Charles Eliot Norton to George William Curtis, Monday Evening, March 3, 1862

Monday evening, 3 March, 1862.

. . . On the day you left us I had a long and most entertaining talk from Emerson about his experiences in Washington. Two things he said were especially striking. “When you go southward from New York you leave public opinion behind you. There is no such thing known in Washington.” — “It consoles a Massachusetts man to find how large is the number of egotists in Washington. Every second man thinks the affairs of the country depend upon him.” He reported a good saying of Stanton, when the difficulty of making an advance on account of the state of the roads was spoken of, — “Oh,” said he, “the difficulty is not from the mud in the roads, but the mud in the hearts of the Generals.”

Emerson said that Seward was very strong in his expressions concerning the incapacity and want of spirit of Congress, — and that Sherman and Colfax confirmed what Seward said, ascribing much of the manifest weakness to “Border State” influence.

And much more. . . .

SOURCE: Sara Norton and  M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Letters of Charles Eliot Norton, Volume 1, p. 251-2

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, February 21, 1864

In Camp, February 21, 1864.

I returned from Washington to-day, very much fatigued and worn out with two days passed in that place. I reached there Friday about 2 P. M., and immediately went to the Department, where I stayed till 6 P. M., returned to the hotel, dined, and spent the evening with Mr. Odell, member of Congress, and Judge Harris. The next day, Saturday, I was with General Halleck till 3 P. M., when I went out to Georgetown and saw Margaret.¹ I ought to have mentioned that before going to see Margaret, I stopped at the President's, where Mrs. Lincoln was holding a levee, and spent a half-hour. I also ought to have stated that the evening before, after leaving Judge Harris, I was persuaded by Mr. Harding and Cortlandt Parker to go to Speaker Colfax's reception, where I was a great lion, Mr. Colfax himself turning usher and bringing every man and woman in the room to introduce to me. All this going about, sitting up late at night and standing so much, had its effect on me, wearying and fatiguing me so that I was very glad to get back to-day.

The army is overrun with women. There is to be a grand ball to-morrow at the headquarters of the Second Corps, and I believe half of Washington is coming down to attend. I expected the Secretary of the Interior and his lady to come down with me to-day, but he did not come to the cars. As the ball is nearly five miles from my headquarters, I don't think I shall have the courage to go. I don't mind the going, but it is the coming back which is so unpleasant.

_______________

¹ Sister of General Meade.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 166-7

Capt. Theodore McMurtrie to Corydone E. Fuller, December 10, 1864

WAR DEPARTMENT,

Provost Marshal General’s Office,

WASHINGTON, D. C., Dec. 10, 1864

Corydon E. Fuller, Esq., Rochester, Indiana:

Sir: — Your application for a clerkship, forwarded by Hon. Schuyler Colfax, has been favorably considered.

You will report to this office at your earliest convenience. Salary $1,200 per annum!

I am, sir,

Very respectfully.

Your obedient servant,

Theo. Mcmurtrie,

Captain Vet. Res. Corps.

SOURCE: Corydon Eustathius Fuller, Reminiscences of James A. Garfield: With Notes Preliminary and Collateral, p. 369

Congressman James A. Garfield to Corydon E. Fuller, November 24, 1864

Hiram, November 25, 1864.

My Dear Corydon: — Yours of the 13th came duly to hand. I am glad to inform you that Crete is now convalescent. She has had a terrible run of typhoid fever, which for some days seriously threatened her life, and which left her exceedingly weak and reduced; but she is now on her feet again and rapidly gaining strength.

I rejoice with you in the great victory, but greatly regret that your county is not redeemed from the dominion of the enemy. I think, however, that Fulton county can confidently say that if she has not won her first victory she has suffered her last defeat. After I left you I finished my appointments in Colfax's district, and then went to Ohio. My work grew heavier as the campaign drew on to its close, and I made eighteen speeches in the last two weeks preceding the Presidential election, and traveled nearly four thousand miles. I was thoroughly exhausted when the end came, but I am now quite well again, and hope to enter upon my winter's work in good health.

I start for Washington next week. I do not think Crete will be able to go before the holidays, when I intend to take her with me.

In regard to your own matters, I need not assure you how ready and willing I am to do all in my power to-aid you. I will see Colfax as soon as I get to Washington and consult with him on the best way to secure a place for you. If a place can be got by us two, it shall be.

Write me soon.

Ever truly yours,

James.

SOURCE: Corydon Eustathius Fuller, Reminiscences of James A. Garfield: With Notes Preliminary and Collateral, p. 368-9

Speaker Schuyler Colfax to Corydon E. Fuller, December 3, 1864

Washington City, December 3, 1864.

