Brigadier-General John Sedgwick to his Sister, April 14, 1862

Camp Near Yorktown,

April 14, 1862.

My dear sister:

Your two letters have been received. I think I have made arrangements so that all your letters will come safely. We receive a mail every other day, which brings the New York papers of the preceding day.

We are patiently waiting for the siege-train to be put in position before anything can be done, and the roads are such that it is as much as can be done to bring up supplies. Two and three thousand men are daily at work conveying them, but the work is slow. Every one is impatient for a move, and none more so than the General himself, but I trust he will not venture anything till he is fully prepared. It seems that this must be their last stand, and if beaten here they must leave Virginia to her fate. I think by Thursday we shall be ready to commence the attack, which may last two or three days, but I cannot say that I have any apprehensions of the result. The Merrimac seems to be the great bugbear at this time, and she is an ugly customer, but I trust not as dangerous as many fear.

I mean to stand or fall with McClellan. He has been very kind to me, giving me a large command without my asking for it, and I am afraid too large for my deserts; and I believe they are determined to crush him. With much love,

Yours affectionately,

J. s.

SOURCE: George William Curtis, Correspondence of John Sedgwick, Major-General, Volume 2, p. 43-4

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: May 18, 1862

Norfolk has been burned and the Merrimac sunk without striking a blow since her coup d’état in Hampton Roads. Read Milton. See the speech of Adam to Eve in a new light. Women will not stay at home; will go out to see and be seen, even if it be by the devil himself.

Very encouraging letters from Hon. Mr. Memminger and from L. Q. Washington. They tell the same story in very different words. It amounts to this: “Not one foot of Virginia soil is to be given up without a bitter fight for it. We have one hundred and five thousand men in all, McClellan one hundred and ninety thousand. We can stand that disparity.”

What things I have been said to have said! Mr. ––– heard me make scoffing remarks about the Governor and the Council — or he thinks he heard me. James Chesnut wrote him a note that my name was to be kept out of it — indeed, that he was never to mention my name again under any possible circumstances. It was all preposterous nonsense, but it annoyed my husband amazingly. He said it was a scheme to use my chatter to his injury. He was very kind about it. He knows my real style so well that he can always tell my real impudence from what is fabricated for me.

There is said to be an order from Butler¹ turning over the women of New Orleans to his soldiers. Thus is the measure of his iniquities filled. We thought that generals always restrained, by shot or sword if need be, the brutality of soldiers. This hideous, cross-eyed beast orders his men to treat the ladies of New Orleans as women of the town — to punish them, he says, for their insolence.

Footprints on the boundaries of another world once more. Willie Taylor, before he left home for the army, fancied one day — day, remember — that he saw Albert Rhett standing by his side. He recoiled from the ghostly presence. “You need not do that, Willie. You will soon be as I am.” Willie rushed into the next room to tell them what had happened, and fainted. It had a very depressing effect upon him. And now the other day he died in Virginia.

_______________

1 General Benjamin F. Butler took command of New Orleans on May 2, 1862. The author's reference is to his famous “Order No. 28,” which reads: “As the officers and soldiers of the United States have been subject to repeated insults from the women (calling themselves ladies) of New Orleans, in return for the most scrupulous non-interference and courtesy on our part, it is ordered that hereafter when any female shall by word, gesture, or movement, insult or show contempt for any officer or soldier of the United States she shall be regarded and held liable to be treated as a woman of the town plying her vocation.” This and other acts of Butler in New Orleans led Jefferson Davis to issue a proclamation, declaring Butler to be a felon and an outlaw, and if captured that he should be instantly hanged. In December Butler was superseded at New Orleans by General Banks.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 164-5

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: May 12, 1862

Just returned from a visit to [Summer Hill]. The family full of patriotism and very bright. While there, dear W’s horse and servant came home. His family bore it well, considering imprisonment the least casualty that could have befallen him. If Richmond is invested, that beautiful country will be in the hands of the enemy; the families (except the gentlemen) will remain at home to protect the property as best they may. They are now sending corn, bacon, etc., into Richmond for safety. None but the croakers believe for an instant that it will fall.

Two hours ago we heard of the destruction of the “Virginia” by our own people. It is a dreadful shock to the community. We can only hope that it was wisely done. Poor Norfolk must be given up. I can write no more to-day.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 112

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: March 20, 1862

The Merrimac is now called the Virginia. I think these changes of names so confusing and so senseless. Like the French “Royal Bengal Tiger,” “National Tiger,” etc. Rue this, and next day Rue that, the very days and months a symbol, and nothing signified.

I was lying on the sofa in my room, and two men slowly walking up and down the corridor talked aloud as if necessarily all rooms were unoccupied at this midday hour. I asked Maum Mary who they were. “Yeadon and Barnwell Rhett, Jr.” They abused the Council roundly, and my husband's name arrested my attention. Afterward, when Yeadon attacked Mr. Chesnut, Mr. Chesnut surprised him by knowing beforehand all he had to say. Naturally I had repeated the loud interchange of views I had overheard in the corridor.

First, Nathan Davis called. Then Gonzales, who presented a fine, soldierly appearance in his soldier clothes, and the likeness to Beauregard was greater than ever. Nathan, all the world knows, is by profession a handsome man.

