Civil War Notebook

Tuesday, April 30, 2024

Diary of Private William S. White, June 16, 1861

Our position here, at Bethel, is not considered very tenable, as it is very easily flanked, but so far the enemy has shewn no disposition to make any advances.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 101

Diary of Private William S. White, June 17, 1861

A Dinwiddie trooper was shot to-day by a Georgian, through mistake, wounded slightly. Sent a howitzer with mounted men and a strong guard of cavalry to New Market Bridge, near Hampton, to reconnoitre. Saw a small body of the enemy, but too far off to get a shot at them. The enemy, under cover of a flag of truce, sent for the bodies of Major Winthrop and Lieutenant Greble, who fell in the battle of Bethel. The body of the former was found, and of course their request granted, but the body of the latter could not be found.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 101

Diary of Private William S. White, June 18, 1861

Magruder arrived at Bethel Church a few hours since, and right glad were we to see him, for “Old Mac," as we call him, has our fullest confidence. Sent my "detachment," mounted, with a guard of cavalry to New Market Bridge to reconnoitre. Results: procured two cart loads of corn, one spade and two shovels, shot at one of our own videttes, but didn't hit him, as he ran too fast. We could have been easily cut off had the Yankees possessed any daring.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 101

Diary of Private William S. White, June 19, 1861

A BIG SCAMPER.

Reported by our videttes that the enemy, ten thousand strong, were moving rapidly on the Warwick road, and would attack us from the rear.

Magruder instantly ordered a retreat, and the troops made very quick time for men not frightened.

There was a good deal of hard swearing, some throwing away of baggage, and in fact a little touch of stampede, but when we reached Yorktown the ten thousand Yankees turned out to be only a marauding party of some fifty or more.

Hardly had we gotten into Yorktown when my detachment was ordered to return to Bethel, with a squadron of cavalry, to guard a wagon train sent back to recover the stores left there.

This time we were mounted but were pretty well broken down when we reached Bethel, as the train moved very slowly. Upon reaching the church I had the good fortune to find a cold boiled ham, and with the aid of ship crackers, I soon made a good square meal. As soon as we loaded up the wagon train, we started back for Yorktown; being much fatigued and very sleepy I could scarcely keep my seat in the saddle. A fifteen mile march, and a thirty mile ride on horseback, in one day is no easy matter.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 101-2

Diary of Private William S. White, June 20, 1861

Reached Yorktown early this morning so wearied and fatigued I could hardly hold my head up. Slept three or four hours on the ground and woke up feeling but little refreshed.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 102

Diary of Private William S. White, June 21, 1861

Nothing of importance stirring—very hot and rather hard to get anything to eat unless one's pocket is well lined with Confederate money and then you can get any quantity of prime fish and oysters, with an occasional "snifter" to aid digestion. Our men seem disposed to find fault with everything—continually quarreling among themselves, and seem disposed to fight something.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 102

Diary of Private William S. White, June 22, 1861

Early this morning we were awakened by a heavy wind storm and we had as much as we could do to keep our tents from being blown away. Sent off a gun from Brown's Second Company on a scouting expedition.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 102

Diary of Private William S. White, June 23, 1861

Everything quiet—no signs of the enemy and I do not think they will make an attempt against Yorktown unless with a much larger force than they have at Fortress Monroe. Several small schooners have run the blockade and arrived at this port.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 102

Diary of Private William S. White, June 24, 1861

Twenty-one years of age to-day! Little did I think this time last year that I would be here now, and in arms against the United States government.

No—then other and brighter prospects filled my mind, but, alas! those bright dreams of the future have been long since dispelled and years of bloody war face me now.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 102-3

Diary of Private William S. White, June 25, 1861

The salt meat and horrid low country water have an injurious effect on our men, and many have been made sick. The heat is also quite oppressive, but in the afternoon we are much refreshed by the cool sea breeze, which in some measure repays us for the oppressiveness of noon day. And then a bath in the clear waters of the beautiful York! that is well worth the dull monotony of the day. Reinforced to-day by Georgia and Louisiana troops.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 103

Diary of Private William S. White, June 26, 1861

Our strength at this place now amounts to about seven thousand men—on the entire Peninsula, nearly ten thousand.

It is quite evident that the Yankees will not act on the offensive, and we must decoy them out of their strongholds if we wish to bring on another engagement.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 103

Diary of Private William S. White, June 27, 1861

Received orders for two howitzers with twenty-five picked men, mounted, to report to Lieutenant-Colonel Chas. Dreux, commanding the First Louisiana Battalion. Left Yorktown with an infantry force of some two thousand men and marched within six miles of Bethel Church. It is reported the enemy intend landing a large force on the Poquosin River, and we are acting as a small corps of observation. Magruder joined us a short while since.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 103

Diary of Private William S. White, June 28, 1861

Slept on the roadside all night, and just missed being run over by a wagon, whose driver did not see me. Our rations being short, I was sent out in the afternoon to procure something to eat for the boys. Being unsuccessful at the adjoining farm-houses, I rode some four miles, and at last succeeded in getting an old woman to promise to bake me some corn bread, but I could not get it until 10 o'clock, as she was very busy. When my bread was ready, it was raining in torrents, and I concluded to stay all night, though I well knew some hungry stomachs were yearning for my appearance at camp. Was given a very nice, comfortable bed, but being unaccustomed to such effeminate luxuries, I slept on the floor, lulled into forgetfulness of a soldier's life by the pattering of the rain-storm on the roof above me.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 103

Diary of Private William S. White, June 29, 1861

Arrived at camp early next morning, and found our entire force had moved in the direction of Hampton. The rain was still falling without intermission, and my cakes having long since become all dough, I threw them away. Followed the tracks of our troops until I was within a short distance of New Market Bridge, when I found they had turned off the main road and had taken the direction of Newport News; then I became completely bewildered, and wandered about in the woods for a long time, unable to find my way back, and fearing to go forward, as I was, knowing the distance I had ridden, not more than a half mile from the enemy's camp. Finally I got into the main road, and soon after came across one of our scouts, "Uncle" Ben. Phillips, and he put me on the right track. We captured a negro, dressed in a blue uniform, just as he was going into the enemy's camp at Newport News, and turned him over to General Magruder.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 104

Diary of Private William S. White, June 30, 1861

Our troops are nearly "used up" on this march, as it has been raining the whole time. At one time we were in sight of the enemy's camp, but we did not have the force to attack nor they the courage to come out. Camped about five miles from Newport News.

