Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, August 11, 1865

The question of the Indian war on the Plains was again brought forward. No one, it appears, has any knowledge on the question. The Secretary of War is in absolute ignorance. Says he has telegraphed to General Grant, and General G. says he has not ordered it. McCulloch wanted to know the probable expense, the numbers engaged, etc. Stanton thought McCulloch had better state how many should be engaged; said General Pope had command. Harlan said he considered Pope an improper man, was extravagant and wasteful. Thought twenty-two hundred instead of twenty-two thousand men was a better and sufficient number. This whole thing is a discredit to the War Department.

McCulloch inquired what should be done in regard to appointing officers of customs, revenue, etc., who could not take the oath which Congress prescribes. Speed advocated delay in making appointments. There was some favor of a modified oath. I queried whether the President was not empowered by the Constitution to select and nominate, and the Senate, if it chose, to confirm, independent of this restriction. In other words, was the President's constitutional prerogative to be thus narrowed by Congress? Seward said the President had signed the law, which in its operation was undoubtedly embarrassing to the Administration and injurious to the country. I remarked his signature could not make the law constitutional, if it was not constitutional; that one executive could not in this way tie up his successor. I was therefore for appointing good, true, honest men, whether they could or could not take this oath. Stanton was for appointing them without the oath, because the States are yet in rebellion. They were to be considered provisional appointments, and the law of Congress was inoperative until after the Rebellion was wholly suppressed. No other one indorsed or controverted this view, except as they had previously expressed their individual opinions. But the result was unanimous that the appointments should be made; that the current business of the Administration and the country must go on, notwithstanding unwise and ill-considered legislation.

Questions in relation to pardons were discussed. The President said that few had been granted, notwithstanding the clamor that was raised. No one who had been educated at public expense at either the Military or Naval School, no officer of the Army or Navy, no Member of Congress who had left his seat, no member of the Rebel government who had deserted and gone into that service, had been pardoned, nor did he propose at present to pardon any one of that class. It was understood that neither Davis, Stephens, nor any member of the Rebel Cabinet should be paroled.

The cases of Orr of South Carolina and Bennett of Kentucky came up. There was a kindly feeling towards Orr, but not towards Bennett. Orr had resisted secession but was compelled to go with his State, reluctantly and resistingly. Bennett went of his own accord and was a traitor to his State as well as the Union. Yet Bennett was, and is, urgently presented for pardon by Union men as well as others. This whole question is to be a troublesome one, and requires careful and discreet management. To some extent the action of the government must depend on the conduct of the Rebels and the people themselves. If they continue to organize themselves in opposition to the government, and strive to elect men on that basis, they will provoke stern measures towards themselves. One difficulty is whom to trust. All have violated their obligations as citizens by going into rebellion, and, if pardoned, will they act in better faith hereafter? Many Union men, in heart and sentiment, were forced by the State governments under which they lived into the Rebellion.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 357-9

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, July 15, 1864

We had some talk at Cabinet-meeting to-day on the Rebel invasion. The President wants to believe there was a large force, and yet evidently his private convictions are otherwise. But the military leaders, the War Office, have insisted there was a large force. We have done nothing, and it is more gratifying to our self-pride to believe there were many of them, especially as we are likely to let them off with considerable plunder scot-free.

The National Intelligencer comments with a good deal of truth and ability on our national humiliation, as exemplified in this late affair. There is no getting away from the statements and facts presented.

Seward and Stanton seem disturbed. There is something which does not suit them. Seward followed Stanton out, and had a talk in the anteroom. I met Solicitor Whiting as I left the White House, who was very anxious to talk. Deplored the miserable military management. Imputes the whole folly and scare to General Halleck. Says Stanton has disapproved his policy, but [that] the President clings to Halleck, who is damaging him and the Administration greatly; that Halleck and Blair are both injuring the President. “Why,” said I, “you do not mean to identify Blair with this pitiful business.” “Oh no,” said he, “but Blair is so perverse on the slavery question that he is getting all the radical element of the country against the Administration.” As I did not care to enter into controversy on that topic, and it was late, I left him. But the conversation indicates that Stanton intends to throw off responsibility on to Halleck.