General Gonzales told us what in the bitterness of his soul he had written to Jeff Davis. He regretted that he had not been his classmate; then he might have been as well treated as Northrop. In any case he would not have been refused a brigadiership, citing General Trapier and Tom Drayton. He had worked for it, had earned it; they had not. To his surprise, Mr. Davis answered him, and in a sharp note of four pages. Mr. Davis demanded from whom he quoted, “not his classmate.” General Gonzales responded, “from the public voice only.” Now he will fight for us all the same, but go on demanding justice from Jeff Davis until he get his dues — at least, until one of them gets his dues, for he means to go on hitting Jeff Davis over the head whenever he has a chance.

“I am afraid,” said I, “you will find it a hard head to crack.” He replied in his flowery Spanish way: “Jeff Davis will be the sun, radiating all light, heat, and patronage; he will not be a moon reflecting public opinion, for he has the soul of a despot; he delights to spite public opinion. See, people abused him for making Crittenden brigadier. Straightway he made him major-general, and just after a blundering, besotted defeat, too.” Also, he told the President in that letter: “Napoleon made his generals after great deeds on their part, and not for having been educated at St. Cyr, or Brie, or the Polytechnique,” etc., etc. Nathan Davis sat as still as a Sioux warrior, not an eyelash moved. And yet he said afterward that he was amused while the Spaniard railed at his great namesake.

Gonzales said: “Mrs. Slidell would proudly say that she was a Creole. They were such fools, they thought Creole meant—” Here Nathan interrupted pleasantly: “At the St. Charles, in New Orleans, on the bill of fare were ‘Creole eggs.’ When they were brought to a man who had ordered them, with perfect simplicity, he held them up, ‘Why, they are only hens' eggs, after all.’ What in Heaven's name he expected them to be, who can say?” smiled Nathan the elegant.

One lady says (as I sit reading in the drawing-room window while Maum Mary puts my room to rights): “I clothe my negroes well. I could not bear to see them in dirt and rags; it would be unpleasant to me.” Another lady: “Yes. Well, so do I. But not fine clothes, you know. I feel — now — it was one of our sins as a nation, the way we indulged them in sinful finery. We will be punished for it.”

Last night, Mrs. Pickens met General Cooper. Madam knew General Cooper only as our adjutant-general, and Mr. Mason's brother-in-law. In her slow, graceful, impressive way, her beautiful eyes eloquent with feeling, she inveighed against Mr. Davis's wickedness in always sending men born at the North to command at Charleston. General Cooper is on his way to make a tour of inspection there now. The dear general settled his head on his cravat with the aid of his forefinger; he tugged rather more nervously with the something that is always wrong inside of his collar, and looked straight up through his spectacles. Some one crossed the room, stood back of Mrs. Pickens, and murmured in her ear, “General Cooper was born in New York.” Sudden silence.

Dined with General Cooper at the Prestons. General Hampton and Blanton Duncan were there also; the latter a thoroughly free-and-easy Western man, handsome and clever; more audacious than either, perhaps. He pointed to Buck — Sally Buchanan Campbell Preston. “What's that girl laughing at?” Poor child, how amazed she looked. He bade them “not despair; all the nice young men would not be killed in the war; there would be a few left. For himself, he could give them no hope; Mrs. Duncan was uncommonly healthy.” Mrs. Duncan is also lovely. We have seen her.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 148-50

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: April 11, 1862

The "Virginia" went out again to-day. The Federal Monitor would not meet her, but ran to Fortress Monroe, either for protection, or to tempt her under the heavy guns of the fortress; but she contented herself by taking three brigs and one schooner, and carrying them to Norfolk, with their cargoes. Soldiers are constantly passing through town. Every thing seems to be in preparation for the great battle which is anticipated on the Peninsula.

Fort Pulaski has surrendered to the enemy's gun-boats. The garrison fought until several breaches were made. They then surrendered, and are now prisoners. Lord, have them in thy holy keeping!

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 106

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: March 11, 1862

A freshman came quite eager to be instructed in all the wiles of society. He wanted to try his hand at a flirtation, and requested minute instructions, as he knew nothing whatever: he was so very fresh. “Dance with her,” he was told, “and talk with her; walk with her and natter her; dance until she is warm and tired; then propose to walk in a cool, shady piazza. It must be a somewhat dark piazza. Begin your promenade slowly; warm up to your work; draw her arm closer and closer; then, break her wing.”

“Heavens, what is that — break her wing?” “Why, you do not know even that? Put your arm round her waist and kiss her. After that, it is all plain sailing. She comes down when you call like the coon to Captain Scott: ‘You need not fire, Captain,’ etc.”

The aspirant for fame as a flirt followed these lucid directions literally, but when he seized the poor girl and kissed her, she uplifted her voice in terror, and screamed as if the house was on fire. So quick, sharp, and shrill were her yells for help that the bold flirt sprang over the banister, upon which grew a strong climbing rose. This he struggled through, and ran toward the college, taking a bee line. He was so mangled by the thorns that he had to go home and have them picked out by his family. The girl's brother challenged him. There was no mortal combat, however, for the gay young fellow who had led the freshman's ignorance astray stepped forward and put things straight. An explanation and an apology at every turn hushed it all up.