SOURCE: William S. White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 104

Monday, April 29, 2024

Abigail Smith Adams to John Adams, September 22, 1774

Boston Garison Sepbr. 22 1774

I have just returnd from a visit to my Brother, with my Father who carried me there the day before yesterday, and call'd here in my return to see this much injured Town. I view it with much the same sensations that I should the body of a departed Friend, only put of[f] its present Glory, for to rise finally to a more happy State. I will not despair, but will believe that our cause being good we shall finally prevail. The Maxim in time of peace prepair for war, (if this may be call'd a time of peace) resounds throughout the Country. Next tuesday they are warned at Braintree all above 15 and under 60 to attend with their arms, and to train once a fortnight from that time, is a Scheme which lays much at heart with many.

Scot has arrived, and brings news that he expected to find all peace and Quietness here as he left them at home. You will have more particuliars than I am able to send you, from much better hands. There has been in Town a conspiracy of the Negroes. At present it is kept pretty private and was discoverd by one who endeavourd to diswaid them from it—he being threatned with his life, applied to justice Quincy for protection. They conducted in this way—got an Irishman to draw up a petition letting to the Govener telling him they would fight for him provided he would arm them and engage to liberate them if he conquerd, and it is said that he attended so much to it as to consult Pircy upon it, and one [Lieut.?] Small has been very buisy and active. There is but little said, and what Steps they will take in consequence of it I know not. I wish most sincerely there was not a Slave in the province. It allways appeard a most iniquitious Scheme to me—fight ourselfs for what we are daily robbing and plundering from those who have as good a right to freedom as we have. You know my mind upon this Subject.

I left all our little ones well, and shall return to them to night. I hope to hear from you by the return of the bearer of this and by Revere. I long for the Day of your return, yet look upon you much safer where you are, but know it will not do for you. Not one action has been brought to this court, no buisness of any sort in your way. All law ceases, and the Gosple will soon follow, for they are supporters of each other. Adieu. My Father hurries me. Yours most sincerely,

Abigail Adams

SOURCE: Massachusetts Historical Society, The Adams Family Papers: An Electronic Archive, https://www.masshist.org/digitaladams/archive/doc?id=L17740922aa, accessed April 29, 2024

Daniel S. Dickenson

In a recent issue of the Washington Union, an article appeared, in which, to the astonishment of the country, an attempt was made to disparage the public conduct of Daniel S. Dickenson. What purpose the writer sought to serve, we are at a loss to divine, but that he meant to sink Mr. Dickenson in the esteem of the South, is evident from the nature of the article, unless it be unwarrantable to infer a murderous intent from a savage stab at the very seat of life. Be the blow, however, the stroke of a felon or a friend, it is not the less incumbent upon every Southern man, and especially upon every Virginian, to interpose a defence of the South and Virginia, when they were assailed by traitorous hands.

By every obligation of gratitude and of honor are we of the South bound to sustain Daniel S. Dickenson, under any circumstances and against any foe. When an attempt is made by our enemies to strike him down because of his services to us, this obligation comes upon us with irresistible weight. But we do injustice to Mr. Dickenson. It is not to the South only that he may look for protection against the wrath of those who would immolate him because of his heroic resistance of the aggressions of abolition. Upon every patriot and friend of the Constitution and the Union, no matter in what State or section, he has a claim for sympathy and support.

It is idle to attempt to impeach the consistency and honor of Dickenson's devotion to the South. It has been illustrated under circumstances which would have appalled any but the stoutest and truest heart. Mr. Dickenson's was not mere parade of patriotism which incurs no risk and renders no service. He struck for the South and the Union at a critical moment, and he now suffers the penalty of his patriotism in exclusion from office and in the assassin stab of abolitionists. We need not recount his services to the South. They may be read in the history of the country. They are fresh in the memory of all. Among all the gallant spirits of the North, who in the hour of trial bravely fought for the constitutional rights of the South, Dickenson stood pre-eminent, for the absolute devotion of heart and soul with which he surrendered himself to our cause. The South recognized his service at the time by a gushing fervor of gratitude and universality of admiration, such as she has extended to no other public man. His image was on every Southern heart; his praises were on every Southern tongue.

If it be allowable to appeal to so selfish a motive, we might tell the South that her interest as well as her honor demands that she do justice to her Northern friends. If we shrink from sustaining such men as Daniel S. Dickenson we must prepare to fight our battles alone.

There is a special obligation in Virginia to sustain Mr. Dickenson in his struggles with the abolitionists. She has become in some sort surety for the consistency and integrity of his public character. She gave him the highest attestation of her esteem and affection in the Baltimore Convention, by casting her vote for him for President of the United States, and any aspersion on him touches her own honor.—She cannot be silent when calumny assails him.

In another column the reader will find an article in vindication of Mr. Dickinson, from the pen of one among the most eminent public men in Virginia—one who, himself among the most fearless and faithful of the champions of our Northern friends, and who, as a member of Congress with Mr. Dickenson, can attest his noble and self sacrificing exertions in the defence of our rights.

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Blog Editor’s Note: The spelling of Senator Dickinson’s surnam switches from its correct spelling to Dickenson frequently in this article, I have kept the spellings as they occur in the original.

SOURCE: “Daniel S. Dickenson,” Richmond Enquirer, Richmond, Virginia, Friday Morning, September 16, 1853, p. 2

Senator Daniel S. Dickinson to Henry Orr, September 13, 1853

BINGHAMTON, N. Y., September 13, 1853.

MY DEAR SIR—I have this moment received your favor of the 10th, calling my attention to a communication in the Washington Union, charging me in substance with having favored and advocated the Wilmot Proviso in the Senate of the United States, in 1847, and presenting partial extracts of a speech I then made to prove it.

The "free-soil" journals of this State have recently made a similar discovery, probably aided by similar optics; but as these journals, because of this very speech, and the vote thereon, honored me with the distinction of stereotyping my name enclosed in black lines, at the head of their columns for months, and recommended that I be burned in effigy, and treated with personal indignities and violence, it gave me little concern to see them endeavoring to divert attention from their own position by assaulting me in an opposite direction. Nor, since the Washington Union has furnished its contribution, should I have thought the matter worth my notice. Those who are pursuing me in my retirement, whether as open and manly opponents or otherwise, have their service to perform and their parts assigned them, and I have no more disposition to disturb their vocation than I have to inquire as to the nature and amount of their wages, or question the manner in which they execute their work.

I was honored with a seat in the Senate of this State four years, and there introduced resolutions upon the subject of slavery, and spoke and voted thereon; was President of the same body two years, and was seven years a Senator in Congress—from the annexation of Texas until after the passage of the compromise measures. I have, too, for the last twenty years, often been a member of conventions—county, State and national; have presented resolutions, made speeches and proposed addresses; and if, in my whole political course, a speech, vote, or resolution can be found favoring the heresy of "freesoil," I will consent to occupy a position in the public judgment as degraded as the most malevolent of that faction, or its most convenient accomplice.