My Dear Sir:—As I left home the Friday after the Presidential election, have just received your letter remailed here.

I think you err in desiring to come here as a clerk, for the pay, $1,200, will, at the high rates of living here, barely support you and your family, and promotion is very difficult and won only by merit; for I have so many favors to ask for constituents constantly that all the clerks from my district know I can not ask their promotion as a political favor.

But I recognize how faithfully you have labored for the cause, and I intend to get a clerkship for you, in preference to a dozen other applicants from my district pressing for appointment. So be ready to come.

Yours very hurriedly but truly,

Schuyler Colfax.

SOURCE: Corydon Eustathius Fuller, Reminiscences of James A. Garfield: With Notes Preliminary and Collateral, p. 368

Congressman James A. Garfield to Corydon E. Fuller, September 15, 1864

Hiram, September 15, 1864.

My Dear Corydon: — Yours of August 24th has lain unanswered for some time in consequence of my absence. I have just got home — temporarily broken down with a cold. I find myself overwhelmed with a world of work in the way of correspondence. I have, therefore, only time to say that I promised Colfax that I will speak for him from the 27th inst. to October 1st inclusive, beginning at Peru. I hope to see you and have you with me as much as possible. Crete and Almeda join me in love to you and Mary.

Ever yours,

James.

SOURCE: Corydon Eustathius Fuller, Reminiscences of James A. Garfield: With Notes Preliminary and Collateral, p. 360

Speaker Schuyler Colfax to Corydon E. Fuller, August 29, 1864

SOUTH BEND, Ind.,

August 29, 1864.

C. E. Fuller, Esq. — My Dear Sir: — I will be at Rochester Thursday, Sept. 22, when Mr. Wilson is to speak, without fail. Have to change my programme some to bring me in that part of the district at the time, but will do so.

Gen. Garfield has replied to my letter of last month, that he will come after filling his own appointments at home. I have mapped out a route for him as follows, and so written him (to avoid his leaving home before a Sunday):

Peru, Tuesday, Sept. 27, 1 P. M.

Rochester, Wednesday, Sept. 28, 1 P. M.

Plymouth, Thursday, Sept. 29, 1 P. M.

Westville, Friday, Sept. 30, 1 P. M.

South Bend, Saturday, Oct. 1, P. M.

At Westville I am to have a mass-meeting that day for La Porte and Porter counties.

I have asked him to write if this will suit. I thought better to have him the next week after, than to crowd Wilson, himself and myself all up into one meeting.

Yours, truly,

Schuyler Colfax.

SOURCE: Corydon Eustathius Fuller, Reminiscences of James A. Garfield: With Notes Preliminary and Collateral, p. 359

Congressman James A. Garfield to Corydon E. Fuller, December 13, 1863

Washington, Dec. 13, 1863.

My Dear Corydon: — On my arrival here one week ago, I found yours of the 1st of November awaiting me. I am sorry it was not forwarded to me, but it lay here with fifty or sixty others.

I had expected to get here some time before the session began, to secure rooms and take a more active part in the organization of the House, but I was detained at home for the saddest of reasons. We buried our precious little “Trot” the day before I left home. I sat by her bedside for nearly two weeks, watching the little dear one in her terrible struggle for life.

We had at length reached a point where the fever was over, and we had hopes of her recovery, when the diphtheria set in, and we were compelled to sit still and see her die. We buried her on the third day of December, at the very hour she would have reached the end of her fifth month of her fourth year.

I have no words to tell you how dreary and desolate the world is since the light of her little life has gone out. It seems as if the fabric of my life were torn to atoms and scattered to the winds. I try to be cheerful, and look up through the darkness and see the face of our Father looking upon me in love, but it is very, very hard. I will try to be cheerful.

“Yet in these ears till hearing dies

One set, slow bell will seem to toll

The passing of the sweetest soul

That ever looked with human eyes.”

You must pardon me, dear Corydon, if I seem almost dead to life and all that belongs to it.

My bereavement made me still more want to go back to the army, but the President did not think it safe to risk a vote, and so I resigned the Major Generalship and took my seat.

You have seen how triumphantly we elected your friend Colfax. I talked with him of you, and he spoke of you in high terms.

I wish I knew of some way in which I could assist you to a position which would put you into better opportunities for work and usefulness. Tell me if you find any place where I can be of service to you.

Give my love to Mary. I wish she would write to poor Crete, and I wish you would, too. You must forgive this hurried note, for I have a great crush of work upon me just now.

With much love, I am, as ever,

Your own,

James.