Now, we all laughed at this foolish story most heartily. But Mr. Venable remained grave and preoccupied, and was asked: “Why are you so unmoved? It is funny.” “I like more probable fun; I have been in college and I have kissed many a girl, but never a one scrome yet.”

Last Saturday was the bloodiest we have had in proportion to numbers.¹ The enemy lost 1,500. The handful left at home are rushing to arms at last. Bragg has gone to join Beauregard at Columbus, Miss, Old Abe truly took the field in that Scotch cap of his.

Mrs. McCord,² the eldest daughter of Langdon Cheves, got up a company for her son, raising it at her own expense. She has the brains and energy of a man. To-day she repeated a remark of a low-country gentleman, who is dissatisfied: “This Government (Confederate) protects neither person nor property.'” Fancy the scornful turn of her lip! Some one asked for Langdon Cheves, her brother. “Oh, Langdon!” she replied coolly, “he is a pure patriot; he has no ambition. While I was there, he was letting Confederate soldiers ditch through his garden and ruin him at their leisure.”

Cotton is five cents a pound and labor of no value at all; it commands no price whatever. People gladly hire out their negroes to have them fed and clothed, which latter can not be done. Cotton osnaburg at 37½ cents a yard, leaves no chance to clothe them. Langdon was for martial law and making the bloodsuckers disgorge their ill-gotten gains. We, poor fools, who are patriotically ruining ourselves will see our children in the gutter while treacherous dogs of millionaires go rolling by in their coaches — coaches that were acquired by taking advantage of our necessities.

This terrible battle of the ships — Monitor, Merrimac, etc. All hands on board the Cumberland went down. She fought gallantly and fired a round as she sank. The Congress ran up a white flag. She fired on our boats as they went up to take off her wounded. She was burned. The worst of it is that all this will arouse them to more furious exertions to destroy us. They hated us so before, but how now?

In Columbia I do not know a half-dozen men who would not gaily step into Jeff Davis's shoes with a firm conviction that they would do better in every respect than he does. The monstrous conceit, the fatuous ignorance of these critics! It is pleasant to hear Mrs. McCord on this subject, when they begin to shake their heads and tell us what Jeff Davis ought to do.

_______________

¹ On March 7 and 8, 1862, occurred the battle of Pea Ridge in Western Arkansas, where the Confederates were defeated, and on March 8th and 9th, occurred the conflict in Hampton Roads between the warships Merrimac, Cumberland, Congress, and Monitor.

² Louisa Susanna McCord, whose husband was David J. McCord, a lawyer of Columbia, who died in 1855. She was educated in Philadelphia, and was the author of several books of verse, including Caius Gracchus, a tragedy; she was also a brilliant pamphleteer,

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 138-40

Diary of Mary Boykin Chesnut: March 7, 1862

Mrs. Middleton was dolorous indeed. General Lee had warned the planters about Combahee, etc., that they must take care of themselves now; he could not do it. Confederate soldiers had committed some outrages on the plantations and officers had punished them promptly. She poured contempt upon Yancey's letter to Lord Russell.¹ It was the letter of a shopkeeper, not in the style of a statesman at all.

We called to see Mary McDuffie.² She asked Mary Preston what Doctor Boykin had said of her husband as we came along in the train. She heard it was something very complimentary. Mary P. tried to remember, and to repeat it all, to the joy of the other Mary, who liked to hear nice things about her husband.

Mary was amazed to hear of the list of applicants for promotion. One delicate-minded person accompanied his demand for advancement by a request for a written description of the Manassas battle; he had heard Colonel Chesnut give such a brilliant account of it in Governor Cobb's room.

The Merrimac³ business has come like a gleam of lightning illumining a dark scene. Our sky is black and lowering.

The Judge saw his little daughter at my window and he came up. He was very smooth and kind. It was really a delightful visit; not a disagreeable word was spoken. He abused no one whatever, for he never once spoke of any one but himself, and himself he praised without stint. He did not look at me once, though he spoke very kindly to me.

_______________

¹ Lord Russell was Foreign Secretary under the Palmerston administration of 1859 to 1865.

² Mary McDuffie was the second wife of Wade Hampton.

³ The Merrimac was formerly a 40-gun screw frigate of the United States Navy. In April, 1861, when the Norfolk Navy-yard was abandoned by the United States she was sunk. Her hull was afterward raised by the Confederates and she was reconstructed on new plans, and renamed the Virginia. On March 2, 1862, she destroyed the Congress, a sailing-ship of 50 guns, and the Cumberland, a sailing-ship of 30 guns, at Newport News. On March 7th she attacked the Minnesota, but was met by the Monitor and defeated in a memorable engagement. Many features of modern battle-ships have been derived from the Merrimac and Monitor.

SOURCE: Mary Boykin Chesnut, Edited by Isabella D. Martin and Myrta Lockett Avary, A Diary From Dixie, p. 136-7

Diary of Judith W. McGuire: March 11, 1862

Yesterday we heard good news from the mouth of James River. The ship "Virginia," formerly the Merrimac, having been completely incased with iron, steamed out into Hampton Roads, ran into the Federal vessel Cumberland, and then destroyed the Congress, and ran the Minnesota ashore. Others were damaged. We have heard nothing further; but this is glory enough for one day, for which we will thank God and take courage.