Near the close of the session of 1847, I returned to my seat in the Senate from a most painful and distressing domestic affliction, and found the Three Million bill under discussion, during which the Wilmot Proviso (so called) was offered, and my colleague, General Dix, presented resolutions from our Legislature, passed with great unanimity, instructing us to vote in favor of the proviso. General Dix advocated the adoption of the proviso, and voted for it. I spoke against its adoption and voted against it, and, in so doing, aroused against me free-soil and abolition malignity throughout the country.

The main subject under discussion was the propriety of placing a fund of three millions in the hands of the President for the purpose of negotiating a treaty of peace with Mexico by the purchase of territory. The proviso was an incidental question, and treated accordingly. Neither my frame of mind nor the exigencies of the occasion afforded me an adequate opportunity to consider or discuss the question; but the whole drift and spirit of what I did say upon the subject, although imperfectly reported, was against all slavery agitation, as will be seen by the following extracts:

“As though it were not enough to legislate for the government of such territory as may be procured under and by virtue of this appropriation, if any shall be made—which of course rests in uncertainty—this amendment, forsooth, provides for the domestic regulation of ‘any territory on the continent of America which shall hereafter be acquired by or annexed to the United States, or in any other manner whatever.’ And thus this wholesome and pacific measure must be subjected to delay and the hazards of defeat, the war must be prosecuted afresh with all its engines of destruction, or abandoned by a craven and disgraceful retreat; one campaign after another be lost, while the wily and treacherous foe and his natural ally, the vomito, are preying upon the brave hearts of our patriotic soldiery; that we may legislate, not merely for the domestic government of Mexican territory in the expectation that we may hereafter obtain it, but that we may erect barriers to prevent the sugar manufacturer and cotton planter of the South from extending his plantation and his slavery towards the polar regions.

“If, then, the popular judgment shall commend that pioneer benevolence, which seeks to provide for the government of territory which, though its acquisition yet ‘sleeps in the wide abyss of possibility,’ may be acquired by this proposed negotiation; if the appropriation shall be made and a negotiation opened, and the President shall propose to accept for indemnity, and the Mexican government to cede a portion of territory, and terms shall be stipulated and a treaty be made between the two governments and ratified by both; and the territory be organized by the legislation of Congress; what adequate encomiums shall be lavished upon that more comprehensive philanthropy and profound statesmanship, which, in a bill designed to terminate a bloody and protracted war, raging in the heart of an enemy's country, casts into this discussion this apple of domestic discord under the pretence of extending the benevolent ægis of freedom over any territory which may at any time or in any manner, or upon any part of the continent, be acquired by the United States? It is no justification for the introduction of this element of strife and controversy at this time and upon this occasion, that it is abstractly just and proper, and that the Southern States should take no exception to its provisions. All knew the smouldering materials which the introduction of this topic would ignite—the sectional strife and local bitterness which would follow in its train; all had seen and read its fatal history at the last session, and knew too well what controversies, delays, and vexations must hang over it—what crimination and recrimination would attend upon its toilsome and precarious progress, and what hazard would wait upon the result—how it would array man against man, State against State, section against section, the South against the North, and the North against the South—and what must be, not only its effects and positive mischiefs, but how its disorganizing and pernicious influences must be extended to other measures necessary to sustain the arm of government.

“This bill not only suffered defeat at the last session, but has been subjected to the delays, hazards, and buffetings of this, by reason of this misplaced proviso. Upon it the very antipodes of agitation have met and mingled their discordant influences. This proviso, pretending to circumscribe the limits of slavery, is made the occasion for the presentation of declaratory resolves in its favor, and the bill becomes, as if by mutual appointment, the common battle ground of abstract antagonisms; each theoretic agitation is indebted to the other for existence, and each subsists alone upon the aliment provided ready to its hand by its hostile purveyor. The votaries of opposing systems seem to have drawn hither to kindle their respective altar-fires, and to vie with each other in their efforts to determine who shall cause the smoke of their incense to ascend the highest. Both are assailing the same edifice from different angles, and for alleged opposing reasons— both declare that their support of the bill depends upon the contingency of the amendment, and the efforts of both unite in a common result, and that is, procrastination and the hazard of defeat. The common enemy is overlooked and almost forgotten, that we may glare upon each other over a side issue and revive the slumbering elements of controversy, in proposing to prescribe domestic regulations for the government of territory which we have some expectation we may hereafter, possibly, acquire. This exciting and troublesome question has no necessary connection with this bill, and if, indeed, it can ever have any practical operation whatever, it would certainly be equally operative if passed separately. * * * * * *

“But suppose we do not, after all, as we well may not, obtain by negotiations any part of Mexican territory, what a sublime spectacle of legislation will a clause like this present to the world? It will stand upon the pages of the statute as an act of the American Congress designed to regulate the government of Mexican territory, but whose operation was suspended by the interposition of the Mexican veto; a chapter in our history to be employed by our enemies as evidence of rapacity, of weakness, and depraved morals; a target for the jeers and scoffs of the kingly governments of the earth, for the derision of Mexico herself, and the general contempt of mankind—a lapsed legacy to the memory of misplaced benevolence and abortive legislation.

“And what is more humiliating is, that the enemies of popular freedom throughout the world are scowling with malignant gratification to see this great nation unable to prosecute a war against a crippled and comparatively feeble enemy, without placing in the foreground of its measures this pregnant element of controversy, which the world sees and knows is the canker which gnaws at the root of our domestic peace; and when it is known that from this cause, especially, we have practically proved our inability to unite in the prosecution of a war, or to provide measures to establish peace, we shall be regarded as a fit object for contumely, and be laughed to scorn by the despicable government with which we are at strife, and which we have hesitated to strike because of her weakness and imbecility."

That part of the speech which, with more ingenuity than candor, has been clipped out to suit the necessities of my accusers and convict me of “free soil” sentiments, was my explanation of the general sentiment of the Northern people, in reply to a suggestion that all must be abolitionists, because the legislature instructed upon all questions relating to slavery with great unanimity. The following is the extract:

“So far as I am advised or believe, the great mass of the people at the North entertain but one opinion upon the subject, and that is the same entertained by many at the South. They regard the institution as a great moral and political evil, and would that it had no existence. They are not unaware of the difficulties which beset it, and do not intend to provoke sectional jealousies and hatred by ill-timed and misplaced discussions. They will not listen to the cry of the fanatic, or favor the design of the political schemer from the North or the South; nor will they ever disturb or trench upon the compromises of the constitution. They believe the institution to be local or domestic: to be established or abolished by the States themselves, and alone subject to their control; and that federal legislation can have very little influence over it. But being thus the institution of a local sovereignty, and a franchise peculiar to itself, they deny that such sovereignty or its people can justly claim the right to regard it as transitory and erect it in the Territories of the United States without the authority of Congress, and they believe that Congress may prohibit its introduction into the Territories while they remain such,” &c.