SOURCE: Corydon Eustathius Fuller, Reminiscences of James A. Garfield: With Notes Preliminary and Collateral, p. 344-5

Major General William T. Sherman to Ellen Ewing Sherman, January 2, 1865

SAVANNAH, Geo., January 2, 1865.

. . . I am now in a magnificent mansion living like a gentleman, but soon will be off for South Carolina and then look out for breakers. You may count on my being here till the 15th. I have not yet had one word from you since you knew of my having reached the coast, and only know of the death of our little boy¹ by the New York papers of December 22, but was in a measure prepared for it by your letter received at Kingston. I suppose you feel his loss far more than I do because I never saw him, but all the children seemed to be so attached to him that you may be so grieved at his death you cannot write to me. I know by the same source that you are now at South Bend in Mr. Colfax'² house. It must be very cold up there. It is really cold here, though the sun shines warm and the trees have green leaves. Of course no snow, but ice found in the gutters and on the pond. General Barnard got here last night from General Grant with dispatches, which I have answered, and the clerks are copying my letters and as soon as finished I will send a flat steamer to Port Royal whence a sea steamer will go to City Point and thence this letter will be sent you. . . .

I see that the State of Ohio talks of making me a present of a home, etc.³ For myself I would accept nothing, but for you and the children I would be willing, especially if such a present were accompanied as in Farragut's place, with bonds enough to give interest to pay taxes. My pay would not enable me to pay taxes on property. I have received from high sources highest praises and yesterday, New Year, was toasted, etc., with allusions to Hannibal, Csesar, etc., etc., but in reply I turned all into a good joke by saying that Hannibal and Caesar were small potatoes as they had never read the New York Herald, or had a photograph taken. But of course, I feel a just pride in the confidence of my army, and the singular friendship of General Grant, who is almost childlike in his love for me. It does seem that time has brought out all my old friends, Grant, Thomas, Sheridan, etc. All sorts of people send me presents and I hope they don't slight you or the girls. I want little in that way, but I think you can stand a good deal. Thus far success has crowned my boldest conceptions and I am going to try others quite as quixotic. It may be that spite of my fears I may come out all right. Love to all.

_________

¹ Writing from Kingston, Georgia, on June 12, 1864, Sherman had acknowledged the news of the birth of this child.

² Schuyler Colfax, at this time Speaker of the House of Representatives, lived at South Bend, Ind.

³ This present was never received.

SOURCES: M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Editor, Home Letters of General Sherman, p. 322-4.  A full copy of this letter can be found in the William T Sherman Family papers (SHR), University of Notre Dame Archives (UNDA), Notre Dame, IN 46556, Folder CSHR 2/20

Major General William T. Sherman to Schuyler Colfax, August 12, 1864

HEADQUARTERS MILITARY DIVISION OF THE MISSISSIPPI.

IN THE FIELD, ATLANTA, Aug. 12, 1864.

SCHUYLER COLFAX, Esq.,

South Bend, Ind.

My Dear Sir:

John Sherman has sent me your letter of Aug. 2d, in which you intimate a wish that certain nine regiments of Indiana troops should be ordered where they can be furloughed so as to vote in the fall elections.

Of course it is impossible. I have not now troops enough to do what the case admits of without extra hazard, and to send away a single man would be an act of injustice to the remainder. I think you need not be concerned about the soldiers’ vote. They will vote, — it may not be in the coming election, — but you may rest assured the day will come when the soldiers will vote, and the only doubt is if they will permit the stay-at-homes to vote at all.

I hope you will be elected; but I do think the conscript-law is the only one that is wanted for the next few years, and if the President uses it freely he can checkmate the Copperheads, who are not in favor of being governed by Jeff Davis, but are afraid to go to the war. Their motives are transparent. Jeff Davis despises them more than you do, and if he prevails in this war he will deal with Copperheads with infinitely more severity than he will with men who fight for their country and for principle.

I am, etc.,

W. T. SHERMAN,

Major- General.

SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 238-9

The Fall of Lexington – Why Mulligan was not Re-enforced – Fremont Vindicated

We make the following extract from the speech of Hon. Schuyler Colfax, in defense of Gen. Fremont, delivered on Friday last.  It is but an extract, but sufficient to justify to the General with the honest and patriotic people.  The speech was made in reply to the attack of F. P. Blair:

