Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, October 10, 1865

As I went into the President's office this morning and was passing him to enter the library, he took occasion to express his satisfaction with my circulars and his thorough conviction of their rectitude. He was exceedingly pleased with the manner of their reception by the public. Said Preston King, when last there, had advised that we should pursue a straightforward course and leave consequences to themselves.

Leaving the President, I went on to the library. Stanton and Dennison were there, and, I think, Ashton and W. E. Chandler. Harlan soon came in. Dennison almost immediately addressed me on the subject of my circular respecting assessments. He said it was likely to have an effect on other Departments. He had received this morning a petition from the clerks in the New York post-office inclosing my circular, and asking to be relieved of a five per cent assessment which had been levied upon them for party purposes. I remarked that they were proper subjects to be exempt from such a tax in times like these, that I disliked and was decidedly opposed to this whole principle of assessment of employés of the government for party objects,—if not broken up it would demoralize the government and country.

Stanton said if I had issued such a circular one year ago, we should have lost the election. I questioned the correctness of that assertion, and told him that I took the same ground then that I did now, although I issued no circular. He said he was aware I objected to assessments in the yards, but had understood that I finally backed down and consented. I assured him he was greatly mistaken; that Raymond had annoyed President Lincoln with his demands, and that I had been importuned to permit the tax to be levied but that I had never consented or changed my views, or actions, or been ever requested to do so by President Lincoln.

Dennison said that Mr. Harlan's committee—Harlan, being chairman—had made an assessment on all office-holders and he thought it was right. Stanton earnestly affirmed its rightfulness, and said the Democrats raised two dollars for every one raised by us. Asked if I did not pay an assessment. I told him I contributed money, but did not submit to be assessed or taxed. Harlan sat by and said nothing, though occasionally rolling up his eye and showing his peculiar smile. I told the gentlemen that, while differing with them, I was gratified to have the President with me. He came in a few moments after, and the subject was dropped.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 379-81

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, August 21, 1865

I took a ride yesterday with Governor Dennison to Silver Spring and had a pleasant interview of a couple of hours with the elder Blair. He has great political sagacity, tact, and ability and watches with keen eyes the movements of men and parties. I find his views in most respects correspond with my own as to demonstrations now being made by ultra-partisans. He attributes much to Stanton, and suggested that General Grant ought to be made Secretary of War. Therein I differed from him. General Rousseau called on me to-day in behalf of Commander Pendergrast, who has been suspended by court martial for two years. The sentence I have thought severe and intended to mitigate it. Admiral Porter, as well as General R., thinks P. has been sufficiently punished; says Fox has been a little vindictive in the matter. This I am unwilling to believe, although Fox has remonstrated on two occasions, when I have had the case under consideration. Pendergrast says that most of the court which tried him were retired officers, placed on the retired list by the board of which his uncle, the late Commodore P., was a member, and that they as well as others have supposed that he was a son instead of nephew of the Commodore, and he is apprehensive there was a prejudice against him on that account.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 364-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: [Saturday Evening, August 26], 1865

Called with Postmaster-General Dennison on the President on Saturday evening and spent a couple of hours with him conversing on the condition of the times, and matters relating to the war. The President is animated and warms up to enthusiasm when dwelling on the occurrences in Tennessee, and especially the services of General Thomas, whom he loves not less than Grant, to whom he is quite friendly. His description of the fight of Nashville is graphic and highly interesting.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 367

Diary of Gideon Welles: [Sunday, August 27], 1865

On Sunday, the 27th, I took the President in my carriage, with Postmaster-General Dennison, for a ride of a couple of hours or more. Went out 14th Street, crossed Rock Creek at Pease's Mill, thence to Tenallytown, and returned via Georgetown. It was a pleasant afternoon and we all enjoyed the drive. I think it will do the President good.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 367

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, August 7, 1865

Attended the funeral of Captain Drayton at 5 P.M., at St. John's Church. Arrangements were very complete, and he was buried, or rather entombed, in Oakland Cemetery, Georgetown, with appropriate honors.