The legislative instructions were nearly unanimous, and the popular sentiment of the State was equally harmonious. Being a believer in and advocate for the doctrine of instruction (which up to that time had been only employed to uphold the principles of the constitution), and being anxious to represent and reflect, wherever I could, the true sentiment of my State, I indicated my willingness on a future and suitable occasion to vote as the legislature had instructed, without any repetition of its direction; but subsequent events and developments and further reflection admonished me, that I should best discharge my duty to the constitution and the Union by disregarding such instructions altogether; and although they were often afterwards repeated, and popular indignities threatened, I disregarded them accordingly.

And now, my dear sir, I leave this matter where, but for your kind letter, I should have permitted it to repose-upon the judgment of a people who have not yet forgotten, nor will they soon forget, who sustained and who assailed their country's constitution in the moment of its severest trial, the perversions of necessitous politicians to the contrary not withstanding. But it was perhaps due to confiding friends, that the sinister misrepresentation should be corrected; and I thank you for the attention which enabled me to do it.

Sincerely yours,

D. S. DICKINSON.

TO HENRY E. ORR, Esq., Washington, D. C.

SOURCE: John R. Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 476-81

Wednesday, April 24, 2024

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, Saturday, November 1, 1862

Saturday, and of course general cleaning day. So many went into the river before breakfast, and soon found it to be the worst thing possible for us, and expected fever and ague every day till we forgot the circumstance. We had a scare and then a little fun early this morning. Some humorous fellows had fired our nice houses, and fully half the huts in the line were in a blaze; but, instead of trying to stop it, as fast as the boys were smothered out and came to their senses, they "put in a hand," and piled on all the boards they could find. Soon nothing was left of Camp Foster but ashes. Col. Lee would not allow us to appropriate any more lumber, so to-night we will sleep bare-back, excepting our rubber blankets. The portion of the troops who came by land from New Berne having arrived, we start to-morrow—so they say.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 17

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, November 2, 1862

We started early this morning by the northerly road; we "fell in "regularly enough, but it was not long before we took the "route step," taking the whole road. A mile or two out we halted and loaded up. Evidently the officers thought there would be plenty of game. We saw or heard little or nothing for about six miles, when we passed a camp-fire, and were told the advance had come across an outpost and killed a man. We still kept up a steady tramp, and about noon the light marching order became heavy again, and whatever useless articles we had on hand were thrown aside. At noon, we halted to feed in a field near a planter's house; the family were all on the piazza. For dinner we had potatoes, chickens, honey, applejack, and persimmons; the last of which are good if eaten with care, but, if a little green, beware! We stayed here about an hour, then packed up and started again, followed no doubt by the blessings of that whole family.

RAWLE'S MILL.

About six o'clock (the time probably when our friends at home were writing to us) we heard the artillery, and, coming to a halt, waited anxiously for the next move. To us it soon came. Companies H, Capt. Smith, and C, Capt. Lombard, were ordered forward, "E" being next in line. For a while we heard nothing of them; but when they were about half-way across the stream the rebels fired into their ranks. They, however, succeeded in crossing, and returned the rebels' fire; but Gen. Foster thought it better to shell them out, so Companies H and C were ordered back; "H" having Depeyster, Jacobs, and Parker wounded; and Co. C, Charles Rollins killed; Sergt. Pond and W. A. Smallidge wounded. Lieut. Briggs was stunned by a shell.

After the return of these companies, Belger's Battery shelled across the stream for some time, trying to dislodge the enemy. Our company and "I" were sent forward in the same track of "H" and "C," Company I being held in reserve. We had the fight all to ourselves. It was quite a distance to the water, and an illimitable one before we arrived on the other side. It was very nearly waist-deep and very cold. We had gone about over, when they fired, but the shot went over our heads: we were nearer than they thought. After coming out and shaking ourselves, Capt. Richardson deployed the company as skirmishers, and we commenced to feel our way up the slope. Before we were well at it we received another volley, which sadly disarranged the ideas of several of us, some of the boys firing back at their flash; but probably very many of our first volley went nearer the moon than the rebels; and then we jumped for cover. Some found the grape-vines not conducive to an upright position. We got straightened out at last, and gradually worked our way forward; the writer's position being in the gutter (or where the gutter ought to have been) on the left of the road; soon receiving another volley which we answered in good shape, hoping we did better execution than they had done. We could hear those on the right of the road, but could see nothing, and could only fire on the flash of the rebels. After five or six volleys from our side, and as many from the rebels, we were ordered back, recrossed the ford, and found we had met with loss. Charles Morse was shot through the head. His death must have been instantaneous, as the ball went in very near the temple and came out the opposite side. A detail buried him among the pines, very nearly opposite the surgeon's head-quarters. Charles H. Roberts was quite severely wounded in the left shoulder. There were some narrow escapes, and, among the minor casualties, E. V. Moore was struck by a ball in the heel of his boot; he was tumbled over; immediately picked up by the stretcher-bearers and carried to the rear, but would not stay there, and soon found his way to the front again.

The writer, not wishing to be wounded, persistently held his gun ready to ward off all shot, consequently one of the numerous well-aimed shots struck the gun instead of his leg, fracturing the rifle badly; the bullet, after going through the stock of the gun, entered his pantaloons, scraping a little skin from his leg, and finally found its way to his boot.

The surgeon would not report him as wounded or missing, so he had to report back to his company; found his blanket and tried to turn in, but it was no use: the company had more work on hand.

The part of the company who went into the woods on the right of the road, had a clear passage up the hill, as far as the walking was concerned, but they met their share of fighting, happily coming back with no loss. Parsons, Tucker, and Pierce succeeded in taking three prisoners, who were sent to the rear. We were detailed as baggage guard, which duty we did bravely!! Every time the line halted we would lie down, and were asleep as soon as we struck the mud!! Finally we made a grand start, forded the stream again, and, after being frightened to death by a stampede of horses up the road, we found a cornfield, and, after forming line several times for practice with the rest of the regiment, spread ourselves on the ground and hugged each other and our wet rubber blankets to get warm.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 17-8

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, November 3, 1862

At four o'clock this morning "all was wrong." We were aroused from the most miserable attempt at sleep our boys ever dreamed of trying. It was a mercy to awaken us; only we were so stiff, sore, cold, and hungry, that it was most impossible to get up at all. We were covered with dirt and frost. Our guns were in fearful condition, and we were ordered to clean them and be ready for the road in half an hour. That was good; no chance to eat anything or clean up ourselves; but such is the luck of war. At six A.M. we started on our second day's tramp. Had you asked any of the company, they would have said, "We have been tramping a week." Our colonel gave us a good word this morning, in passing, saying we had done well. We are satisfied; for although "Rawle's Mill" was not an extensive affair, but very few men being engaged, it was an ugly encounter for raw material, fired upon, as we were, while up to our waists in water; the unknown force of the enemy, apparently on top of the hill, under cover, and having a perfect knowledge of the "lay of the land.”