Grant and the Army of the Potomac are reposing in immense force near Richmond. Our troops have been sent from here and drawn from all quarters to reinforce the great army, which has suffered immense losses in its march, without accomplishing anything except to reach the ground from which McClellan was withdrawn. While daily reinforced, Grant could push on to a given point, but he seems destitute of strategy or skill, while Lee exhibits tact. This raid, which might have taken Washington and which has for several days cut off our communications with the North, was devised by Lee while beleaguered at Richmond, and, though failing to do as much as might have been accomplished, has effected a good deal.

The deportment of Stanton has been wholly different during this raid from any former one. He has been quiet, subdued, and apparently oppressed with some matter that gave him disquiet. On former occasions he has been active, earnest, violent, alarmed, apprehensive of danger from every quarter. It may be that he and Halleck have disagreed. Neither of them has done himself credit at this time.

The arrest of Henderson, Navy Agent, and his removal from office have seriously disturbed the editors of the Evening Post, who seem to make his cause their own. This subject coming up to-day, I told the President of the conduct of his District Attorney, Delafield Smith, who, when the case was laid before him by Mr. Wilson, attorney for the Department, remarked that it was not worth while to prosecute, that the same thing was done by others, at Washington as well as New York, and no notice was taken of it. Wilson asked him if he, the prosecuting law officer of the Government, meant to be understood as saying it was not worth while to notice embezzlement, etc. I related this to the President, who thereupon brought out a correspondence that had taken place between himself and W. C. Bryant. The latter averred that H. was innocent, and denounced Savage, the principal witness against him, because arrested and under bonds. To this the President replied that the character of Savage before his arrest was as good as Henderson’s before he was arrested. He stated that he knew nothing of H.’s alleged malfeasance until brought to his notice by me, in a letter, already written, for his removal; that he inquired of me if I was satisfied he was guilty; that I said I was; and that he then directed, or said to me, “Go ahead, let him be removed.” These are substantially the facts. I said to him that the attorneys who had investigated the subject expressed a full conviction of his guilt; that I had come to the same conclusion, and did not see how a prosecution and summary proceedings could be avoided. The Evening Post manifests a belligerent spirit, and evidently intends to make war upon the Navy Department because I will not connive at the malfeasance of its publisher. In a cautious and timid manner they have supported the policy of the Navy Department hitherto, though fearful of being taunted for so doing. Because their publisher was Navy Agent they have done this gently. But they now, since Henderson's arrest and trial, assail the monitors and the monitor system, which they have hitherto supported, and insidiously and unfairly misrepresent them and the Department. I am surprised at the want of judgment manifested in hastening to make this assault. It would have been more politic, certainly, to have delayed, for the motive which leads them to make this abrupt turn cannot be misunderstood. They know it is painful for me to prosecute one of their firm, that it pains me to believe him guilty, but that when the facts are presented, they should know me well enough to be aware that I would not cover or conceal the rascality even to oblige them. I claim no merit, but I deserve no censure for this plain and straightforward discharge of my duty. I hear it said to-day that there has been disagreement between Stanton and Grant; that the latter had ordered General Hinks to Point Lookout and Stanton countermanded the order for General Barnes.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 77-80

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, July 12, 1864

The Rebels captured a train of cars on the Philadelphia and Baltimore Road, and have burnt the bridges over Gunpowder and Bush Rivers. It is said there were 1500 of these raiders.

Governor Bradford's house, a short distance out of Baltimore, was burnt by a small party. General demoralization seems to have taken place among the troops, and there is as little intelligence among them as at the War Office in regard to the Rebels. General Wallace and his force were defeated, and panic and folly have prevailed.

Admiral Goldsborough and some of our naval officers tendered their services, if required. It seemed to me unneccessary, for I do not believe the Rebels have a large concentrated force in this vicinity, or that they design to make an attack on the city, but for the Navy to hold back when all are being called out would appear bad. I therefore requested Fox to see General Halleck, who much wanted aid, and Goldsborough and the men were therefore ordered and have gone to Fort Lincoln. It would be much better to keep them at work.

We have no mails, and the telegraph lines have been cut; so that we are without news or information from the outer world.