Governor Dennison called, having been sent by Secretary Seward, who wished to see us together. The subject of consultation was the President's health and method of doing business. He, Seward, had returned and called to-day at once on the President, who was looking ill and oppressed, and S. so told him. The President inquired if nothing could be done to relieve him of the immense throng that was incessantly pressing on him. Seward told him he had no doubt relief might be had, and he would prepare a general order for that purpose. This had been prepared, and, seeing Dennison, he had requested him to invite me to his house, that I might be aware of what was doing, and be prepared for it, when the subject came up to-morrow in the Cabinet, where he proposed to introduce it.

I concur most fully in the necessity of some thorough and effective change, and that speedily. On repeated occasions I have admonished the President, and have spoken to members of the Cabinet, Preston King, and others to the same purport.

Seward is much improved in health and looks by his visit to Cape May.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 354

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, August 8, 1865

The subject of a change to relieve the President was discussed in Cabinet and Seward produced the order which he had prepared. There was no dissent as to the necessity of some action. Various matters were submitted by different members. I presented, at the request of Judge Wayne, the subject of paying debts in the Rebel States, and all thought none that were due prior to the War should, for the present at least, be considered.

Stanton submitted a number of not material questions, yet possessed of some little interest. Before the meeting closed, the subject of army movements on the Plains came up, and Stanton said there were three columns of twenty-two thousand troops moving into the Indian country, with a view to an Indian campaign. Inquiry as to the origin and authority of such a movement elicited nothing from the Secretary of War. He said he knew nothing on the subject. He had been told there was such a movement, and Meigs had informed him it was true. Grant had been written to for information, but Grant was away and he knew not when he should have a reply. The expenses of this movement could not, he said, be less than fifty millions of dollars. But he knew nothing about it.

All manifested surprise. The President, however, made, I observed, no inquiry or any comment. Whether this was intentional reticence, or the result of physical weariness or debility,—for he was far from well, I could not determine. I thought it alarming that there should be such an imposing demonstration on the part of the military, and the Administration, or executive officer of the War Department, ignorant in regard to it. If so, it is to his discredit; if not true, it is no less so. The only apology or excuse would be that the President had ordered this through General Grant, or assented to it at least. But this would be a slight upon the Secretary of War to which he would not possibly submit.

Following up this subject, Governor Dennison inquired of Stanton in relation to the recent general order dividing the country into eighteen military departments and assigning a multitude of generals to them. The question was mildly, pertinently, and appropriately put, but Stanton evinced intense feeling and acrimony. He said the Postmaster-General must address his inquiries to General Grant respecting that order, and he had no doubt General Grant would have been glad to have had Dennison's advice and direction on the subject. For his part he had not undertaken to instruct or advise General Grant.

There was a sneer and insolence in the manner, more offensive even than the words. I was on the point of inquiring if the civil administration of the government could not be informed on so important a subject, when Speed, who evidently saw there was feeling, hastened to introduce another topic. I was glad he did so, yet this state of things cannot endure.

I fell in with Dennison, or he with me, when taking my usual walk, and we at once got on to the subject of Stanton's insolent replies to-day. Dennison was, with reason, irritated. Said he had forborne to reply or pursue the subject because his temper was excited and there would have been a scene. He says he has known Stanton well for twenty-five years; that he is a charlatan and that he wanted D. to make a sharp reply on Grant in order that he might report it to that officer and thus create a difference.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 354-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, August 18, 1865

Senators Doolittle and Foster and Mr. Ford, who have been on a mission to the Plains, visiting New Mexico, Colorado, etc., had an interview with the President and Cabinet of an hour and a half. Their statement in relation to the Indians and Indian affairs exhibits the folly and wickedness of the expedition which has been gotten up by somebody without authority or the knowledge of the government.

Their strong protestations against an Indian war, and their statement of the means which they had taken to prevent it came in very opportunely. Stanton said General Grant had already written to restrict operations; he had also sent to General Meigs. I have no doubt a check has been put on a very extraordinary and unaccountable proceeding, but I doubt if an entire stop is yet put to war expenses.