After a steady march of about twelve miles, we entered Williamston, where we halted, broke ranks, and had a picked-up dinner, and made ourselves comfortable for two hours or so. Williamston is a pretty little town on the Roanoke. We foraged considerably; most every man having something. The gunboats here effected a junction with us, bringing extra rations, &c.

We visited the wounded, calling on Charley Roberts, who was hit last night. He looks pretty white, but is doing well, and will probably be sent to New Berne on one of the boats. A few of us found a piano in one of the houses, and after moving it to the piazza, Ned Ramsay played, and we sang home tunes for a while, having a large audience on the lawn. Soon after the officers broke up our fun, by Fall in E," and as that was what we came for, we "fell in," and recommenced our walk at three P.M., marching about five miles, when we pitched camp for the night. Parsons has been made sergeant for his coolness and bravery in taking prisoners.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 19

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, November 4, 1862

We started early this morning, steadily tramping till a little after noon, when we entered the town of Hamilton, the rebs leaving as our advance went in.

Here we made a long halt, as the men were sore, sick, and lame, as well as tired and hungry. Surgeon Ware made an examination here, and as it was as far as the transports could be with us, he decided to send back what men had succumbed. Our company had two. The unfortunates were put aboard a miserable tub of a boat, with about two hundred sick men on her, and sleeping room for about fifty; but after nearly five days on the crowded, ill-ventilated, poorly provisioned craft, we arrived at New Berne on Sunday morning, Nov. 9th, marched to the old camp-ground, and were received by the guard whom we left there. They washed us, and put us to bed, and then took care of us till we were on our feet again. We had good quarters in the surgeon's tent, and only worried for fear the regiment would come home in the dark, and catch us napping in the officers' quarters.

Rumors are abundant to the effect that the regiment is cut to pieces, but no work for the sick ones, so we write letters by the dozen, smoke, and tell stories of our campaign to the camp-guard. But the company must be looked up.

They started from Hamilton about seven P.M., of the 4th, marching through town with fireworks. Many of the buildings were in flames, having been fired in retaliation, our men being shot at from the houses. Others say the town was burned because a rebel picket shot one of our soldiers on the outskirts of the town. If that was so, it was a wrong done to private property.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 19-20

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, November 5, 1862

The camp last night was about four or five miles from Hamilton, in a cornfield as usual. To-day they tramped until noon, going about twelve miles; lunched, then branched off heading towards Tarboro.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 20

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, November 6, 1862

The main body marched until the small hours of morning, through a drenching rain and a desolate swamp, in the direction of Halifax, before they found a decent camp.

It was a surprise to all; but instead of going to Tarboro, as was expected, the troops made a backward movement, and the story was, that there was a large force at Tarboro, who intended to attack us and destroy our usefulness. They did not succeed. A portion of the command who marched all night of the 5th on the other road, joined the regiment this forenoon only to find they must keep on the dreary tramp all day and well into the night again before they could reach Hamilton, where they took possession of the houses that were not burned.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 20

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, November 7, 1862

This morning the ground was covered with snow, adding to the beauties of the marching, which was soon commenced, and continued to Williamston. Here the boys stayed until Sunday, waiting to recruit their strength, and, it was said, to meet transports, but none came; so they started again, and Sunday night encamped a few miles from Plymouth. Monday they embarked on the "Geo. Collins," bound for New Berne.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 20

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, November 12, 1862

The camp at New Berne was aroused by the long-roll, by an attack at the bridge, where the pickets are posted. All our guard were called out. Two men of the 24th M. V. were killed. The affair was short, but disturbed the camp for the rest of the night. Our barracks are all done, and we will occupy them as soon as the regiment gets home.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 20

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, November 14, 1862

ARRIVAL HOME AGAIN.

By the loud cheering and blowing off of steam in the direction of New Berne, we knew the boys had arrived. The regiment reached camp about noon, and a dirtier, more used-up set of men we never saw. Our friends at home would hardly recognize us as the same party who three short weeks before were parading at Readville. But we are now "vets," of one fight "Rawle's Mill," which we are bound to carry, and as we cannot get it on our flag, the smokers have engraved it on their pipes.

We occupied our barracks to-day. They are new and roomy, but built of green lumber, consequently will soon be well ventilated. The bunks are better and more commodious than those at Readville. Three double ones in each tier; the cook-room in the centre, with fireplace on one side and room for the sergeants opposite.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 20

Diary of Private John J. Wyeth, November 15, 1862

To-day we were inspected by Gen. Foster, an all-day duty, as we were on our feet from early morning till late in the afternoon. The most important feature of the inspection (to one at least of the company) was the presentation to him of his shattered gun by Gen. Foster, with the permission to "Send it home as a present from your general.” It was a relic second to none.

SOURCE: John Jasper Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass. Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 21

Richard Brooke Garnett

Nephew of James Mercer Garnett (q. v.), and Robert Selden Garnett (q. v.); born in Virginia, in 1819; graduated from the United States Military Academy in 1841. He entered the army as second lieutenant, and served in the Florida war, and subsequently in the west. He was made first lieutenant in 1847, and later captain. He aided in quelling the Kansas disturbances in 1856-57; was engaged in the Utah expedition. He entered the Confederate service as major of artillery in 1861, and was promoted to brigadier-general the same year. He served in the Shenandoah Valley under Jackson, and at the battle of Kernstown commanded the Stonewall brigade. During and after the Maryland. campaign he commanded Pickett's brigade, which he finally led at Gettysburg, where he fell dead, shot from his horse in the midst of action. He died July 3, 1863.

SOURCE: Encyclopedia of Virginia Biography, Vol. 3, p. 53

Robert Selden Garnett

Son of Robert Selden Garnett (q. v.), born in Essex county, Virginia; graduated from United States Military Academy, in 1841, as second lieutenant of artillery, and was an instructor there till October, 1844. In 1845 he went to Mexico as aide to Gen. Wool, and served with distinction at Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma; and was aide to Gen. Taylor at Monterey and Buena Vista. As captain, he was again an instructor at West Point in 1852-54. Promoted to major he served on the western frontier. He was on leave of absence in Europe when the civil war broke out. Returning, he resigned, was commissioned lieutenant-colonel, C. S. A., and was adjutant-general to Gen. R. E. Lee. In June, 1861, as brigadier-general, he went into service in western Virginia, and while leading his troops at Carrick's [sic] Ford, July 13, was killed by a volley from the enemy. His body was tenderly cared for by Gen. McClellan, and returned to his friends.