I come now to the fall of Lexington.  I happened to be in St. Louis on the 14th of September, and found the whole city excited with the news that had just reached there, that Price was marching upon the gallant defender of the town of Lexington, and when my friend speaks about the Home Guard it appears to me that Colonel Mulligan didn’t bear very high testimony to their gallantry then.  But I saw Lieutenant Governor Hall and he told me that Price was marching toward Lexington with fifteen thousand men, and that Fremont ought to send out a column to intercept him.  I asked him how many men Fremont had, and he said he thought he had twenty thousand.  I thought if he had that number he certainly could send out some, and I went to General Fremont, full of zeal for the re-enforcement of Mulligan, and told him what Lieutenant Governor Hall had said, and that if he had twenty thousand men some ought to be sent out. – He said: “I will tell you, confidentially, what I would not have known in the streets of St. Louis for my life.  They have got the opinion that I have twenty thousand men here.  I will show you what I really have got.”  He rang his bell, and his secretary came and brought the muster roll for that day, and by that muster roll he had in St. Louis and within seven miles round about, less than eight thousand men, and only two of them full regiments.  It was a beggarly array of an army, and it was all needed to defend that city at that time.  But I asked him if he could not spare some of these?  Sir, the tears stood in his eyes, as he handed me two telegraphic dispatches he had that day received from Washington.  I will read them, that you may see how little was at his command to re-enforce Mulligan.  Mr. Colfax then read the dispatches, ordering him to send five thousand armed infantry to Washington, and continued: I have shown you that he had the men, but no guns; and when he bought guns, the necessity for which was imperious, he was denounced from one end of this country to the other because they were not Springfield rifles of the best quality.  You must send five thousand well armed infantry to Washington at once, and this draft on him was to be replaced by troops from Kansas, or wherever he could best gather them.  I asked him, “What can you do (and my heart sank within me as I asked the question) here with an inferior force, and your best forces sent away to Washington?”  Said he, “Washington must have my troops, though Missouri fall, and I fall myself.”  After I heard that I would have been a traitor to my convictions if I did not stand up to defend this man, who was willing to sacrifice himself to defend the imperiled capital of the country.

He telegraphed to Washington that he was preparing to obey the order received, and I doubt not it made his heart bleed, knowing the strait Mulligan was in.  Then he telegraphed to Gov. Morton and Gov. Denison for more troops and the answer he received was that they had received orders to send all their troops East.  So there his reliance failed.  My friend says that it cannot be shown that he moved any of his men until after Lexington had fallen.  Lexington fell on Friday, the 22d of September.  I well remember the day.  Here are dispatches to Gen. Pope on the 16th of September, and dispatches from Gen. Sturgis to Col. Davis, hurrying the men.  The wires were hot with orders hurrying the men to re-enforce Mulligan.  Pope telegraphed on the 17th of September that his troops would be there day after to-morrow, which would have been two days before Lexington surrendered, and Sturgis thought he should be there on Thursday.  Col. Mulligan told me himself that if Sturgis had appeared on the opposite side of the river he though Price would have retired.  Thus from three sources Fremont sent on troops to re-enforce Mulligan, but he failed to do it because the elements seemed to be against him, and not because he did not seek to do so in every possible way that he could send succor to him.  At this very time there were all the different posts in Missouri to be held; his three months’ men were rapidly retiring, and his best men sent to Washington, Price, with fifteen thousand me, marching to Lexington; McCullough threatening Rolla, Hardee threatening Ironton, and Polk and Pillow at Columbus; and all over the State where organized bands of rebels – about eighty thousand men – threatening him, and he with an inadequate force to meet them.  And while thus struggling, from every side were launched against him the poisoned arrows of hate and partisan enmity; and while Fremont was out hunting the enemies of his country, somebody was in St. Louis hunting up witnesses against him, and giving ex parte testimony taken there; and while he was facing the foe, endeavoring to secure victory, a synopsis of the testimony was sent upon the wires all over the country, so that the public mind should be poisoned against, and his overthrow might be easier.  I think, in the name of humanity – if there is no such word as justice – they should at least have sent him this evidence after he came back to his post; but to this very hour the committee have not sent him this testimony at all.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 4

Specials to the New York Papers

(Special to Tribune.)

WASHINGTON, March 25. – The senate Committee on Foreign Relations reported a bill to-day requiring the allegiance of Americans in Europe who may select passports from our Consuls and Ministers.

The debate on Slavery both in the Senate and House was very bitter to-day. Republicans generally voted against taxing slaves.

Mr. Blenker was to-day restored to his position.  This is a victory over Schurz, who desired his place.

The Tax bill was only amended to-day by placing license on dentists of ten dollars per year.

The circulation of the National Republican and Tribune has been forbidden among the regular troops of the army of the Potomac on the ground that articles against McClellan are calculated to incite an insurrectionary spirit.

The commanding officers of various companies have issued official orders to-day that no boats will be allowed to visit Mount Vernon.

The Committee on Naval Affairs determined to-day to report a bill for the construction of iron-clad steamers.

