reason, with warmth and affection approved and sustained every political step you ever took save two — the Coalition, and the declaration to European despots that, throttle liberty as they might and when they might, we would never interfere.

On these alone have I differed from you, but give to you the same credit for honesty and earnestness and sincere conviction of right that I claim for myself.

Bygones are not yet bygones, and the sad state of things this day here confirms me in my views of the Coalition; but for your election we should have lost everything.

You are true and earnest and persevering; you are the noble and worthy head of our party and are doing something to save its honour; but the rest of the leaders, where are they? — in office, and trying to keep possession as an end, not a means.

But enough of this! let the infinitesimal of my dissent from you disappear in the wholeness of my approval, admiration and regard.

I am in some perplexity and dismay; a check for $500 has been forged in my name and paid! my suspicion falls upon one for whom I grieve; — and, if true, will carry desolation to a widowed hearth — I am much more anxious to be found wrong than right.

Your note came too late to prevent your election as Trustee — if you are very desirous of being left off you can be — but perhaps you had better remain until I learn what I hope may be [the state of things] at the end of this year. How we change! — once I could not understand your indifference to life — now you can not understand mine.

Faithfully yours,

S. G. Howe.

SOURCE: Laura E. Richards, Editor, Letters and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Volume 2, p. 363-4

William T. Sherman to George Mason Graham, January 1, 1860

Seminary, Jan. 1, 1860.

Dear General: A happy New Year to you and yours. . . I see plain enough that the impression is abroad that state cadets are “free” and it will take time and patience to put the matter aright. The first reported cadet is named Tempel from Bayou Sara; he is a state appointee, had with him $37 which he deposited, and I provided with a complete outfit at about $28, bed, table, etc., and he looks quite comfortable in Room 23. He takes his meals with the officers.

Cadet Taliaferro's father remitted for his use $250 in his draft on New Orleans. I propose to pay this to H. Robertson and Company as cash for blankets. I have discharged all carpenters and to-day must settle with them. I will in any contingency act, things here shan't stop or take a check on my account, for as commanding officer I shall assume all power subject at all times to account. I will keep full accounts of all things – money, property, etc., and will only insist that the treasurer shall have no commission on my disbursements. Of course our finances are not on a sound basis, we will be short, but it is all important the cadets should be well provided in all things, that the system should be made to work well, that the institution should have the best credit, and therefore I will pay all bills off and keep the cash system, and if at the end of the year, the cash be short, let the professors' salaries be behind.

As to rank, legislation, etc., I prefer to leave all to you, for you are more fully impressed with the importance of these things than I pretend to be. If Dr. Smith and Mr. Manning have secret designs to legislate against our place, they should be met by friends there on the spot. I think if consistent with your other duties of life, you could be at Baton Rouge, about Governor Moore's inauguration it would be appropriate. To be sure you have labored enough, but having built the arch, drop in the keystone, and then you can rest at ease.

Please encourage the visits of ladies, gentlemen, and all strangers especially to a visit. I will make it a point to attend them, and can do much to convince all that the military system is the truly watchful, parental system, instead of the neglectful one of common academies. Mr. Smith and Mr. St. Ange are with me. Also Mr. Sevier¹ all provided a la cadet.

It is fortunate I got my things in New Orleans. Mr. Ford has not delivered a single mattress, and I doubt if he will. I have seventy-five good mattresses, pillows, sheets, covers, straps, etc., for one hundred beds, trusting to Ford for twenty-five mattresses. If cadets come in pretty fast I shall order twenty-five from New Orleans, and refuse to take Ford's because he has not come to time. . .

_______________

¹ Dr. John W. Sevier, a veteran of Walker's filibustering expedition, was appointed surgeon and adjutant of the Seminary in December, 1859. - Ed.

SOURCES: Walter L. Fleming, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 98-100

John Brown to Daniel Rose Tilden, November 28, 1859

Charles-town, Jefferson County, Va.,

Monday, Nov. 28, 1859.        

Hon. D. R. Tilden.