SOURCE: Encyclopedia of Virginia Biography, Vol. 3, p. 54

Tuesday, April 23, 2024

Thomas A. Glover to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, June 23, 1855

NEW YORK, [N. Y.], June 23, 1855.

MY DEAR SIR: Desirous of urging, most strongly, upon you the necessity of your coming to New York to participate in the celebration of the Anniversary of the Young Men's Democratic Club I cannot but write you again upon this subject, having addressed you some days since from Baltimore.

This celebration is one of much importance at this time, and if successful will have much weight upon the results of the coming campaign in our state. A campaign that must decide the position of New York in 56, whether she will stand among her Sister States, supporting the time-honored principles of the National Democracy or whether she will be found aiding and abetting, giving vigor and sustaining the treasonable combinations of Whiggery and KnowNothingism, Abolitionism Maine lawism, proscription and Priest craft.

To aid and direct the Democracy of our State, in reestablishing her power, and asserting her supremacy we must look to Statesmen from beyond our geographical boundaries. Men who dare assert the majesty of the laws and whose courage and devotion has sustained the Republic in obedience to Constitutional enactments.

Within ourselves we have few, if any such men. Their alliances their preferences and their prejudices have lost them the confidence of the people and if the Democratic Masses of our State are to be united it must be through their reliance upon the young and untainted men of our State, advised, counselled and directed by the bold, vigorous minds of Southern men.

To ensure a co-operative action of the North and South to restore confidence and to complete their success the Democracy must profess and practice a common faith, vigorous in combatting error, valiant in vanquishing a Common enemy, they must adopt the principles of the early fathers of the Republic, they must go back to first principles they must stand where Washington, Jefferson Monroe and Jackson stood, pledged to sustain the Constitution of the nation, and pledged to sustain the individual rights of the States. Protecting themselves from assault from wishing and guaranteeing as just and an equal protection to their Sister States. And sir, we feel now, in our State that the hour is propitious that the Democracy of our State are prepared to take a conservative yet positive position upon these issues, and your coming among us at this time, will do much towards the speedy consummation of this result. We earnestly and cordially invite you. We offer you a sincere and cordial welcome to our city and cannot but hope you find your engagements such as to permit of your acceptance. We have also addressed Hon. M. R. Garnett and from the urgent manner of Mr. Wise as expressed in his letter to him I presume he will come.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 165-6

Major Robert Selden Garnett to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, July 8, 1855

FT. MONROE, VA., July 8, 1855.

MY DEAR COUSIN: Your kind letter of the 25th Ult was misdirected to me at New York and did not overtake me at this place until a few days since. I am truly obliged to you for the frankness and liberality with which you have given me your views in relation to my proposed marriage. I do not understand you as fully approving the step under the circumstances, and fully appreciate—perhaps indeed even concur with you in your doubts as to its wisdom. I need hardly assure you that I had rather have had your approval of it than that of any relation I have. I owe so much of my professional services and advancement to your kind exertions that I have felt it to be a sort of duty I owed you to speak with you freely and fully on the subject. I should have only felt too happy if the step could have met with your unqualified approbation, yet my own judgment told me that it would be unreasonable to expect it. I sincerely hope, however, and believe, that as time rolls on I shall be able to show that I have not made after all so great a mistake as would appear to be the case at first. In comparing my own case with that of hundreds of other officers of the army, the advantages appear to me to be all on my side. There are 86 majors in the Army. Of this number about 8 are bachelors. The rest are married men; many with large families and some even grand-fathers. In most of these cases, these officers married while in the subordinate grades of the Army, with small pay and when they and their families were consequently subjected to many inconveniences from which my rank will now entirely exempt me. Yet many of these people have lived very happily, have educated and established their children well as they could, and express themselves content with their present and past life. Many of these officers too—indeed the most distinguished in our service—acquired their professional reputations as married men, and that too when they married as subalterns such for instance as Taylor, Worth, Lee, Smith, Mansfield, Huger &c &c. Marriage does not appear to have affected in the slightest degree their activity or efficiency. This was a point upon which I reflected much before taking this step and upon which I have but few apprehensions.

My rank in the army has freed me from many of the onerous and confining details of company, and subaltern duties. My movements are not now so much controlled by the movements of a particular line of men. I am much less subjected to that constant change of station so inimical to the comforts of married life in the army. I shall as a general thing henceforth, be in command when I go to my post, and will thus have the power and means of securing to myself many comforts &c. of which, as a Capt[ain] or Subaltern, I would have been necessarily deprived. I cannot believe that my professional prospects or standing will be injuriously effected by this step. Indeed I think that they may be materially improved, for what I most desire now is to have two or three years of quietness at some remote post where I may devote myself without interruption to professional reading and study, and I truly believe that I could do so much more successfully as a married man than as a single one. My own doubts and anxieties, however, lie in quite another direction. Life in the army is more precarious than in any other walk or pursuit of life; and an officer ought not perhaps to calculate upon living the usual term of years and then dying of old age. The obligation then to provide for his family for the future in case of his death is more urgent and imperative upon a married officer than upon other men; and as Miss Nelson is poor, I feel the full weight of this obligation in my case. Had I only to guard against disease I might perhaps safely calculate upon living long enough to do, as hundreds of other officers have done with fewer advantages than I have―viz, to lay up a respectable competency for my family in case of my death. This I confess is a point upon which I feel the greatest anxiety. During my life unless I should be ejected from the army, and this is improbable, I shall have no fears as to my ability to secure to her all the comforts she can reasonably desire; but it is a very painful reflection to me to think that I may be killed off and leave her in straightened circumstances—with nothing but my name. For this reason only, it has always, been my desire, if married at all, to marry a lady with some means of her own. If I felt certain that I should live 10 or 15 years longer, I should feel no anxiety on this subject, for with the increased pay and rank which I cannot help from acquiring in the meantime I feel confident that I could secure her against such a misfortune. A great many of our officers who have married with small pay and in the lower grades have managed to put away money and to live comfortable—some have become independent and even rich; and it seems to me that there must be something radically wrong about me, if I cannot, with my rank and advantages, now do the same.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 166-8

John L. Dawson to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, August 10, 1855

BROWNSVILLE, [PA.], August 10, 1855.

DEAR HUNTER: I reached home on last evening having left "Superior on the 6th instant. I was delighted with my trip-the beauty of the Town site-its advantages and the absolute certainty that it will be a great town.