The City Council made an earnest remonstrance against the abolition of Slavery in the District of Columbia.

The victory at Winchester turns out to be one of the most brilliant of the war.

(Times’ Despatch.)

WASHINGTON, March 25. – It appears that Secretary Stanton, late on Monday night, concluded to forego his purpose to order the arrest of the editors of certain New York and Boston papers.

Advices received from Fortress Monroe are quite conclusive that the Merrimac is out of the dry dock and prepared to run out when she chooses.  The Monitor is on hand.

(World’s dispatch.)

The main body of the rebel army cannot be very far distant as it is known that scouting parties have been discovered within the past 24 hours but a short distance from Manassas Junction.

Appearances indicate that the enemy are strongly fortified behind the line of the Rappahannock.

(Herald’s dispatch.)

Gen. Sumner has issued an important order, prohibiting acts of marauding.  He assures the people of Virginia that their only safety is the General Government, and that it will be his constant endeavor to protect them in their lives and property to the extent of his power.

The General has also determined to accept no resignations in his corps during the campaign.

(Tribune Special.)

WASHINGTON, March 26. – Gen. Halleck’s commissioners appointed to visit the Ft. Donelson prisoners at Chicago had reported the names of one thousand rebels as adverse to taking the oath of allegiance, but Schuyler Colfax protested against their release on these or any other terms, and the President revoked the commission and prohibited the discharge of any more rebels.

(World Specials.)

A gentleman named Pollock reach here to-day having come from Culpepper, Va., near where the rebel army now lies.  He is known in Washington as a reliable and intelligent gentleman.  Mr. Pollock states that in the vicinity from which he came there is a loyal insurrection among the white people who are bitter in their opposition to the rule of Jeff Davis.  The people he says feel that the rebel cause is hopelessly lost since the retreat from their stronghold at Manassas.  The rebel defeat at Winchester has also depressed them.  Though every effort was made to conceal the news from the public and that portion of the army which were not engaged in the fight, he doubts whether the rebels will have pluck to make a stand if they are attacked at Gordonsville.

(Post Specials.)

A few days since the pickets along the lower Potomac and the Chesapeake Bay were driven by Gen. Hooker.  The rebel sympathizers in tory Maryland took this as an indication that the U. S. forces were about to leave and immediately commenced to send their slaves to Virginia for the rebel service.  This perfidy did not escape the vigilance of the General who immediately ordered the arrest of some six our eight of the ringleaders, who were among the most prominent citizens of that section of Maryland.  They will be handed over to the authorities at Washington with the evidence against them, which is said to be of the most conclusive character.

The following nominations by the President were referred to the Military Committee: Ward B. Burnett, of N. Y., Carl Schurz of Wis., M. S. Haskell of Ind. John W. Geary of Pa., Horace Warden of Ill., J. T. Bradford of Ky., James D. Hutchins of Ky., Alonzo J. Phelps of Ohio, and S. M. Hamilton of Ill.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, March 29, 1862, p. 3

Washington News

WASHINGTON, Feb. 18. – The Nomination of Gen. Grant to be Major General was sent into the Senate to-day.  He will be confirmed.

President Lincoln’s boy is still in a critical condition.

The bill which the territorial committee of both Houses are maturing, will organized the rebel country into free territories, on the principle that by the rebellion these States committed suicide and that with them their local laws and peculiar institutions have died.

Mr. Faulkner said in a speech last week at Martinsburg, that rebellion was a failure and advised his hearers to make the best possible terms with the government of the United Sates.

Congress has passed a joint resolution instructing Commissioner French to illuminate the public buildings in honor of the recent victories.

On Saturday evening an illumination of private buildings will probably be requested as a means of distinguishing loyal from disloyal citizens.

In a speech in Stark’s case, Carlisle of Va., to-day foreshadowed a pro-slavery policy in the treatment of the rebel States, saying the Senate must receive persons duly accredited hereafter by the Legislature of Mississippi, even if they have been in arms against the Government.  It is coming to be generally hoped that Carlisle will thus be obliged to give his seat back to Mason.

Secretary Stanton has recently said that the victory at Fort Donelson is due to Gen. Halleck who planned, to the President who recognized, and to Gen. Grant who executed the campaign.

Noah L. Wilson, President of the Marietta & Cincinnati Railroad is here and says the Baltimore and Ohio Railroad is expected to be open within thirty days.

Very few private flags have been displayed in Washington for our late victories.

An order was issued to-day at the request of the entire Indiana delegation to terminate the furlough under which Capt. Hazzard of the army was allowed to serve as Colonel of the 37^th Indiana Volunteers.  He is charged with tyranny to his troops.