SOURCE: Judith W. McGuire, Diary of a Southern Refugee, During the War, p. 100

Diary of Margaret Junkin Preston: May 15, 1862

Have had various notes from Mr. P. since Saturday. Was extremely relieved to find that he was not in the fight; that there were only 50 killed and 250 wounded, instead of 300 killed, as first reported. It is not true that Major Ross was killed. The pursuit of the Federal forces has been kept up for several days. Tonight, a letter from Mr. P. says they halted on Monday, to rest the army half a day, and hear a sermon from Dr. Dabney, a thanksgiving for the victory. This evening we hear the report that Jackson is retreating – the Federal force having been reinforced with fresh troops. Mr. P. says a battle seems imminent; he is not on Jackson's staff, but marching with the corps of cadets. News of the burning of the steam iron-clad ship, Merrimac. What a sacrifice! But I record here nothing of public news, beyond what touches myself. It is not my purpose to do more.

SOURCE: Elizabeth Preston Allan, The Life and Letters of Margaret Junkin Preston, p. 139-40

Diary of Josephine Shaw Lowell: April 15, 1862

A year since Lincoln's Proclamation, in which he says that the object of the 75,000 men was to repossess the forts of the United States, and today we hear of the unconditional surrender of Pulaski, one of the strongest, and the defense of Savannah. Yorktown is still untaken and we hear nothing of the Merrimac, except reported bursting of shells, running ashores, etc., etc., none of which are probably true. I heard today of Wendell's promotion to a captaincy. He told me in Boston that he only wanted to be captain for the sake of leading the men in battle, and now he will soon have his wish. Poor Mother is very low spirited and of course must be, for Rob is in continual danger, as his Regiment is acting as skirmishers, scouts, etc. She was speaking yesterday of not being able to do anything “until she had heard.” I suppose it is to hear that Rob is shot.

SOURCE: William Rhinelander Stewart, The Philanthropic Work of Josephine Shaw Lowell, p. 24-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, September 20, 1862

Am troubled by Preble's conduct. There must be a stop put to the timid, hesitating, and I fear sometimes traitorous course of some of our officers. Tenderness, remonstrance, reproof do no good. Preble is not a traitor, but loyal. An educated, gentlemanly officer of a distinguished family and more than ordinary acquirements, but wants promptitude, energy, decision, audacity, perhaps courage. I am inclined to believe, however, an excess of reading, and a fear that he might violate etiquette, some point of international law, or that he should give offense to Great Britain, whose insolence the State Department fears and deprecates and submits to with all humility, had its influence. He paused at a critical moment to reflect on what he had read and the state of affairs. A man less versed in books would have sunk the pirate if she did not stop when challenged, regardless of her colors. No Englishman had a right to approach and pass the sentinel on duty. Preble was placed there to prevent intercourse, ____ was a sentinel to watch the Rebels and all others, — and no Englishman had a right to trespass. A board of officers would be likely to excuse him, as in the case of ____ and ____,¹ on account of his amiable qualities, general intelligence, and good intentions. The time has arrived when these derelictions must not go unpunished. I should have preferred that some other man should have been punished. I have had the subject under consideration with some of the best minds I could consult, and found no difference of opinion. I then took the dispatches to the President and submitted them to him. He said promptly: “Dismiss him. If that is your opinion, it is mine. I will do it.” Secretary Seward and Attorney-General Bates, each of whom I casually met, advised dismissal. It is painful, but an unavoidable duty. I am sorry for Preble, but shall be sorry for my country if it is not done. Its effect upon the Navy will be more salutary than were he and fifty like him to fall in battle.

Commander Joe Smith,² who died at his post when the ill-fated Congress went down from the assault of the Merrimac, perished in the line of duty. I have never been satisfied with the conduct of the flag-officer³ in those days, who was absent in the waters of North Carolina, — purposely and unnecessarily absent, in my apprehension, through fear of the Merrimac, which he knew was completed, and ready to come out. It was like dread of the new Merrimac at Richmond, which was nearly ready, that led him finally to resign his squadron command. He has wordy pretensions, some capacity, but no hard courage. There is a clan of such men in the Navy, varying in shade and degree, who in long years of peace have been students and acquired position, but whose real traits are not generally understood. The Department is compelled to give them commands, and at the same time is held responsible for their weakness, errors, and want of fighting qualities.

Nothing conclusive from the army. The Rebels have crossed the river without being hurt or seriously molested, — much in character with the general army management of the war. Little is said on the subject. Stanton makes an occasional sneering remark, Chase now and then a better one, but there is no general review, inquiry, or discussion. There is no abatement of hostility to McClellan.

__________

¹ No names in original.

² Lieutenant Joseph B. Smith.

³ Captain, afterwards Rear-Admiral Louis M. Goldsborough.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 141-2

Salmon P. Chase to Janette Ralston Chase, May 11, 1862

STEAMER BALTIMORE, May 11, 1862.