It is the prettiest situation for a City that I have ever seen. The rivers and the bay are unsurpassed for their natural beauty, the bay or harbor however requiring some dredging and the entrance to the bay requiring the construction of a pier to protect the channel. The country in the vicinity of the place is rich and will make a fine agricultural district. The whole thing is a decided hit. The minerals in the vicinity are also abundant and rich.

I have a map for you, with your lots coloured. I got a young lawyer to do the work but had the numbers carefully compared by Mr. Clarke, Newton's chief clerk. I will send you the map by Adams Express if you will designate the place and route.

I cannot advise you to sell any of these lots, time will add greatly to their value. So impressed was Gov. Bright and myself with the prospects of "Superior" that we acceded to a proposition of Mr. Newton to pay off the notes given to Mr. Corcoran, say about $20,000 and take lots for the same, about 456 lots.

I send you a no. of the Superior Chronicle containing a letter written by Mr. Mitchell, one of the Editors of the St. Louis Intelligence descriptive of the place and its advantages.

I have declined as you have doubtless seen by the papers, the appointment of Governor of the Territory of Kansas. I hope to have the pleasure of seeing you some time this winter at Washington and can then tell you all about "Superior."

I await your answer concerning the shipment of the map.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 168-9

John L. Dawson to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, August 25, 1855

BROWNSVILLE, [PA.], August 25th, 1855.

DEAR HUNTER: I received your letter of the 20th instant this morning and have just shipped the box containing the map of "Superior" to the care of Gallaher Young & Co., Fredericksburg Va. I sent it from here to Pitts[burg]h to G. W. Cass who will forward it to you by Adams Express. The numbering of the Lots begins on Robertson Avenue: Odd numbers on the right, even numbers on the left. This reference will enable you to ascertain without difficulty the Nos. of your lots.

There was no map prepared, showing the general division. I had one coloured for you and one for myself by which I could distinguish your lots and my own. Gov[ernor] Bright had one also prepared, showing his lots. I consider your lots as of equal value with our division. The most valuable lots at the present time are these on Second Street, for the reason that nearly all of the improvements are on that street. The value of the lots will depend upon many future contingencies which no man can foresee, but at present I am of opinion that the most valuable improvements will be upon Left Hand river and between said river and Hollinshead Avenue. The Piers have not yet been divided. Quebec Pier is the only one improved and is in a good position. The next two piers below Quebec, and between it and Left Hand, will be still more valuable. The most of the lots and blocks will be ready for a final division this fall. The Superior City to which you refer as mentioned in Newtons advertisement is the Town site for which we are contending. It embraces 320 a[cres] and is very valuable. It is important that we establish our right to the same. Newton has taken a good many releases from the pre-emptors and will persevere, until he gets all. Bright seemed to think this of no consequence, but I urged him to procure all if possible. I sent you a "Superior Chronicle" containing a letter written by a Mr. Mitchell from St. Louis descriptive of the Town and its advantages, which I presume you have received. Mitchell bought a considerable interest and secured a pre-emption to 160 a[cres] in the vicinity of the town. His statements are to be relied upon. I repeat that is the prettiest site for a large City that I have ever seen. Its position geographical, commercial and political is great, and it is destined to be a great place, and no mistake. The pier will not cost more than 20 or 25 thousand dollars, and but little dredging will be necessary to make the harbor a good one.

What say you to the Canadian or British project of a ship canal directly to connect Lakes Huron and Ontario via Lake Semcoe and the Georgian Bay avoiding the circuit of Erie, Detroit River and St Clair and Flats and a great portion of Lake Huron, curtailing about 900 miles of Distance.

In politics I fear there is trouble ahead. The Southern Statesmen must act with great discretion and aid the democracy of the North in heading the Common enemy, headed by Chase[,] Seward and Co. The free soilers and abolitionists will not unite with the K[now] N[othings] and I therefore believe that we can elect our President. It is of the greatest important to you as well as to the party and the country that you take good care to have your friends from Virginia and elsewhere in the Cincinnati Convention. If the nomination should go South, the vote of Virginia will go far in giving it the proper direction. In a word it is an important movement and requiring our whole attention.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 169-70

William L. Jackson* to Frederick W. Coleman, September 5, 1855

RICHMOND, VA., September 5th, 1855.

DEAR COLEMAN: I received a letter from Lyons to day. He suggests that a letter from Hunter will be beneficial. You can procure said letter. Hunter knows me personally and by reputation. He is aware that, owing to my efforts there was no division in the delegation of the Northwest at his re-election to the Senate. I was selected to make the nominating speech in the House of Delegates.

I am on my way to St. Mary's Pleasants County, Virginia and leave this letter. Any efforts of yours in my behalf will be gratefully appreciated. If it becomes necessary during my absence you can consult Col. Drinkard.

_______________

* A political leader of local influence in western Virginia, now West Virginia.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 171

A. D. Banks to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, November 23, 1855

PETERSBURG, [Va.], November 23rd, 1855.

MY DEAR SIR: For the past ten days, I have been in Richmond and while there have had frequent conversations with influential democrats from all Quarters of the State. It affords me pleasure to communicate the agreeable fact that Mason's re-election is already un fait accompli. There will be no opposition. The movement against him has signally failed and about the first business of the session will be his triumphant re-election. This you may confidently rely on. The attempt of which we spoke at Richmond on the part of certain gentlemen to head a feud between your friends and Wise's will also fail. Many ardent admirers and advocates of Wise have assured me that you were their second choice and that none would be more ready than themselves to frown down and discountenance any efforts at fomenting rivalry and dissatisfaction. Some of them express a determination early in the session of the democratic State Convention to introduce a resolution to the effect that the Virginia democracy have no choice between their two Prominent chiefs who have been named for the succession but will support either with cheerfulness and alacrity, leaving the fortunate one of them to be selected by the National democracy of the Union. This argues a better feeling on the part of Wise's friends than we had good reason to expect, and it is in fact all that we could ask of them.

I shall see you in Washington next week and should like to have a full and free conference with you on the future. We can then better understand the current and its course. Douglas' Position cannot be known too soon.

By the way my friends intend urging my name for the House clerkship I can lose nothing certainly while if a fortunate train of circumstances should conspire to place me in the Position it would be a most desirable place. Being the only person at present named from the South I ought to get quite a respectable vote. The Examiner and Enquirer here both voluntarily offered to support me warmly. Present me kindly to Garnett.

_______________

* Blog Editor’s Note: Publisher of the Daily Democrat, Petersburg, Virginia.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 171-2

James Hunter to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, December 3, 1855

RICHMOND, [VA.], December 3, 1855.