Schuyler Colfax has sent $100 to Quartermaster Pierce at Paducah to be expended for the relief os soldiers wounded at Ft. Donelson.

Capt. Carven in command of the Tuscarora is not like other captains who have pursued rebel privateers.  If he catches the Nashville he will blow her out of the water, avoiding a capture if possible.

A subscription is on foot at Alexandria among the women for the purchase of a flag to be presented to Farnsworth’s Illinois Cavalry regiment.

The bill reported from the Naval Committee of the House, framed after consultation with Assistant Secretary Fox, provides for ten grades of naval officers.  Five Flag Officers, eighteen Commodores, one hundred and forty-four Lieutenants.  Commodores, Lieutenants and Masters’ boards to recommend for promotion or retirement.  Flag Officers to be appointed only if they shall have received the thanks of Congress upon the President’s recommendation for services in battle; after receiving some honor the temporary appointment is to be made permanent and men and officers advanced; appointments to the naval academy will be two by each Congressman from the five best scholars in his district, and ten at large each year by the President from orphans of soldiers or sailors who have died in battle; senators are to appoint for any rebel districts, each in proportion to the quota of troops from his State, from orphans of soldiers or sailors killed in battle.

Senator Harris introduced a bill to-day making rebels outlaws so far as civil rights are concerned.  The fact of the plaintiffs treason to be a complete defense in bar of any action.

Mr. Trumbull’s confiscation bill is the special order in the Senate tomorrow.

Gen. Grant will not be confirmed as Maj. Gen. until his official report of the battle has been received.

The Senate District of Columbia committee to-day summoned no witnesses to investigate the truth of the allegations in deputy jailor Duvall’s letter relative to barbarities practiced within the jail on an alleged fugitive slave.

Col. McConnell of the inchoate and considerably mythical 3d Maryland regiment of volunteers has at least been mustered out of the service.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, February 22, 1862, p. 3

From Washington

WASHINGTON, March 26.

Special to the Chicago Tribune.

Gen. Halleck’s commissioners, appointed to visit the Fort Donelson prisoners at Chicago, had reported the names of one thousand rebels as willing to take the oath of allegiance, but Schuyler Colfax protested against their release, on these or any other terms, and the President revoked the commission and prohibited the discharge of any more rebels.

World’s Dispatch.

An individual named Pollock reached here to-day, having come from Culpeper, near where the rebel army now lies.  He is known in Washington as reliable and intelligent.  Mr. Pollock states that in the vicinity from which he came there is a local insurrection among the white people who are pitter in opposition to the rule of Jeff. Davis.  The people, he says, feel that the rebel cause is hopelessly lost since the retreat from their stronghold at Manassas. – The rebel defeat at Winchester has also depressed them, though every effort has been made to conceal the bad news from the public and that portion of the army which was not engaged in the fight.  He doubts whether the rebels will have pluck to make a stand if they are attacked at Gordonsville.

Special to Herald.

A few days since the pickets along the lower Potomac and the Chesapeake Bay were drawn in by Gen. Hooker.  The rebel sympathizers in lower Maryland took this as an inclination that the U. S. forces were about to leave, and they immediately commenced to send their slaves to Virginia, for the rebel service.  This movement did not escape the vigilance of the General, who immediately ordered the arrest of some six or eight ringleaders, who are among the most prominent citizens of that section of Maryland.  They will be handed over to the authorities at Washington, with the evidence, which is said to be of the most conclusive character.

The following nominations by the President were referred to the Military Committee: W. B. Burnett, of N. Y., Carl Schurz, of Wis., M. S. Haskell, of Ind., J. W. Geary of Penn., Horace Waltner, of Ill., B. M. McVicker of Ill., J. T. Bradford, of Kentucky., J. D. Hutchitt, of Ky., A. J. Phillips, of Ohio, S. M. Hamilton, of Ill.

The amendments thus far made to the tax bill are not decisive, but merely the action of the committee of the whole – the House having finally to act on them.  It is believed Congress will, in conformity with the bill proposed by the Secretary of the Treasury, increase the tax on tobacco, whiskey and other luxuries.  The hasty clause taxing the stock of whisky now in the hands of dealers will probably be reconsidered.  The bill with this clause stricken out will be uniform and more acceptable.

WASHINGTON, March 27.

The causes which prevented a safe conveyance of mails and the collection of revenues, upon the route from Jefferson City to Tuscumbia, having been removed, the Postmaster General has ordered the restoration of full service thereon.

The bill to secure the officers and men actually employed in the Western Department, or Department of Missouri, their pay, bounty and pensions, is now a law.