Went to the President's at 12, being day of regular Cabinet-meeting. Messrs. Bates and Usher were there. The President was signing a batch of commissions. Fessenden is absent in New York. Blair informs me he had been early at the council chamber and the President told him no matters were to be brought forward. The condition of affairs connected with the Rebels on the outskirts was discussed. The President said he and Seward had visited several of the fortifications. I asked where the Rebels were in force. He said he did not know with certainty, but he thought the main body at Silver Spring.

I expressed a doubt whether there was any large force at any one point, but that they were in squads of from 500 to perhaps 1500 scattered along from the Gunpowder to the falls of the Potomac, who kept up an alarm on the outer rim while the marauders were driving off horses and cattle. The President did not respond farther than to again remark he thought there must be a pretty large force in the neighborhood of Silver Spring.

I am sorry there should be so little accurate knowledge of the Rebels, sorry that at such a time there is not a full Cabinet, and especially sorry that the Secretary of War is not present. In the interviews which I have had with him, I can obtain no facts, no opinions. He seems dull and stupefied. Others tell me the same.

It was said yesterday that the mansions of the Blairs were burned, but it is to-day contradicted.

Rode out this P.M. to Fort Stevens. Went up to the summit of the road on the right of the fort. There were many collected. Looking out over the valley below, where the continual popping of the pickets was still going on, though less brisk than yesterday, I saw a line of our men lying close near the bottom of the valley. Senator Wade came up beside me. Our views corresponded that the Rebels were few in front, and that our men greatly exceeded them in numbers. We went together into the fort, where we found the President, who was sitting in the shade, his back against the parapet towards the enemy.

Generals Wright and McCook informed us they were about to open battery and shell the Rebel pickets, and after three discharges an assault was to be made by two regiments who were lying in wait in the valley.

The firing from the battery was accurate. The shells that were sent into a fine mansion occupied by the Rebel sharpshooters soon set it on fire. As the firing from the fort ceased, our men ran to the charge and the Rebels fled. We could see them running across the fields, seeking the woods on the brow of the opposite hills. It was an interesting and exciting spectacle. But below we could see here and there some of our own men bearing away their wounded comrades. I should judge the distance to be something over three hundred yards. Occasionally a bullet from some long-range rifle passed above our heads. One man had been shot in the fort a few minutes before we entered.

As we came out of the fort, four or five of the wounded men were carried by on stretchers. It was nearly dark as we left. Driving in, as was the case when driving out, we passed fields as well as roads full of soldiers, horses, teams, mules. Camp-fires lighted up the woods, which seemed to be more eagerly sought than the open fields.

The day has been exceedingly warm, and the stragglers by the wayside were many. Some were doubtless sick, some were drunk, some weary and exhausted. Then men on horseback, on mules, in wagons as well as on foot, batteries of artillery, caissons, an innumerable throng. It was exciting and wild. Much of life and much of sadness. Strange that in this age and country there is this strife and struggle, under one of the most beneficent governments which ever blessed mankind and all in sight of the Capitol.

In times gone by I had passed over these roads little anticipating scenes like this, and a few years hence they will scarcely be believed to have occurred.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 73-6

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, July 1, 1864

This day is the anniversary of my birth. I am sixty-two years of age. Life is brief. Should I survive another year, I shall then have attained my grand climacteric. Yet it is but the journey of a day, and of those who set out with me in the morning of life how few remain! Each year thins out the ranks of those who went with me to the old district school in my childhood.

Governor Tod has declined the position of Secretary of the Treasury. It does not surprise me. Senator Fessenden has been appointed, who will, it is said, accept, which does surprise me. I doubt if his health will permit him to bear the burden. He has abilities; is of the same school as Chase. Has been Chairman of the Committee of Finance during Chase's administration of the Treasury, and, I have supposed, a supporter of his policy. Yet I have had an impression that Fessenden is an improvement upon Chase, and I trust he is.

But the President's course is a riddle. Tod is a hard-money man; Fessenden has pressed through Congress the paper system of Chase. One day Tod is selected; on his refusal, Fessenden is brought forward. This can in no other way be reconciled than in the President's want of knowledge of the subject. His attention never has been given to the finances. He seems not aware that within twenty-four hours he has swung to opposite extremes. Seward can hardly have been consulted, for Fessenden has been his sharp and avowed opponent of late, and unless he has changed, or shall change, will prove a troublesome man for him in the Cabinet. The President has great regard for Chase's abilities but is glad to be relieved of him, for C. has been a load of late, is a little disappointed and dissatisfied, has been captious, and uncertain, favored the faultfinders, and, in a way, encouraged opposition to the President.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 64-5

Diary of Gideon Welles: Tuesday, June 28, 1864

We have bad news from Sherman to-day. Neither Seward, Chase, nor Stanton was at the Cabinet-meeting. The President, like myself, slightly indisposed.