MY DARLING NETTIE: I believe I closed my letter to you with an account of the bombardment. That was thought to have shown the inability of an attempt to land at Sewell's Point while the Merrimac lay watching it; it at once became a question, what should now be done? Three plans only seemed feasible: to send all the troops that could be spared around to Burnside, and let him come on Norfolk from behind — that is, from the south; to send them up James River to aid McClellan; or to seek another landing place out of reach of the Merrimac. I offered to take the Miami, if a tug of less draught, and capable, therefore, of getting nearer shore, could accompany me, and make an examination, in company with an officer, of the coast east of the Point. Colonel Cram offered to go, and General Wool said he would accompany us. We started accordingly, and being arrived opposite a point which I mark 'A' on the poor draft I send you, sent a boat's crew on shore to find the depths of water. We had already approached within some five hundred yards in the Miami, and the tug had approached within perhaps one hundred, of the shore. The boats went very near the shore, and then pulled off, somewhat to my surprise. But when they returned to the boat, the mystery was explained. They had seen an enemy's picket, and a soldier standing up and beckoning to his companions to lie close, and they had inferred the existence of an ambush, and had pulled off to avoid being fired upon. When the officer of the boat and Colonel Cram came on board, they could still see the picket on horseback, and pointed his position out to me; but I, being near-sighted, could not see. It was plain enough that there was no use in landing men to be fired upon and overcome by a superior force, and so the order was given to get under way to return to Fortress Monroe. We had, indeed, accomplished our main purpose, having found the water sufficiently deep to admit of landing without any serious difficulty. But just as we were going away, a white flag was seen waving over the sand-bank on shore, and the General ordered it to be answered at once, which was done by fastening a bed-sheet to the flag-line, and running it up. When this was done several colored people appeared on shore — all women and children. Fearing the flag and the appearance of the colored people might be a cover, intended to get our people within rifle-shot, I directed two boats to go ashore, with full crews well armed. They went, and pretty soon I saw Colonel Cram talking with the people on shore, while some of the men were walking about on the beach. Presently one boat pulled off toward the ship, and when she had come quite near I observed the colored people going up the sand-bank, and Colonel Cram preparing to return with the other boat. It occurred to me that the poor people must have desired to go to Fortress Monroe, and might have been refused. So I determined to go ashore myself, and jumping into the returned boat was quickly on the beach. The Colonel reported his examination entirely satisfactory, and I found from the colored people (one of whom, however, turned out to be a white woman, living near by) that none of them wanted to leave, and we all returned to the ship. These women were the soldiers who had alarmed our folks.

We had made an important discovery — a good and convenient landing place, some five or six miles from Fortress Monroe, capable of receiving any number of troops, and communicating with Norfolk by quite passable roads, with a distance by one route of eight or nine, and by another of twelve or thirteen, miles.

When I got back to Fortress Monroe I found the President had been listening to a pilot and studying a chart, and had become impressed with a conviction that there was a nearer landing, and wished to go and see about it on the spot. So we started again and soon reached the shore, taking with us a large boat and some twenty armed soldiers from the Rip Raps. The President and Mr. Stanton were on the tug and I on the Miami. The tug was, of course, nearest shore, and as soon as she found the water too shoal for her to go farther safely, the Rip Raps boat was manned and sent in. Meantime, I had the Miami got ready for action, and directed the captain to go ashore with two boats and all the men they could take, fully armed. Before this could be done, however, the other boat had pulled off shore, and several horsemen, who appeared to be soldiers of the enemy, were seen on the beach. I sent to the President to ask if we should fire on them, and he replied negatively. We had again found a good landing, which at the time I supposed to be between two and three miles nearer Fortress Monroe, but which proved to be only one-half or three-quarters of a mile nearer.

Returning to Fortress Monroe, it was agreed that an advance should at once be made on Norfolk from one of these landings. General Wool preferred the one he had visited, and it was selected. It was now night, but the preparations proceeded with great activity. Four regiments were sent off and orders given for others to follow. Colonel Cram went down to make a bridge of boats to the landing, and General Wool asked me to accompany him the next morning.

Next morning (yesterday) I was up early, and we got off as soon as possible. As soon as we reached the place, I took the tug which brought us down, and went up the shore to where the President's boat had attempted to land the evening before. I found the distance to be only three-quarters of a mile, and returned to the Miami, where I had left the General. He had gone ashore, and I at once followed. On shore I found General Viele, with an orderly behind. He asked if I would like a horse, and I said yes. He thereupon directed his orderly to dismount, and I mounted. I then proposed to ride up to where the pickets had been seen the night before. He complied. We found a shed where the pickets had staid, and fresh horse tracks in many places, showing that the enemy had only withdrawn a few hours. Meantime, Mr. Stanton had come down, and on my return to General Wool, asked me to go with the expedition, and I finally determined to do so.

Accordingly, I asked General W. for a squad of dragoons and for permission to ride on with General Viele ahead of him. He granted both requests. After going about five miles, General V. and myself came up with the rear of the advance (which had preceded us three or four hours), and soon heard firing of artillery in front. We soon heard that the bridge which we expected to cross was burnt, that the enemy's artillery was posted on the other side, and that Generals Mansfield and Weber were returning.

About one-half or three-quarters of a mile from the burning bridge, we met them, and of course turned back. Returning, we met General Wool, who determined to leave a guard on that route and take another to Norfolk.