Stanton is still full of apprehension and stories of plots and conspiracies. I am inclined to believe he has fears, and he evidently wishes the President to be alarmed. He had quite a story to-day, and read quite a long affidavit from some one whom I do not recall, stating he had been in communication with C. C. Clay and others in Canada, that they wanted him to be one of a party to assassinate President Lincoln and his whole Cabinet. Dennison and McCulloch and I thought the President seemed inclined to give this rigmarole some credence. I think the story, though plausibly got up, was chiefly humbug. Likely Stanton believes me stupid because I give so little heed to his sensational communications; but really a large portion of them seem to me ludicrous and puerile. He still keeps up a guard around his house, and never ventures out without a stout man to accompany him who is ordinarily about ten feet behind him. This body-guard is, I have no doubt, paid for by the public. He urged a similar guard for me and others.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 362-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, July 27, 1865

Brown, the Navy Agent, did not call on me yesterday as he promised. I therefore sent a paymaster to take charge of the office and directed a transfer to be made at two o'clock. But the messenger returned about that hour with a letter from Brown, stating that a consultation had been had with the President, who would see me, but if no change of programme was ordered by 5 P.M. he would immediately thereafter transfer. About three I received a note that the President wished to see me. He said Hamlin had been to see him and was very vehement, from some cause, in behalf of Brown. I stated what had been done; that I felt a little delicate in consequence of my relations with H., so had President Lincoln and himself also. I informed him I had a frank conversation with Brown, who said he wanted time to consider, but had obviously telegraphed to Hamlin. The President said he could not understand why H. should take such extraordinary interest in this case. He then got me the statutes and showed me a law on which Hamlin dwelt with some emphasis. We read it over together. I told the President the law offered no serious obstacle to me. He said he took the same view and would not deviate from his convictions. But Hamlin was vehement, and he wished to treat him with courtesy, and give him time to fully examine the case.

The paymaster (Fulton), who called to have the transfer made, said Brown told him he should not be prepared to transfer at two. F. then said he would wait, when a man whom he did not know, but who sat smoking a cigar, said it would be of no use, F. could wait or not. This man was Hamlin. Fulton replied that his business was with the Navy Agent and not with him (Hamlin.) The latter soon re marked he would go over and see Harlan, Secretary of the Interior.

Postmaster-General Dennison took a walk with me this evening. Returning, we had a cup of tea together. A shower came on, which detained him through the evening, and among a variety of topics we got on this of Hamlin and the Navy Agent. He thought the proceeding most extraordinary, and was especially surprised at the conduct of Hamlin. This led to some exposure of Hamlin's conduct which I have made to no others.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 344-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, August 1, 1865

 The President sends notice that there will be no Cabinet-meeting to-day. He went to Fortress Monroe on Sunday in a light river boat, and returned on Monday morning ill. He is reported quite indisposed to-day. As he takes no exercise and confines himself to his duties, his health must break down. Going down the river is a temporary relief from care and a beneficial change of atmosphere, but it gives no exercise. I admonish him frequently, but it has little effect.

The tone of sentiment and action of people of the South is injudicious and indiscreet in many respects. I know not if there is any remedy, but if not, other and serious disasters await them, — and us also perhaps, for if we are one people, dissension and wrong affect the whole.

The recent election in Richmond indicates a banding together of the Rebel element and a proscription of friends of the Union. This would be the natural tendency of things, perhaps, but there should be forbearance and kindness, in order to reinstate old fraternal feeling. Instead of this, the Rebels appear to be arrogant and offensively dictatorial. Perhaps there is exaggeration in this respect.

The military, it seems, have interfered and nullified the municipal election in Richmond, with the exception of a single officer. Why he alone should be retained, I do not understand. Nor am I informed, though I have little doubt, who directed and prompted this military squelching of a popular election. It was not a subject on which the Cabinet was informed. Such a step should not have been taken without deliberation, under good advisement, and with good reasons. There may have been such, for the Rebels have been foolish and insolent, and there was wanting a smart and stern rebuke rightly administered. If not right, the wicked may be benefited and their malpractices strengthened by the interference.

From various quarters we learn that the Rebels are organizing through the Southern States with a view to regaining political ascendency, and are pressing forward prominent Rebels for candidates in the approaching election. Graham in North Carolina, Etheridge in Tennessee, are types.