My Dear Sir, — Your most kind and comforting letter of the 23d inst. is received. I have no language to express the feelings of gratitude and obligation I am under for your kind interest in my behalf ever since my disaster. The great bulk of mankind estimate each other's actions and motives by the measure of success or otherwise that attends them through life. By that rule, I have been one of the worst and one of the best of men. I do not claim to have been one of the latter, and I leave it to an impartial tribunal to decide whether the world has been the worse or the better for my living and dying in it. My present great anxiety is to get as near in readiness for a different field of action as I well can, since being in a good measure relieved from the fear that my poor broken-hearted wife and children would come to immediate want. May God reward a thousandfold all the kind efforts made in their behalf! I have enjoyed remarkable cheerfulness and composure of mind ever since my confinement; and it is a great comfort to feel assured that I am permitted to die for a cause, — not merely to pay the debt of nature, as all must. I feel myself to be most unworthy of so great distinction. The particular manner of dying assigned to me gives me but very little uneasiness. I wish I had the time and the ability to give you, my dear friend, some little idea of what is daily, and I might almost say hourly, passing within my prison walls; and could my friends but witness only a few of these scenes, just as they occur, I think they would feel very well reconciled to my being here, just what I am, and just as I am. My whole life before had not afforded me one half the opportunity to plead for the right. In this, also, I find much to reconcile me to both my present condition and my immediate prospect. I may be very insane; and I am so, if insane at all. But if that be so, insanity is like a very pleasant dream to me. I am not in the least degree conscious of my ravings, of my fears, or of any terrible visions whatever; but fancy myself entirely composed, and that my sleep, in particular, is as sweet as that of a healthy, joyous little infant. I pray God that he will grant me a continuance of the same calm but delightful dream, until I come to know of those realities which eyes have not seen and which ears have not heard. I have scarce realized that I am in prison or in irons at all. I certainly think I was never more cheerful in my life.

I intend to take the liberty of sending by express to your care some trifling articles for those of my family who may be in Ohio, which you can hand to my brother Jeremiah when you may see him, together with fifteen dollars I have asked him to advance to them. Please excuse me so often troubling you with my letters or any of my matters. Please also remember me most kindly to Mr. Griswold, and to all others who love their neighbors. I write Jeremiah to your care.

Your friend in truth,

John Brown.

SOURCES: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 609-10

Daniel Robertson to William Still, August 11, 1856

HAVANA, August 11, 1856, Schuylkill Co., N. Y.

MR. WM. STILL — Dear Sir: — I came from Virginia in March, and was at your office the last of March. My object in writing you, is to inquire what I can do, or what can be done to help my wife to escape from the same bondage that I was in. You will know by your books that I was from Petersburg, Va., and that is where my wife now is. I have received two or three letters from a lady in that place, and the last one says, that my wife’s mistress is dead, and that she expects to be sold. I am very anxious to do what I can for her before it is too late, and beg of you to devise some means to get her away. Capt. the man that brought me away, knows the colored agent at Petersburg, and knows he will do all he can to forward my wife. The Capt. promised, that when I could raise one hundred dollars for him that he would deliver her in Philadelphia. Tell him that I can now raise the money, and will forward it to you at any day that he thinks that he can bring her. Please see the Captain and find when he will undertake it, and then let me know when to forward the money to you. I am at work for the Hon. Charles Cook, and can send the money any day. My wife’s name is Harriet Robertson, and the agent at Petersburg knows her.

Please direct your answer, with all necessary directions, to N. Coryell, of this village, and he will see that all is right.

Very respectfully,

DANIEL ROBERTSON.

SOURCE: William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 330

George S. Denison to Salmon P. Chase, October 27, 1862

(Private)

New Orleans, October 27th, 1862.