There was now a good deal of confusion, to remedy which and provide for contingencies General Wool sent General M. to Newport News to bring forward his brigade, and brigaded the troops with him, assigning General Viele to the command of one and General Weber to the command of the other. The cavalry and Major Dodge were in advance, General Wool and staff next, then a body of sharpshooting skirmishers, then the main body of Viele's brigade, and then Weber's. We stopped everybody from whom we could obtain information, and it was not long before we were informed that the intrenched camp, where we expected the rebels would fight, if anywhere, had just been evacuated, and that the barracks were fired. This pleasant intelligence was soon confirmed by the arrival of one of Dodge's dragoons, who told us that the cavalry were already within it.

We kept on, and were soon within the work — a very strong one, defended by many heavy guns, of which twenty-one still remained in position. The troops, as they entered, gave cheer after cheer, and were immediately formed into line for the farther march, now only two miles to Norfolk. General Wool now invited General Viele, General Weber, and Major Dodge to ride with us in front, and so we proceeded until we met a deputation of the city authorities, who surrendered the city in form. General Wool and myself entered one carriage with two of the deputation, and General Viele another, with others, and so we drove into town and to the City Hall, where the General completed his arrangements for taking possession of the city. These completed, and General Viele being left in charge as military governor, General Wool and myself set out on our return to Ocean View, our landing-place, in the carriage which had brought us to the City Hall; which carriage, by the way, was that used by the rebel General Huger, and he had, perhaps, been riding in it that very morning.

It was sundown when we left Norfolk — about ten when we reached Ocean View — and near twelve when we reached Fortress Monroe. The President had been greatly alarmed for our safety by the report of General M., as he went by to Newport News; and you can imagine his delight when we told him Norfolk was ours. He fairly hugged General Wool.

For my part, I was very tired, and glad to get to bed.

This morning, as the President had determined to leave for Washington at seven, I rose at six, and just before seven came into the parlor, where Commodore Goldsborough astonished and gratified us that the rebels had set fire to the Merrimac, and had blown her up.1 It was determined that, before leaving, we would go up in the Baltimore, which was to convey us to Washington, to the point where the suicide had been performed, and above the obstructions in the channel, if possible, so as to be sure of the access to Norfolk by water, which had been defended by the exploded ship. This was done; but the voyage was longer than we anticipated, taking us up the wharves of Norfolk, where, in the Elizabeth River, were already lying the Monitor, the Stevens, the Susquehanna, and one or two other vessels. General Wool and Commodore Goldsborough had come up with us on the Baltimore; and, as soon as they were transferred to the Susquehanna, our prow was turned down stream, and touching for a moment at the Fortress, we kept on our way toward Washington, where we hope to be at breakfast to-morrow.

So has ended a brilliant week's campaign of the President; for I think it quite certain that if he had not come down, Norfolk would still have been in possession of the enemy, and the Merrimac as grim and defiant, and as much a terror as ever. The whole coast is now virtually ours. There is no port which the Monitor and Stevens can not enter and take.

It was sad and pleasant to see the Union flag once more waving over Norfolk, and the shipping in the harbor, and to think of the destruction accomplished there a little more than a year ago.

I went to Norfolk last night by land with the army; this morning, by water, with the navy. My campaign, too, is over.

SORUCE: Robert B. Warden, An Account of the Private Life and Public Services of Salmon Portland Chase, p. 428-32

Major General George B. McClellan to Edwin M. Stanton, about April 20, 1862

HEADQUARTERS, ARMY OF THE POTOMAC,

BEFORE YORKTOWN.

Hon. E. M. Stanton, Secretary of War:

SIR: I received to-day a note from Assistant Secretary Watson enclosing an extract from a letter the author of which is not mentioned. I send a copy of the extract with this. I hope that a copy has also been sent to Gen. McDowell, whom it concerns more nearly, perhaps, than it does me.

At the risk of being thought obtrusive I will venture upon some remarks which perhaps my position does not justify me in making, but which I beg to assure you are induced solely by my intense desire for the success of the government in this struggle. You will, I hope, pardon me if I allude to the past, not in a captious spirit, but merely so far as may be necessary to explain my own course and my views as to the future.

From the beginning I had intended, so far as I might have the power to carry out my own views, to abandon the line of Manassas as the line of advance. I ever regarded it as an improper one; my wish was to adopt a new line, based upon the waters of the lower Chesapeake. I always expected to meet with strong opposition on this line, the strongest that the rebels could offer, but I was well aware that upon overcoming this opposition the result would be decisive and pregnant with great results.

Circumstances, among which I will now only mention the uncertainty as to the power of the Merrimac, have compelled me to adopt the present line, as probably safer, though far less brilliant, than that by Urbana. When the movement was commenced I counted upon an active and disposable force of nearly 150,000 men, and intended to throw a strong column upon West Point either by York river or, if that proved impracticable, by a march from the mouth of the Severn, expecting to turn in that manner all the defences of the Peninsula. Circumstances have proved that I was right, and that my intended movements would have produced the desired results.