Seward and Speed are absent at Cape May. Dennison tells me that Stanton on Friday stated we had a military force of 42,000 on the Rio Grande. If so, this on the part of the military means war, and we are in no condition for war. I have not been entirely satisfied with Seward's management of the Mexican question. Our remonstrance or protest against French influence and dictation has been feeble and inefficient, but Stanton and Grant are, on the other hand, too belligerent.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 347-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, August 3, 1865

Affairs at the South do not improve. The Secession element is becoming vicious and bad in some quarters, and I fear it may be general. At the North there is about as much folly in the other extreme. The President continues ill. Captain Drayton is quite indisposed this evening.

Governor Dennison called upon me this evening. He is very much dissatisfied with the military announcements of some eighteen different departments and a vast concourse of generals put forth by the War Department, or by Grant. It is a singular announcement, and the army should be immediately reduced to one third and even less.

We had some conversation in regard to the position taken by General Cox, the candidate for Governor in Ohio, who goes for colonizing the blacks in South Carolina and Georgia. His suggestions are the conclusions of one mind. But there is an unsettled and uncertain public sentiment. The attempt to force the South into a recognition of negro and white equality will make trouble. Cox's proposition will not relieve us of the trouble.

I am anxious and concerned about Drayton. He is reported to me to be quite ill. The President is better but continues indisposed. I went this P.M. to the Navy Yard. Mr. Faxon accompanied me. The cost and waste of war and the consequent demoralization make me sad.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 352

Congressman Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes: December 7, 1865

WASHINGTON, D. C. December 7, 1865.

MY DARLING: Thanksgiving morning before breakfast. So far I have no very decided feeling about the life I am leading.

With my family here, pleasantly homed, I would like it well. As it is, I find nothing very gratifying in it and nothing decidedly the contrary. My quarters are well chosen. I do not yet mess anywhere in particular. I eat two meals a day wherever hunger overtakes me. I shall probably soon mess with Delano, Buckland, Welker, and Hubbell—a quiet regular set.

My old college chum Trowbridge and I naturally crony together a good deal. We called together at Governor Dennison's the other evening. Miss Lizzie was alone. Her cordial, unaffected manners, with some wit and a good disposition, make her a favorite here. She said the Ohio set were counting on "Aunt Lu" to be one of them with pleasant anticipations.

We called at Governor Chase's. He is more fleshy, an improvement rather, and more free and good-natured. He does not show any uneasy ambition—or rather, he seems to have made up his mind that his political career is ended; that it is of no use to worry about it, and yet that it is not by any means his choice. His little daughter is not at all handsome, and no longer little, but she is natural and kindly, perhaps bright. I saw no other of the family, but think Governor Sprague's family are with him.

Mussey is soon to have to be mustered out with his regiment of colored troops and then ordered to report to his regiment as captain. He is under a cloud—such a cloud that one hates to meet him or be seen with him. His unlucky military career has been much ventilated since he rose so high, chiefly because he did not bear himself "meekly" in his prosperity. Fortunately he seems not to feel or know it.

Thus far the noticeable men on our side of the house are Thad Stevens, Judge Kelley, and Roscoe Conkling, and on the Democratic side, James Brooks. Stevens is over seventy, sharp-faced, grim-looking, as Wilder Joy would have been if he hadn't fattened as he grew old. The only blemish in his puritanical, severe appearance is a brown wig. He is witty, cool, full of and fond of "sarcasms," and thoroughly informed and accurate. He has a knack of saying things which turn the laugh on his opponent. When he rises everyone expects something worth hearing, and he has the attention of all. You remember his speech on confiscation. He is radical throughout, except, I am told, he don't believe in hanging. He is leader.

Judge Kelley of Philadelphia talks often; has studied rhetoric and elocution, and, I am told, is theatrical overmuch, but so far his little short speeches have been exceedingly well delivered.

Roscoe Conkling of New York State delivers measured sentences in a grave, deliberate way that is good.

James Brooks, former Know-nothing leader, speaks pleasantly and is the leader of the Democrats; has, of course, to talk for Buncombe.

Delano has talked a little and is a good specimen of the lively, earnest style of Western talkers.

No doubt abler men have not yet showed themselves Banks and others. The House is a more orderly and respectable body so far than I had expected. The reading of the President's message was an imposing thing. The members, all attentive, looked like the thing we imagine. Mr. Boynton [of Cincinnati] was elected chaplain. Contrary to my wish and preference, I voted for Bonte, Judge Storer's son-in-law, to keep with the other Ohio members, but changed to Boynton, thus electing him before the vote was declared.