Dear Sir: Gen. Weitzel left here three days ago, with five Regiments Infantry, four companies cavalry, and two batteries. Their destination was Donaldsonville, about seventy miles up the River, where the Rebels were posted in force. I have just learned from a Captain of a transport, who has returned from there, that the landing was effected successfully. Considerable skirmishing took place, when the Rebels retreated, leaving a few killed and wounded, and also leaving two hundred prisoners in our hands, who were paroled and released. The rebels retreated to Napoleonville — (South of Donaldsonville), where it is supposed they will make a stand. The 1st. (colored) Regiment and 8th. Vermont, left here yesterday, marching in a direction nearly due west. Two days ago, Gunboats started for Berwick's Bay, to take possession there. All these movements are parts of one and the same plan. I informed you many days ago, of the departure of a portion of the Fleet, to attack and capture Galveston. They accomplished the object without loss. Gen. Butler will soon send a Regiment to occupy the town and Island.

Seventy-three refugees from Texas have just arrived here from Matamoras, about one-third of whom are Germans — the remainder Americans. At my request Gen. Butler is organizing them into a company for Gov't military service. Judge Davis, from Texas, is now here, and will receive authority to enlist and organize a full Texas Regiment. There will be no difficulty about this, as besides the company here — three or four companies can be raised in Galveston. There are hundreds of refugees in the vicinity of Matamoras, anxious to join the army, for whom Gen. Butler will send a steamer. You saw Judge Davis in Washington. He is well and favorably known in Texas.

Everything appears to be going on well here.

Your regulations of Aug. 28th. throw upon me great labor and responsibility. I have informed you of my action and opinions, in the matter, and would like to know if I have made any mistake.

I know of but one fault to be found with Gen. Butler. He has (in my opinion) been altogether too willing to permit his friends to make fortunes.

I hope you have completely recovered from your illness, of which mention was made in the New York papers.

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. Chase, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 327-8

John M. Forbes to Gideon Welles, April 1, 1863

London, April 1,1863.

. . . The rebel loan, although much of a bubble, got up by the foxes, already in the trap, who have lost their tails, and want others to follow their bright examples, is still to a certain extent a successful swindle, and it gives the enemy new life. Still I have reason to hope that it only pays off old scores, having been negotiated at 60, by takers, chiefly creditors, it is supposed, who are now swindling the green ones in their foul bargain. This gives the enemy £1,800,000 to square the score and begin a new one; but it does not prove conclusively that they can pay for their ironclads, especially the one at Glasgow, which we are taking measures to investigate. . . .

It occurs to me as within the spirit of our orders, though not the letter, in case we get a dangerous blockade runner, to put on board cargo useful to us, cover her up carefully, and send her under a sharp captain to Nassau, where she might get valuable information, and then run into the arms of our squadron, if still outside of Charleston; and perhaps bring along with her some of her Confederate friends to help her run the blockade. I throw this out for your consideration. It may be too dangerous a game to play, but might, if well played, double her value by giving us some of her infernal Confederates! The worst of it is, I fear, that it requires many to be in the secret. I write Secretary Chase upon financial matters.

SOURCE: Sarah Forbes Hughes, Letters and Recollections of John Murray Forbes, Volume 2, p. 21-2

Commandant Samuel F. DuPont to Gustavus V. Fox, November 9, 1861

Wabash, 9th Nov.

Port Royal, S.C.

My Dear Mr. Fox—

During the disheartening events of our passage, my faith never gave way, but at some moments it seemed appalling. On the other hand I permit no elation at our success. Yet I cannot refrain telling you that it has been more complete and more brilliant than I ever could have believed.

I have been too fatigued to send a detailed official account of the battle. My report is full up to the eve of it, and I think will interest you, but I had to content myself with a succinct account which I think will be liked as well as a more detailed narrative. This I will however forward in time for the Secretary's report.

I kept under way, made three turns though I passed five times between the Forts. I had a flanking division of five ships, to watch Old Tattnall who had eight small and swift steamers ready to pounce upon any of ours should they be disabled.

I could get none of my big frigates up. I thought the Sabine would have gotten down. To the St. Lawrence I sent no word and the Savannah was blown off. I do not regret it now except on their account. I believe my plan was clever. I stood against the tide and had the management the better in consequence.