News has been received at the Navy department, confirming the statement that the Merrimac is again ready for sea.  Lieut. Jeffries, of the Monitor, sent word to Capt. Dahlgren that he had no fears of the result of the next context.

The House of Representatives will strike off the tax on liquors manufactured previous to May 1^st.  The committee of ways and means have agreed to modify the taxes on leather made from hides imported from east of the Cape of Good Hope and on all damaged leather to half a cent per pound; all leather tanned in part or whole with oak to pay one cent.

The Republican to-day says it has positive information that the Democratic caucus night before last agreed to oppose the President’s emancipation plan and favor McClellan’s war policy, which is for a war short and desperate, and for our glorious Union as a whole.  This is emphatically Mr. Lincoln’s war policy.

As soon as the bill making appropriations for the navy comes up in the Senate, amendments will be adopted to complete the Stevens battery, and for the construction of a number of iron-clad vessels and heavy ordnance.

Gen. Abram Duryea [sic] has arrived here from Baltimore, and will act under orders of the military governor, Gen. Wadsworth.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Friday Morning, March 28, 1862, p. 1

XXXVIIth Congress -- First Session

WASHINGTON, February 17.

Mr. Colfax asked and readily obtained permission to make a statement relative to Fort Donelson.  Amid profound silence, Mr. Colfax said that Gen. McClellan had authorized him to inform the House that he had just received a dispatch from Cairo, informing him of the arrival of the gun boat Carondelet at that place, bringing the news of the capture of Fort Donelson, yesterday, by the land forces of the U. S., and 15,000 prisoners, including Gen. A. Sidney Johnson [sic] and Gen Buckner.  Gen. Floyd ran and escaped.  The loss of both sides is very heavy.  (Applause greeted the dispatch.)

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Tuesday Morning, February 18, 1862, p. 1

The Punishment of Traitors

EXTRACTS FROM THE SPEECH OF SCHUYLER COLFAX, OF INDIANA, ON THE CONFISCATION BILL.

The Catilines who sat here in the Council Chambers of the Republic, and who, with the oath on their lips and in their hearts to support the Constitution of the United States plotted treason at night – as has been shown by papers recovered at Florida, particularly the letter of Mr. Youlee, describing the proceedings of the midnight conclaves of these men to their confederates in the Southern States – should be punished by the severest penalties of the law, for they have added to their treason perjury, and are doubly condemned before God and man. Never, in any land, have there been more guilty and more deserving of the extremest errors of the law. The murderer takes but a single life, and we call him infamous. – But these men wickedly and willingly plunged a peaceful country into the horrors of a civil war, and inaugurated a regime of assassination and outrage against the Union men in their midst, hanging, plundering, and imprisoning in a manner that throws into the shade the atrocities of the French Revolution. Not content with this they aimed their blows at the life of the Republic itself; and on many a battle-field, in a carnival of blood, they sought not only to destroy the Union itself, but to murder its defenders. Plunging into still darker crimes they have bayoneted the wounded on the field of carnage, buried the dead that fell into their ands with every possible ignominy, and then to gloat their revenge, dug up their lifeless remains from the tomb, where even savages would have allowed them to rest, and converted their skulls into drinking cups – a barbarism that would have disgraced the Visigoths of Alaric, the barbarian, in the dark ages of the past. – The blood of our soldiers cries out against them. Has not forbearance ceased longer to be a virtue? We were told a year ago that lenicy [sic] would probably induce them to return to their allegiance, and to cease this unnatural war; and what has been the result? Let the bloody battle-fields of the conflict answer.

When I return home I shall miss many a familiar face that has looked in past years with the beaming eye of friendship upon me. I shall see those who have come home with constitutions broken down by exposure and wounds and disease, to linger and to die. I shall see women whom I have seen Sabbath after Sabbath leaning on a beloved husband’s arm as they went to the peaceful sanctuary, clothed now in widow’s weeds. I shall see orphans destitute, with no one to train them into paths of usefulness. I shall see the swelling hillock in the grave-yard – where, after life’s fitful fever, we shall be gathered, betokening that there, prematurely cut off by a rifle ball aimed at the life of the Republic, a patriot soldier sleeps. I shall see desolate and hearthstones and anguish and woe on every side. Those of us who come here from Indiana and Illinois know too painfully the sad scenes that will confront us amid the circles of our constituents.

Nor need we ask the cause of all this suffering, the necessity of all these sacrifices? They have been entailed on us as part of the fearful cost of saving our country from destruction. – But what a mountain of guilt must rest upon those who by their efforts to destroy the government and the Union, have rendered these terrible sacrifices necessary.