After the transfer of troops had commenced from Alexandria to Fort Monroe, but before I started in person, the division of Blenker was detached from my command — a loss of near 10,000 men. As soon as the mass of my troops were fairly started I embarked myself. Upon reaching Fort Monroe I learned that the rebels were being rapidly reinforced from Norfolk and Richmond. I therefore determined to lose no time in making the effort to invest Yorktown, without waiting for the arrival of the divisions of Hooker and Richardson and the 1st corps, intending to employ the 1st corps in mass to move upon West Point, reinforcing it as circumstances might render necessary.

The advance was made on the morning of the second day after I reached Fort Monroe. When the troops reached the immediate vicinity of Yorktown the true nature of the enemy's position was for the first time developed. While my men were under fire I learned that the 1st corps was removed from my command. No warning had been given me of this, nor was any reason then assigned. I should also have mentioned that the evening before I left Fort Monroe I received a telegraphic despatch from the War Department informing me that the order placing Fort Monroe and its dependent troops under my command was rescinded. No reason was given for this, nor has it been to this day. I confess that I have no right to know the reason. This order deprived me of the support of another division which I had been authorized to form for active operations from among the troops near Fort Monroe.

Thus when I came under fire I found myself weaker by five divisions than I had expected when the movement commenced. It is more than probable that no general was ever placed in such a position before.

Finding myself thus unexpectedly weakened, and with a powerful enemy strongly entrenched in my front, I was compelled to change my plans and become cautious. Could I have retained my original force I confidently believe that I would now have been in front of Richmond instead of where I now am. The probability is that that city would now have been in our possession.

But the question now is in regard to the present and the future rather than the past.

The enemy, by the destruction of the bridges of the Rappahannock, has deprived himself of the means of a rapid advance on Washington. Lee will never venture upon a bold movement on a large scale.

The troops I left for the defence of Washington, as I fully explained to you in the letter I wrote the day I sailed, are ample for its protection.

Our true policy is to concentrate our troops on the fewest possible lines of attack; we have now too many, and an enterprising enemy could strike us a severe blow.

I have every reason to believe that the main portion of the rebel forces are in my front. They are not "drawing off" their troops from Yorktown.

Give me McCall's division and I will undertake a movement on West Point which will shake them out of Yorktown. As it is, I will win, but I must not be blamed if success is delayed. I do not feel that I am answerable for the delay of victory.

I do not feel authorized to venture upon any suggestions as to the disposition of the troops in other departments, but content myself with stating the least that I regard as essential to prompt success here. If circumstances render it impossible to give what I ask, I still feel sure of success, but more time will be required to achieve the result.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

GEO. B. McCLELLAN,

Maj.-Gcn. Commanding.

SOURCE: George B. McClellan, McClellan’s Own Story, p. 281-3

Major General George B. McClellan to Gustavus V. Fox, March 12, 1862

FAIRFAX COURT-HOUSE,

March 12, 1862.

Capt. G. V. Fox,  Fort Monroe:

Can I rely on the Monitor to keep the Merrimac in check, so that I can make Fort Monroe a base of operations. Please answer at once.

GEO. B. McCLELLAN,

Major-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 9 (Serial No. 9), p. 27

Gustavus V. Fox to Major General George B. McClellan, March 13, 1862

NAVY DEPARTMENT, March 13, 1862.

 Maj. Gen. GEORGE B. MCCLELLAN, Fairfax Court-House:

The Monitor is more than a match for the Merrimac, but she might be disabled in the next encounter. I cannot advise so great dependence upon her. Burnside and Goldsborough are very strong for the Chowan River route to Norfolk, and I brought up maps, explanations, &c., to show you. It turns everything, and is only 27 miles to Norfolk by two good roads. Burnside will have New Berne this week. The Monitor may, and I think will, destroy the Merrimac in the next fight, but this is hope, not certainty. The Merrimac must dock for repairs.

 G. V. FOX.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 5 (Serial No. 5), p. 753

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, April 25, 1862

CAMP AT CATLETT'S STATION, Friday, April 25, 1862.

Since I wrote, the whole of King’s division has gone down to Falmouth, opposite Fredericksburg, and to-day orders were given for Reynolds to move down there with his brigade. I suppose I shall follow in a day or two, and that McDowell has at last got them in Washington to consent to let him concentrate his column at Fredericksburg, and either threaten Richmond from that point, or what would be better, interpose between Richmond and Yorktown, cutting off the communications of the army at the latter place. What I have been fearing, was that Banks would allow himself to be decoyed so far up the valley of the Shenandoah, that when they threw a superior force on him, we would be rushed across to his assistance. I see by the papers received to-day, that he has got as far as Harrisonburg, about twelve miles from Staunton; the latter being the point that Fremont is aiming at. If Banks and Fremont unite, they will be strong enough.

The papers say the Merrimac is ready to come out again; which I think is the best thing that can happen, as until the question of her supremacy is settled, we will be hampered at Yorktown. Let her be captured or sunk; when our gunboats will be free to operate on the James and York Rivers, taking the enemy's works in flank and rear, which now we cannot do for fear of the Merrimac.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 262

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, April 16, 1862

CAMP AT MANASSAS JUNCTION, April 16, 1862.