Their confidence was extreme that they could drive us away. They fought bravely and the rifle guns never missed. An 80 pr rifle went through our main mast in the very centre, an awful hole. They aimed at our Bridge where they knew they would make a hole if lucky. A shot on the counter let water onto the after magazine, but I saved perhaps a hundred lives by keeping underway and being in so close. We found their sights graduated at 600 yds. When they once broke, the stampede was intense and not a gun was spiked. In truth I never conceived of such a fire as that of this ship on her second turn, and I am told its effect upon the spectators outside of her was intense. I learn when they saw the flag flying on shore, the troops were powerless to cheer, but wept. Gl. Sherman was deeply affected, and the soldiers for once are loud and unstinting in their expressions of admiration and gratitude.

The works are most scientifically constructed and there is nothing like “Walker” on the Potomac.

I did not allow the victory to check our ardor, but dispatched some vessels under Gillis over the other side. To day I have an expedition to Beaufort, to save the light vessels, but Ammen tells me who went up, they were fired instantly after the surrender. Bankhead is up there aground tonight, but Curlew is watching her. Beaufort is deserted. The negroes are wild with joy and revenge, robbing Beaufort. On the other hand they have been shot down they say like dogs because they would not go off with their masters.

I have a boat already at Scull Creek and the communication between Savannah and Charleston cut off. The Sabine has brought the Marines. They have been nothing but trouble to me. The Monticello has not reappeared and some think she went down in the gale.

I am hurrying up for Fernandina and for everywhere, for the terrors will now be complete and some people here tell us that they are obstructing Charleston Bar even.

I have written to L. H. B. for all aids to navigation. Please send me a complete Pilot book and another — try if possible. The Forbes is invaluable. Florida Goldsboro still missing. After Fernandina we will be ready for Savannah Bar. The Susquehanna filled us with admiration. She stuck to us like wax and was our main support, as I told Lardner, he was always precisely where I wanted him to be, and doing precisely what I wanted him to do. We want some ship carpenters.

Yrs truly

S. F. D. P.

Please remember me to Mr. Welles. I thought of him and you about the first thing after I fired those fellows.

I let Wynn go home. I had not time for a survey, don't let him humbug you any more. I have ordered Drayton to Pocahontas — no one to Cotton yet — she is a great vessel and came near being lost.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 65-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, April 2, 1864

John M. Forbes called. After talking on one or two subjects he spoke of the National Convention and his regret that the call was so early, and asked me as one of the committee to reconsider the subject. Told him I would hear and consider anything from him, but that my mind was deliberately made up, and I thought the sooner the nomination was made, the better united we should be. He went over the usual ground, — if the summer campaign was unfortunate, etc., etc., how could we change our candidates? I answered we did not intend to be unfortunate, but if we were, I could not see how any different candidate would help the Union cause. Reverses might strengthen the Copperheads.

He then talked of the President, — his want of energy, decision, promptness, in consequence of which the country suffered. It was evident from what I gathered that Mr. Forbes wanted another candidate than Abraham Lincoln, and hence he desired delay. Forbes means well. His heart is right. He is shrewd and sagacious, but men betray their feelings and partialities unavoidably. I have no doubt he desires to have Mr. Chase a candidate, though he speaks of only Ben Butler, whom he dislikes.

Cautioned Fox to beware of yielding to the suggestions and opinions of detective Olcott, unless fully satisfied by facts in his possession. Mr. Wilson, the counsel, must advise in these matters, and nothing be done in the way of seizure and arrest but by Mr. Wilson's direction.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 4-5

Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, October 7, 1863

Camp White, October 7, 1863.

Dear Uncle: — I am very glad to hear that you are having so little trouble with Birchie. He is of an affectionate disposition, conscientious and truthful. His natural sense of duty is, I think, unusually strong. . . . I much prefer that he should work or ride or hunt in the open air than read in the house or go to school. I do not care if he is far behind other boys of his age in what is taught in schools. If he has health enough to become a scholar or prepare himself for a learned profession at sixteen, he will have enough time to do it then. If he hasn't a constitution that will bear a sedentary life, there is more reason for trying to build it up now by work and exercise in the open air.