Tell me all about the boys and Grandma. My love to all. I shall want you to come back with me if convenient to you. You will be in time for the sights.

Affectionately ever, your

R.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 3, p. 8-10

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, July 14, 1865

But little of importance at the Cabinet. Seward read a letter from Bigelow, Minister at Paris, representing that indications were that Maximilian would soon leave Mexico, — had sent to Austria considerable amounts of money, etc. Also read extracts from a private letter of Prince de Joinville of similar purport. All of this, I well understood, was intended to counteract a speech of Montgomery Blair, delivered last Tuesday at Hagerstown, in which he makes an onslaught on Seward and Stanton, as well as France.

Before we left, and after all other matters were disposed of, the President brought from the other room a letter from General Sheridan to General Grant, strongly indorsed by the latter and both letter and indorsement strongly hostile to the French and Maximilian. Seward was astounded. McCulloch at once declared that the Treasury and the country could not stand this nor meet the exigency which another war would produce. Harlan in a few words sustained McCulloch. Seward was garrulous. Said if we got in war and drove out the French, we could not get out ourselves. Went over our war with Mexico. Dennison inquired why the Monroe Doctrine could not be asserted. Seward said if we made the threat we must be prepared to maintain it. Dennison thought we might. “How, then,” says Seward, “will you get your own troops out of the country after driving out the French?” “Why, march them out,” said Dennison. “Then,” said S., “the French will return." "We will then,” said D., “expel them again.” I remarked the country was exhausted, as McCulloch stated, but the popular sentiment was strongly averse to French occupancy. If the Mexicans wanted an imperial government, no one would interfere to prevent them, though we might and would regret it, but this conduct of the French in imposing an Austrian prince upon our neighbors was very revolting. I hoped, however, we should not be compelled to take the military view of this question.

Thurlow Weed passed into the White House as I came upon the portico this morning. I had seen a person, without recognizing that it was Weed, hurrying forward, as if to be in advance of me. Following him immediately, I saw who it was and was surprised to see him, instead of going direct to the stairs, turn square round the bulkhead and wait until I had passed.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 332-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, July 21, 1865

A very warm day. Thermometer 90 and upward. Chief subject at the Cabinet was the offense and the disposition of J. Davis. The President, it was evident, was for procuring a decision or having the views of the Cabinet. Seward thought the question might as well be disposed of now as at any time. He was satisfied there could be no conviction of such a man, for any offense, before any civil tribunal, and was therefore for arraigning him for treason, murder, and other offenses before a military commission. Dennison, who sat next him, immediately followed, and thought if the proof was clear and beyond question that Davis was a party to the assassination, then he would have him by all means brought before a military tribunal, but unless the proof was clear, beyond a peradventure, he would have him tried for high treason before the highest civil court. When asked what other court there was than the circuit court, he said he did not wish him tried before the court of this District. And when further asked to be more explicit on the subject of the question of murder or assassination, he said he would trust that matter to Judge Holt and the War Department, and, he then added, the Attorney-General. McCulloch would prefer, if there is to be a trial, that it should be in the courts, but was decidedly against any trial at present, would postpone the whole subject. Stanton was for a trial by the courts for treason, the highest of crimes, and, by the Constitution, only the courts could try him for that offense. Otherwise he would say a military commission. For all other offenses he would arraign him before the military commission. Subsequently, after examining the Constitution, he retracted the remark that the Constitution made it imperative that the trial for treason should be in the civil courts, yet he did not withdraw the preference he had expressed. I was emphatically for the civil court and an arraignment for treason; for an early institution of proceedings; and was willing the trial should take place in Virginia. If our laws or system were defective, it was well to bring them to a test. I had no doubt he was guilty of treason and believed he would be convicted, wherever tried. Harlan would not try him before a civil court unless satisfied there would be conviction. If there was a doubt, he wanted a military commission. He thought it would be much better to pardon Davis at once than to have him tried and not convicted. Such a result, he believed, would be most calamitous. He would, therefore, rather than run that risk prefer a military court. Speed was for a tribunal and for a trial for treason; but until the Rebellion was entirely suppressed he doubted if there could be a trial for treason. Davis is now a prisoner of war and was entitled to all the rights of belligerent, etc., etc. I inquired if Davis was not arrested and a reward offered for him and paid by our government as for other criminals.