As to ourselves, we are in statu quo. McDowell has only two divisions, King's (his old one) and McCall's, and we are employed in the important duty of guarding the railroad from the Rappahannock to Washington. For what object this railroad is guarded beyond the necessity of supplying its own guard with provisions and forage, no one sees. It is evident we cannot advance on Richmond from the Rappahannock, because at that point the direct route leaves the railroad, and the roads across are impassable for artillery and wagons. It has been surmised that we are kept here because they are fearful the Merrimac may run the gauntlet at Fortress Monroe, in which case they could pen McClellan in on the peninsula, between the York and James Rivers, and then they could detach a force to threaten Washington. There may be something in this, but even granting its practicability, we would be as near Washington at Fredericksburg as at this place, and at the same time would more effectually threaten Richmond from that point. McDowell, I understand, is thoroughly disgusted with the turn affairs have taken, completely taking the wind out of his sails, and that he has sent an earnest appeal to his friends in Washington to have him retransferred to McClellan's army. Now that McClellan has got Franklin, I doubt if he cares to have McDowell any more with him.

It is a very pretty country around here, and the position occupied by the enemy was very strong. I don't believe they will soon again get another line as defensible as this one was, and their abandoning it was an evident sign of their weakness and inability to defend their other approaches to Richmond. As to the battle at Pittsburg Landing,1 it would appear the plan of the rebels was admirably conceived, and would have been successful but for the presence of our gunboats. Finding they could not get to the river in consequence of these vessels, and that the success of their plan was impracticable, they very properly retired to their fortifications at Corinth. Hence, although they were checked and defeated in the object they had in view, yet it was not a triumphant victory on our side; for had the gunboats (against which they had no means of operating) not been present, they would have destroyed Grant the first day and Buell the second.

__________

¹ Same as battle at Shiloh.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 259-60

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, April 13, 1862

CAMP AT MANASSAS, Sunday, April 13.

My last letter was written to you from Alexandria, on the evening of the 10th instant. The next morning we started on our march to this place, which we reached yesterday afternoon, passing through Centreville. On our arrival here we found Franklin's Division had been ordered back to McClellan. As this was a checkmate to McDowell, he has started off to Washington, and we now do not know what is going to be done with us. The withdrawal of Franklin reduces his army corps to two divisions of only twenty thousand men — hardly enough to attempt to threaten Richmond from this direction. I suppose he will try to get another division with which to cross the Rappahannock and advance on Richmond. If he does not succeed in this, I presume we will be kept here till the affair at Yorktown is decided, and if it should be in our favor, I think they will fall back from Richmond and probably abandon Virginia altogether. We cannot tell till McDowell gets back what our movements will be. This morning I rode over the whole of the Bull Run battle-field. A more beautiful ground for a battle never existed; country open, with rolling ground of gentle slopes, offering equal advantages to the attacking and attacked. I am now more satisfied than ever that we lost the day from gross mismanagement — a combination of bad generalship and bad behavior on the part of raw troops. This, however, is erdre rums. Their works at Centreville and at this place are quite strong, and it would have given us a good deal of trouble to have driven them out, and it was a very good thing they evacuated them. I hope we shall be successful in driving them from Yorktown; though the last accounts would seem to indicate that they are pretty well prepared for us there, and that we have yet our hands full to drive them out. As I understand, the difficulty is that, owing to the fear of the Merrimac, the gunboats cannot leave Fortress Monroe to ascend the York River and take their batteries in the rear. It is said, however, the Navy have a plan, by which they are confident they will sink the Merrimac, if she gives them a fair chance, in which I trust they may succeed.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 258-9

Baltimore, May 17 [1862].

The Old Point boat has arrived, but brings no letters.  Several of the crew of the Merrimac came up.  Some of them are northern men, and claim to have been impressed.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, May 19, 1862, p. 1

Brigadier General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Meade, March 11, 1862

CAMP AT HUNTER'S MILLS, VA., March 11, 1862.

I send you a few hasty lines to tell you where we are, and to relieve the anxiety which you will doubtless have from the reports in the papers. Yesterday at 11 A. M. we received orders to march. At 1 P. M. we got off, and marched fifteen miles, arriving at this point about 8 P. M. The whole army has advanced, and we are on the extreme right, distant about twelve miles from Centreville. We presumed when starting yesterday that we would have a brush in a day or two with the enemy. But this morning we hear that McDowell's Division, that advanced on Centreville, finding it was evacuated, and hearing that they had evacuated Manassas, continued on and is now in possession of their lately vaunted impregnable stronghold. Thus the prospects of another Bull Run battle are dissipated — unless they have, as the French say, only reculer pour mieux sauter.

We hear to-day of the disastrous naval conflict at Newport News.¹ This is a very bad business, and shows the superior enterprise of our enemies. There is no reason we should not have had the Cumberland iron-clad, as the Merrimac has been prepared by them. The loss of two such vessels as the Cumberland and the Congress, two of our finest frigates, is a very serious blow, not only to our material interests, but to our pride and naval forces.

I have not time to write you much beyond the fact that I am well. I have been in the saddle all day, posting troops and pickets, and making all the preparations to meet the enemy, though, from the reports in existence and believed, there is not much probability of his showing himself about here.

__________

¹ Destruction of the gun-boats Cumberland and Congress by the Confederate iron-clad Merrimac.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 1, p. 251