Lucy is well and enjoys our camp life as well as she could be expected to do away from her boys. In about a week from now I shall probably be able to settle the question as to our winter quarters and as to whether it will be worth while to send for the boys. It looks as if the coming winter would be one of active operations, and if so any plan I may form is likely to be interrupted before spring. Indeed, is liable to be interrupted at any time. In any event, I think we shall stay here watching the gaps in front of us for six or eight weeks longer. After that I think a somewhat smaller force will suffice to defend this region, and we may be sent elsewhere. I think there is no danger of our being seriously disturbed here. . . .

Sincerely,

R. B. Hayes.

S. Birchabd.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 439

William Coffee Daniell* to Howell Cobb, June 20, 1848

Near Gainesville [ga.], 20th June, 1848.

My Dear Sir: If the Report of Fremont's last exploration has been printed and you have a spare copy you will oblige me by sending it to me. I would not ask this of you if I knew where to purchase a copy.

I fear that the Whigs have by the nomination of Taylor imposed the duties of a laborious and arduous campaign upon the Democratic leaders in this state. I was taken sick the day I reached Savannah from my plantation. I have only recently recovered my strength since my arrival here. I can therefore say but little of the manner in which Cass's nomination has been received, but as far as I have heard there is every disposition among our friends to yield him their support. It would not by any means be safe to count on his getting the vote of this State, though I hope he may. Woodbury would have been a stronger man with us here, but I suppose that Cass has been chosen because he was deemed the strongest in the country.

I see Old Bullion¹ is out in a new part, and seems to be quite pleased to play the second fiddle. How are the mighty fallen. No one has asked him to be and no paper has (I believe) spoken of him as a candidate for the Presidency this time, and it is quite manifest I think that he does not mean to be forgotten and consequently overlooked. He is in a worse box than my friend (Calhoun) whom he denominated to Crittenden (so said Toombs who was present) as the “Nigger King.”

_______________

* A substantial planter whose summer home lay in Cobb's congressional district.

¹ Thomas H. Benton.

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 109-10

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: October 24, 1863

To-day we have a cold northwest storm of wind and rain, and we have our first fire in the parlor.

The elections in Ohio and Pennsylvania have gone for the Republican (War) candidates. We rely on ourselves, under God, for independence. It is said Gen. Lee learned that 15,000 Republican voters were sent from Meade's army into Pennsylvania to rote, and hence he advanced and drove back the Federal army. Yet he says that Meade's army is more numerous than his. It is not known what our losses have been, but the following dispatch from Lee gives an accurate account of the enemy's loss in prisoners.

headquarters Army Northern Virginia,

October 23d, 1863.                

Gen. S. Cooper, A. and I. General.

Gen. Imboden, on the 18th, attacked the garrison at Charlestown, Shenandoah Valley, captured 434 prisoners, with their arms, transportation, and stores. To these, add prisoners already forwarded, makes 2462.

R. E. Lee.

Official: John Withers, A. A. General.

And Capt. Warner says he is now feeding them.

Gen. Lee writes on the 19th inst., that it is doubtful whether Gen. Meade will remain where he is, behind his fortifications along Bull Run, or make another movement on Richmond. A few days will decide this matter. He says Meade has superior numbers. If he remains, Gen. Lee will advance again, provided he can get quartermaster supplies for his army. But at present, thousands of his men are barefooted, without overcoats, blankets, etc. He says it was the sublimest spectacle of the war to see men in such condition move forward with such cheerfulness and alacrity, in the recent pursuit of the enemy. He deprecates sending any of his regiments to West Virginia and East Tennessee, and thinks Gen. Sam Jones has not evinced sufficient energy and judgment in that quarter. He says it would be better to send reinforcements to Chattanooga, where it is practicable to conduct a winter campaign. He could drive the enemy from the Peninsula, Gloucester Point, Williamsburg, and Yorktown, but to keep them away Lee would have to station an army there. If North Carolina be menaced, he advises that the troops at Richmond and Petersburg be sent thither, and he will replace them with troops from his army. He thinks it the best policy not to disperse troops in Virginia.

From this letter it is easy to perceive that the Secretary of War, in the absence of the President, has been making suggestions to Gen. Lee, none of which does he deem it good policy to adopt, the Secretary not being versed in military matters.