The question of counsel and the institution of proceedings was discussed. In order to get the sense of each of the members, the President thought it would be well to have the matter presented in a distinct form. Seward promptly proposed that Jefferson Davis should be tried for treason, assassination, murder, conspiring to burn cities, etc., by a military commission. The question was so put, Seward and Harlan voting for it, the others against, with the exception of myself. The President asked my opinion. I told him I did not like the form in which the question was put. I would have him tried for military offenses by a military court, but for civil offenses I wanted the civil courts. I thought he should be tried for treason, and it seemed to me that the question before us should first be the crime and then the court. The others assented and the question put was, Shall J. D. be tried for treason? There was a unanimous response in the affirmative. Then the question as to the court. Dennison moved a civil court. All but Seward and Harlan were in the affirmative; they were in the negative.

Stanton read a letter from Fortress Monroe, saying Davis' health had been failing for the last fortnight; that the execution of the assassins had visibly affected him. Davis remarked that President Johnson was “quick on the trigger.”

I this day took possession of the rooms in the new wing which had been prepared and furnished for the Secretary of the Navy.

The solicitor, Mr. Bolles, arrived to-day and entered upon his duties so far as to take possession of his rooms. He was not anxious, I perceived, to enter upon his new duties on Friday, although he did not assign that as the reason for delay.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 337-40

Diary of Gideon Welles: Saturday, July 8, 1865

The week has been one of intense heat, and I have been both busy and indolent. Incidents have passed without daily record. The President has been ill. On Friday I met him at the Cabinet. He has been threatened, Dennison tells me, with apoplexy. So the President informed him.

Mr. Seward has undertaken to excuse and explain his strange letter to me stating “our vessels will withhold courtesy from the English.” He was not aware what he wrote. Damns the English and said he was ready to let them know they must not insult us, and went into pretty glib denunciation of them. Says the French want to get out of Mexico and will go if we let them alone. In Cabinet yesterday, Dennison mentioned a call he had from Sir Frederick Bruce, who desired him to bring to the notice of the President the grievance of an Englishman. Seward and Stanton objected to the informality of the proceedings, which should come through the State Department. The objection was well taken, but Seward could not well prevent, having been constantly committing irregularities by interfering with other Departments.

McCulloch is alarmed about the Treasury. Finds that Fessenden had neither knowledge nor accuracy; that it would have been as well for the Department and the country had he been in Maine, fishing, as to have been in the Treasury Department. His opinion of Chase's financial abilities does not increase in respect as he becomes more conversant with the finances. But McCulloch, while a business man, and vastly superior to either of his two immediate predecessors, or both of them, in that respect, has unfortunately no political experience and is deficient in knowledge of men.

In some exhibits yesterday, it was shown that the military had had under pay during the year about one million men daily. Over seven hundred thousand have been paid off and discharged. There are still over two hundred thousand men on the rolls under pay. The estimates of Fessenden are exhausted, the loan is limited by law, and McCulloch is alarmed. His nerves will, however, become stronger, and he can he will - find ways to weather the storm. Stanton has little idea of economy, although he parades the subject before the public. It is notorious that no economy has yet penetrated the War Department. The troops have been reduced in number, - men have been mustered out, - because from the cessation of hostilities and the expiration of their terms they could not longer be retained, but I have not yet seen any attempt to retrench expenses in the quartermasters', commissary, or any other branch of the military service, - certainly none in the War Department proper.

On Tuesday the 4th, I went with Mrs. Welles and Mrs. Bigelow, wife of John B., our minister to France, to Silver Spring, a pleasant drive. The Blairs, as usual, were hospitable and interesting. They do not admire Louis Napoleon and want his troops should be expelled from Mexico. Mrs. B. is joyous, pleasant, and happy, and it is evident her husband wished her to see and get something of the views of the Blairs, but, while intelligent and charming, she is not profound on matters of State, and was a little disconcerted at the plain, blunt remarks of the elder Mr. and Mrs. Blair. She has, however, a woman's instincts.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 327-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: June 8, 1865

The Santiago arrived at the Navy Yard, Washington, this day, shortly after meridian. My two sons, Edgar and Tom, were awaiting our arrival and came off in the boat to receive us. All were well.