Why do we hesitate? These men have drawn the sword and thrown away the scabbard. – They did not hesitate in punishing the Union men within their power. They have confiscated their property, and have for a year past, without any of the compunctions that troubles us here. They imprisoned John M. Botts, for silently regaining a lingering love for the union in his desolate home. They hang Union men in East Tennessee for bridge burning, refusing them even the sympathy of a chaplain to console their dying hours. They persecute Brownlow because faithful among the faithless, he refused, almost alone, in his outspoken heroism, to bow the knee to the Baal of their worship. Let us follow his counsel by stripping the leaders of this conspiracy of their possessions, and outlawing them hereafter from the high places of honor and of trust they have heretofore enjoyed.

In no other way can we more effectually be felt throughout all the region where treason rears its blackened crest. The loyal Union men of all these regions will see in this legislation, and in the concurrent advance of our armies toward the Gulf, that we have put our hands to the plow, determined not to look back; that we have resolved that every man who raises his hand against the Union shall be punished; that those who remain loyal to the nation shall be protected; and that the retribution which shall follow the leaders of this rebellion for life, shall be so thorough and severe that no reptile flag of disunion will ever again be reared on the soil of this Republic. And they will at last all realize that the inducement to sympathize with secession (so as to save their property from rebel confiscation and to claim at the same time Union protection) no longer exists; that the time for this misplaced lenity has expired; that the property of the rebels is to be confiscated, and the armies of the republic sustained thereon in the regions which treason requires them to occupy.

Mercy to traitors, it has been well said, is cruelty to loyal men. I would not imitate their crimes or their barbarity, but I would imitate their resolution. The gentleman from Kentucky nearest me (Mr. Grider) told us, a month or two ago, that the rebel army had run off $300,000 worth of slaves of Union men from counties near his residence, and they have confiscated and taken slaves as sweepingly as anything else claimed or held by these men. Their own slaves work on their fortifications, from cannon, behind which our soldiers are mercilessly slain; they perform their camp drudgery, thus increasing the power of their army; they raise the produce that feeds their troops, and the crops on the faith of which their scrip is rendered current. If we wish to break the power of the rebellion let us strike it wherever we can weaken it, and strike it boldly and fearlessly as the justice of our cause fully warrants. And let us if there are but fifty or five hundred loyal men in a State, resolve that they shall be protected by the whole power of the Government, and clothed with all the advantages hereafter that their unfaltering allegiance during these dark hours so richly merits.

None of the confiscation bills before us are ex post facto in their operation. They operate only against those who, having been engaged in this rebellion continue in arms after this long legislative forbearance. I can vote for nearly every one of them, variant as their provisions are. Any of them is preferable to none. The clerk of this House, (Mr. Etheridge,) recently returned from Tennessee, tells us that in an extensive inquiry, he heard of but a single slaveholder of that State who was a private in the rebel army. This is a striking and significant fact. With that single exception, the slaveholders were either in office, civil or military, or at home. I have no doubt that four-fifths of all the slaves held by rebels belong to officers, civil or military under the rebel government. And we cannot longer doubt that there are thousands upon thousands of men who prefer the Union who have been absolutely forced by threats, by terror, by delusions, or by conscription, into the armies of the rebellion.

I am willing, therefore, to go for the bill known as Senator Sherman’s which confiscates the property and discharges the slaves of all the leaders of the rebel government; of all who had ever taken the oath to support the Constitution and had violated it, which would include all postmasters, mail contractors, Congressmen, Governors, members of the State Legislature, judges, &c.; all of who have taken an oath of any office of any kind under the rebel authority; and of all officers of the rebel army and navy. As to our manifest, palpable duty as to all these classes, it seems to me there can be no question. Another provision in his bill I favor strongly which declares that all persons, high and low, officers and privates, who continue in arms against the Union for sixty days after the passage of the act, shall be declared infamous, and shall never hold an office of trust, honor or profit within the United States. This bill cannot be considered extreme. It runs no hazard of injuring any one whose heart is not callous with treason. It gives the privates all the benefit of a doubt as to the willingness of their enlistment. It makes allegiance to the Union the test, not only of protection under the law, but of official advancement hereafter. It prevents the conspirators of this rebellion from returning to occupy seats here. And I cannot see why a majority cannot unite on this bill, if they cannot on any other more stringent and sweeping in its provisions.

But I am not wedded to the details of any bill. I will very cheerfully support Senator Trumbull’s bill, now pending in the Senate. – I plead only for action. Let our legislation respond to the appeal of Brownlow; and let us not by a conflict between bills looking to the same end fail to strike the blow that hundreds of thousands of patriot hearts demand at our hands.

– Published in The Burlington Weekly Hawk-Eye, Burlington, Iowa, Saturday, May 3, 1862, p. 2