A private note from Gen. Lee, dated the 13th inst, which I saw to-day, informs the Secretary of War that much of the benefits he anticipated from his movement, then in progress, must be lost, from the fact that the enemy had been informed of his purposes. This it was the duty of the government to prevent, but Mr. Seddon, like his predecessors, cannot be convinced that the rogues and cut-throats employed by Gen. Winder as detectives, have it in their power to inflict injury on the cause and the country. The cleaning of the Augean stables here is the work which should engage the attention of the Secretary of War, rather than directing the movements of armies in the field, of which matter he knows nothing whatever.

The Secretary of War wrote a long and rather rebuking letter to-day to Mr. Sheffey, chairman of the Committee on Confederate Relations, of the General Assembly, who communicated a report, and resolutions of the House of Delegates, in relation to details of conscripts, and the employment in civil offices of robust young men capable of military service, and urging the department to appoint men over forty-five years of age to perform such services, and to impress free negroes to do the labor that soldiers are detailed for. The Secretary thinks the Confederate Government knows its duties, and ought not to be meddled with by State Governments. It touched Mr. Seddon nearly.

By the last Northern papers I see President Lincoln has issued a proclamation calling for 300,000 more volunteers, and if they “do not come when he calls for them,” that number will be drafted in January. This is very significant; either the draft has already failed, or else about a million of men per annum are concerned in the work of suppressing this “rebellion.” We find, just at the time fixed for the subjugation of the South, Rosecrans is defeated, and Meade is driven back upon Washington!

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2, p. 80-2

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: December 17, 1864

And another day of vicissitudes. We traveled last night about four miles, piloted by a young negro. It was a terrible walk to me; slow and painful. Were fed, and have food for to-day. Are now about three miles from a canal which we must cross before another morning. Negroes say “Sherman most here” and “Bress de Lord!” Mr. Kimball lives nine miles away and we must reach him some way, but it seems an impossibility for me to go so far. Are now in a high and fine country, but too open for us. Have to lay down all day in the bushes. David is a thorough scout. Goes crawling around on his hands and knees taking in his bearings. Troops are encamped on the main road. Every cross road has its pickets, and it is slow business to escape running into them. Eli S. Buck has a sore throat and is hoarse. Pretty good jaunt for him, tough as he is. Shall have no guide to-night, as Dave thinks he can engineer us all right in the right direction. Some thinks he will leave us both and reach Kimball's to-night, and then come back and see us through. Guess I will be on hand to go along however.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 144-5

Captain Charles Wright Wills: June 7, 1864

Same place, June 7, 1864.

Our brigade has to-day been on a reconnoisance, supporting Girard's (formerly Kilpatrick's) Cavalry Division.

We started the Johnnies not more than a mile from here, and skirmished with them, driving them to the Kenesaw range of mountains, about five miles. Our brigade lost nothing. Wilder's mounted infantry did the skirmishing and had some eight to ten wounded. Four dead Rebels fell into our hands. Cousin James called on me yesterday. I am much pleased with him. He is a No. 1 soldier, I know. He has run some pretty close risks this campaign, but who would not for the sake of taking part in it? I shall always think it abundantly worth risking one's life for. To-morrow night we can tell whether the enemy intends fighting us at this place or not. They left on the field to-day a dozen or twenty real lances. They are the first I ever saw in the service. The staff is eight or nine feet long with a pointed head of ten inches in length. They were a right plucky set of Johnnies.

Our battery burst a shell over the edge of a piece of woods and I saw some 20 Rebels scatter like a lot of scared rats.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 257

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: February 22, 1865

Spent the day in camp. Read Scott's “Heart of Midlothian.” Much interested. Smith and I studied our lesson together. Capt. Barnitz in class. Got the bundle from home. Am pleased with the new clothes. Good friends.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 144

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: February 23, 1865

Soon after breakfast received one wagon to each company to fix up stables with. Worked all day in rain. Great improvement in them. Macadamized them. Not done yet. Interesting school in evening.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 144