Governor Dennison and myself called immediately on the President and reported our return. We found him with a delegation headed by Judge Sharkey from Mississippi, concerning the subject of reorganizing that State. The President was glad to receive us, and invited us, after introduction, to participate in the discussion. Subsequently, after the delegation had withdrawn, we briefly reported the results of our observation as to the condition and sentiments of the people of North and South Carolina and Georgia.

Found matters at the Department had proceeded satisfactorily. Some matters which might have been disposed of awaited my action.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 315

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, June 16, 1865

At Cabinet-meeting General Grant came in to press upon the government the importance of taking decisive measures in favor of the republic of Mexico. Thought that Maximilian and the French should be warned to leave. Said the Rebels were crossing the Rio Grande and entering the imperial service. Their purpose would be to provoke differences, create animosity, and precipitate hostilities. Seward was emphatic in opposition to any movement. Said the Empire was rapidly perishing, and, if let alone, Maximilian would leave in less than six months, perhaps in sixty days, whereas, if we interfered, it would prolong his stay and the Empire also. Seward acts from intelligence, Grant from impulse.

Seward submitted a paper drawn up by himself, favorable to the purchase of Ford's Theatre to be devoted to religious purposes. Governor Dennison, who sometimes catches quickly at schemes, expressed his readiness to sign this, but no others concurred, and it was dropped.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 317

Brigadier-General Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, May 5, 1865

WASHINGTON, May 5, 1865.

DEAREST:— I am here in Judge Johnston's pleasant quarters, established in a homelike way. Dined with Charley Anderson at Governor Dennison's yesterday. All talk of you..

I am yet undecided as to when I go out, etc., etc., but soon. My trip with you is not any more probable, but keep ready a little while longer. We shall be together very soon somewhere. If at Chillicothe, you must get an extra room for a short time.

I am meditating this, to quietly determine, for my own and your knowledge, to quit public life as soon as my term in Congress ends. That fixed, then at once either open a law office in Cincinnati as soon as I resign, or prepare a home at Fremont. Don't worry over it, but think of it and when we meet we will confer. Love to the dear ones.

Ever affectionately,

R.

MRS. HAYES.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 581

Diary of Gideon Welles: May 24, 1865

 I went with Postmaster-General Dennison and a portion of our families and a few friends on board the Santiago de Cuba, one of our fast vessels of about fourteen hundred tons, on a trip to Savannah. The late President had suggested to me some weeks before his death that he would be pleased to go on such an excursion to Charleston, and visit Dahlgren, who was, with him, a favorite. Subsequent events and his protracted visit to the upper waters of the James and Richmond altered this plan, and might have defeated it, even had his life been prolonged.

His death postponed and seemed at times likely to defeat it altogether, but after repeated delays we on this day embarked and went down the Potomac. Of the voyage and its incidents I make here brief mention, for what is written is penned after our return, and from memory chiefly.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 310-1

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, May 9, 1865

A proclamation of amnesty proposed by Speed was considered and, with some changes, agreed to.

The condition of North Carolina was taken up, and a general plan of organization intended for all the Rebel States was submitted and debated. No great difference of opinion was expressed except on the matter of suffrage. Stanton, Dennison, and Speed were for negro suffrage; McCulloch, Usher, and myself were opposed. It was agreed, on request of Stanton, we would not discuss the question, but each express his opinion without preliminary debate. After our opinions had been given, I stated I was for adhering to the rule prescribed in President Lincoln's proclamation, which had been fully considered and matured, and besides, in all these matters, I am for no further subversion of the laws, institutions, and usages of the States respectively, nor for Federal intermeddling in local matters, than is absolutely necessary, in order to rid them of the radical error which has caused our national trouble. All laws, not inconsistent with those of the conquerors, remain until changed to the conquered, is an old rule.