MY DEAR SIR: I have merely time to write to you to ask you to see Mr. Bright and represent to him that it is indepensible and absolutely necessary in perfecting the Papers to organize the Kanawha Coal Company that his name for the present should remain as one of the Stock holders. After the Company is organized he can make such disposition as he pleases of his stock. Please attend to this at once and write to Mr. E. T. Morris and mention, that you have made this arrangement with Mr. Bright. I forgot to mention that it is necessary that Mr. Morris should know the name of Mr. Bright's wife in drawing the papers.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 172

James A. Seddon to Senator Robert M. T. Hunter, December 3, 1855

ST. JAMES, LOUISIANA, December 3rd, 1855.

MY DEAR SIR: Your letter only reached me in this outside world a few days since. Its confidence and kind consideration for my uninformed councils have afforded me sincere gratification. You may have many wiser but no truer friends, and so entirely conscious am I of the warmth and disinterestedness of my own regard and so confident of your just appreciation, that I feel privileged to use the utmost candor and frankness with you. It is plain to me there is imminent danger of jealously and discension arising, if not between Wise and yourself, at least between your respective friends and adherents, and in consequence the loss of the favorable contingency of elevating a true Southern States Rights man to the Presidency and adding another Chief Magistrate to the illustrious roll our State can now boast. Wise is clearly in a false position. While unconscious of the full eclat of his State triumph and the commendation it would afford to a certain class of lookers out for new stars in the political fermament to put him up for the Presidency, he, animated both by gratitude for the recent exertion of yourself and your friends in his behalf and by old relations of kindness, committed himself decidedly in your favor. Since, circumstances and the flattery of friends have deluded him and kindled ambitious aspirations that to one of his nature are but too seductive.

Wishing however to be an honest man, he can not forget or disregard wholly his promises in your favor, yet being so ambitious, he can not entirely reconcile himself to the preferment of another from his own section and state over him. He therefore compromises with himself by the persuasion that neither can be elected and casts around for chances to strengthen himself in the position.

This I take to be the true state of the case, although perhaps not fully realized to his own mind. Now this will never do as it will inevitably defeat you both now, which is all either can be secure of, and which is indeed a rare contingency not likely to recur speedily. Open rivalry is hardly more fatal than the open position taken by either of you, that no Southern man or Virginian must now be nominated. It is dangerous to have, even more fatally in our state, the peculiar feelings and jealousies which really render it impossible to run with success a Northern man, and the absence of which in the South gives her the preference of a nomination. All this is clear to me, but how to anticipate and avoid the evil is the rub. I confess I am very much at a loss, but I can imagine two minds and natures, as magnanimous and generous as I know yours and hope Wise's to be, might pin to the level of a noble understanding even in relation to such a post of honor and usefulness as the Presidency, and in a personal interview put matters on some bases satisfactory to the friends of both. I think indeed Wise ought to and with a just appreciation of the circumstances of his position and of the times I hope would at once withdraw all pretensions on his own part, and engage with characteristic zeal and energy in urging you. This is perhaps rather to be hoped than expected, although I confess I am not without some anticipation that recent elections at the North may have forced on his mind his original impression that a Northern man can not be nominated. Besides Buchanan, who is the only Northern man to whom past committals can justify him in adhering in preference to you, is wary and prudent and may not wish to run the gauntlet of an ineffective struggle for nomination. With the Session of Congress too Wise will drop more from public notice and you become more prominent. National politicians, who must and doubtless do prefer you, will then be more influential than during the recess in molding and guiding public opinion and Wise may be awakened from his temporary delusion. Should however this not prove the case, would it not be possible for you and himself to leave the question who shall be supported by V[irgini]a in the nominating Convention to the arbitrament of two or more mutual friends, who might quietly enquire and determine the relative strength of each and select the stronger. Or should this be impracticable, might you and he not have an understanding that neither should take the least measure to influence the action of the State or the selection of delegates to the Convention and that when assembled, their choice should determine, the one not preferred at once to withdraw and cast all his influence in behalf of the other.

By one of these or some kindred mode, growing discentions so distructive to the chances of both and so discredible and weakening to the Democracy of our State will be oviated, and what will please me scarcely less, the petty malice of Floyd and Smith with all their yelping pack will be frustrated. I can not answer your enquiry as to the motives of Floyd's peculiar animosity to you, but presume it had origin in some imagined slight to his overweaning vanity, while he was Governor and not infrequently in Washington, or perhaps in a desire thro' you to strike at Mason whose seat he has the folly to aspire to. The Examiner alone gives any venom to his sting but while hurtful to both him and yourself if disunited is impotent against your united strength. I wish much I could see you or be in V[irginia] this winter and think it probable I may return in February. I shall be a deeply interested spectator of events and watch with delight your culminating star.

This climate agrees with me better than the more vigorous North and I enjoy it even the monotony of a French neighborhood and plantation life. I am busy making sugar and hope with it to sweeten the sour portions which the ill fortune of delicate health commends to my lips. Do give my cordial remembrances to Mr. Mason and Judge Butler and any other of our old political associates who may dain to bear in remembrance one who at heart has the merit of valuing his section and his friends.

SOURCE: Charles Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 172-4

Sunday, April 21, 2024

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, April 1, 1862

Left Camp Merriweather, and got to Camp Rutherford the same day, and encamped for the night, remaining one day in this place, making a march of 20 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 12

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, April 2, 1862

Left Camp Rutherford and got to Duck creek the same day, and encamped for the night, making a march of 2 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 12

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, April 3, 1862

Left Duck creek camp and got to Camp General Moorhead the same day, and encamped for the night, making a march of 5 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 12

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, May 10, 1862

Left Camp General Moorhead and came to Columbia, and got to the town of Pulaski on the same day, and encamped for the night, making a march of 11 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 12

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, May 13, 1862

Left Pulaski and got to Sugar creek on the same day, remaining three days in the above mentioned camp, and encamped for the night, making a march of 18 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 12

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, May 14, 1862

Left Sugar creek camp and got to Rogersville, four miles from the Tennessee river, and had just unslung our knapsacks, when orders came for us to fall in and go double-quick down to the Tennessee river—that the rebels had attacked our cavalry at Lamb's Landing or Ferry, Laudle Co. Our first fire or engagement with the enemy. Two men of our forces were wounded and two horses killed. The rebels were compelled to retreat from there in double-quick order their loss unknown, as they retreated in the night. We returned to camp, making four miles to the battle-ground and four back again, in all a march of 8 miles; and having made 29 miles of a march the same day before being called into action, making a total march of 37 miles.

SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 12-3

Diary of Private Adam S. Johnston, May 16, 1862

Left Rogersville or Lamb's Landing, remaining two days in the above mentioned camp, got within one mile of Florence, Alabama, the same day, and encamped for the night, making a march of 20 miles.