This question of negro suffrage is beset with difficulties growing out of the conflict through which we have passed and the current of sympathy for the colored race. The demagogues will make use of it, regardless of what is best for the country, and without regard for the organic law, the rights of the State, or the troubles of our government. There is a fanaticism on the subject with some, who persuade themselves that the cause of liberty and the Union is with the negro and not the white man. White men, and especially Southern white men, are tyrants. Senator Sumner is riding this one idea at top speed. There are others, less sincere than Sumner, who are pressing the question for party purposes. On the other hand, there may be unjust prejudices against permitting colored persons to enjoy the elective franchise, under any circumstances; but this is not, and should not be, a Federal question. No one can claim that the blacks, in the Slave States especially, can exercise the elective franchise intelligently. In most of the Free States they are not permitted to vote. Is it politic, and wise, or right even, when trying to restore peace and reconcile differences, to make so radical a change, — provided we have the authority, which I deny, — to elevate the ignorant negro, who has been enslaved mentally as well as physically, to the discharge of the highest duties of citizenship, especially when our Free States will not permit the few free negroes to vote?

The Federal government has no right and has not attempted to dictate on the matter of suffrage to any State, and I apprehend it will not conduce to harmony to arrogate and exercise arbitrary power over the States which have been in rebellion. It was never intended by the founders of the Union that the Federal government should prescribe suffrage to the States. We shall get rid of slavery by constitutional means. But conferring on the black civil rights is another matter. I know not the authority. The President in the exercise of the pardoning power may limit or make conditions, and, while granting life and liberty to traitors, deny them the right of holding office or of voting. While, however, he can exclude traitors, can he legitimately confer on the blacks of North Carolina the right to vote? I do not yet see how this can be done by him or by Congress.

This whole question of suffrage is much abused. The negro can take upon himself the duty about as intelligently and as well for the public interest as a considerable portion of the foreign element which comes amongst us. Each will be the tool of demagogues. If the negro is to vote and exercise the duties of a citizen, let him be educated to it. The measure should not, even if the government were empowered to act, be precipitated when he is stolidly ignorant and wholly unprepared. It is proposed to do it against what have been and still are the constitutions, laws, usages, and practices of the States which we wish to restore to fellowship.

Stanton has changed his position, has been converted, is now for negro suffrage. These were not his views a short time since. But aspiring politicians will, as the current now sets, generally take that road.

The trial of the assassins is not so promptly carried into effect as Stanton declared it should be. He said it was his intention the criminals should be tried and executed before President Lincoln was buried. But the President was buried last Thursday, the 4th, and the trial has not, I believe, commenced.

I regret they are not tried by the civil court, and so expressed myself, as did McCulloch; but Stanton, who says the proof is clear and positive, was emphatic, and Speed advised a military commission, though at first, I thought, otherwise inclined. It is now rumored the trial is to be secret, which is another objectionable feature, and will be likely to meet condemnation after the event and excitement have passed off.

The rash, impulsive, and arbitrary measures of Stanton are exceedingly repugnant to my notions, and I am pained to witness the acquiescence they receive. He carries others with him, sometimes against their convictions as expressed to me.

The President and Cabinet called on Mr. Seward at his house after the close of the council. He came down to meet us in his parlor. I was glad to see him so well and animated, yet a few weeks have done the work of years, apparently, with his system. Perhaps, when his wounds have healed, and the fractured jaw is restored, he may recover in some degree his former looks, but I apprehend not. His head was covered with a close-fitting cap, and the appliances to his jaw entered his mouth and prevented him from articulating clearly. Still he was disposed to talk, and we to listen. Once or twice, allusions to the night of the great calamity affected him more deeply than I have ever seen him.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 301-4

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, May 12, 1865

The President does not yet sufficiently generalize, but goes too much into unimportant details, and personal appeals. He will, however, correct this with a little experience, I have no doubt.

I inquired of the Secretary of War if there is any foundation for the assertion that the trial of the assassins is to be in secret. He says it will not be secret, although the doors will not be open to the whole public immediately. Full and minute reports of all the testimony and proceedings will be taken and in due time published; and trusty and reliable persons, in limited numbers, will have permission to attend. This will relieve the proceeding of some of its objectionable features.

Stanton has undertaken to get the projected amnesty proclamation (as last altered, amended, corrected, and improved) printed, also the form of government for North Carolina as last shaped, and as far as anything decisive had taken place. Dennison inquired when he might have copies, and he promises to send immediately. The truth is, it is still in the hands of the President, who will shape it right. King has been of service in this matter.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 305