Mrs. General Hunter was at our house this evening and has tidings of a favorable character from her husband, who is in the western part of Virginia. Has done great mischief to the Rebels, and got off safely and well. This small bit of good news is a relief, as we are getting nothing good from the great armies.

Gold has gone up to 240. Paper, which our financiers make the money standard, is settling down out of sight. This is the result of the gold bill and similar measures, yet Chase learns no wisdom. We are hurrying onward into a financial abyss. There is no vigorous mind in Congress to check the current, and the prospect is dark for the country under the present financial management. It cannot be sustained.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 61

Diary of Gideon Welles: Wednesday, June 29, 1864

Nothing from the army. We hear that the pirate Alabama is at Cherbourg. Is she to remain there to be repaired? Seward tells me he knows one of the French armed vessels recently sold is for Sweden, and he has little doubt both are; that the French government is not deceitful in this matter.

Congress is getting restive and discontented with the financial management. The papers speak of the appointment of Field, Assistant Secretary, to be Assistant Treasurer at New York, in the place of Cisco. I doubt if any one but Chase would think of him for the place, and Chase, as usual, does not know the reason. But Field has talents, and Chase takes him from association. Morgan prefers Hillhouse, and Seward wants Blatchford.

The closing hours of Congress are crowded, as usual, but I believe matters are about as square as usual. Our naval bills have mostly been disposed of.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 62

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, June 30, 1864

All were surprised to-day with the resignation of Secretary Chase and the nomination of Governor David Tod as his successor. I knew nothing of it till the fact was told me by Senator Doolittle, who came to see and advise with me, supposing I knew something of the circumstances. But I was wholly ignorant. Chase had not thought proper to consult me as to his resignation, nor had the President as to his action upon it, or the selection. My first impression was that he had consulted Seward and perhaps Blair. I learn, however, he advised with none of his Cabinet, but acted from his own impulses. I have doubts of Tod's ability for this position, though he has good common sense and was trained in the right school, being a hard-money man. Not having seen the President since this movement took place, I do not comprehend his policy. It can hardly be his intention to reverse the action of Chase entirely without consulting those who are associated with him in the Government. And yet the selection of Tod indicates that, if there be any system in the movement. The President has given but little attention to finance and the currency, but yet he can hardly be ignorant of the fact that Chase and Tod are opposites. The selection of Tod is a move in the right direction if he has made the subject a sufficient study to wield the vast machine. On this point I have my doubts. His nomination will disturb the “Bubbles,” — the paper-money men, — and the question was not acted upon but referred to the Finance Committee, who have been with the Senate. I have no doubt their astonishment at the obtrusion of a hard-money man upon them was made manifest.

Blair and Bates both called at my house this evening and gave me to understand they were as much taken by surprise as myself. Mr. Bates says he knows nothing of T. Blair expresses more apprehensions even than myself, who have my doubts.

The retirement of Chase, so far as I hear opinions expressed, — and they are generally freely given, — appears to give relief rather than otherwise, which surprises me. I had thought it might create a shock for a brief period, though I did not fear that it would be lasting. I look upon it as a blessing. The country could not go on a great while longer under his management, which has been one of expedients and of no fixed principles, or profound and correct financial knowledge.

It is given out that a disagreement between himself and the President in relation to the appointment of Assistant Treasurer at New York was the cause of his leaving. I think likely that was the occasion of his tendering his resignation, and I have little doubt he was greatly surprised that it was accepted. He may not admit this, but it is none the less true, I apprehend. Yet there were some circumstances to favor his going, — there is a financial gulf ahead.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 62-3

Diary of Gideon Welles: Thursday, June 23, 1864

A call in force this A.M. from a large portion of the Massachusetts delegation in behalf of the Smith brothers, now in Fort Warren, wanting them to be bailed, but at the same time admitting a bail bond to be useless or valueless. They proposed, however, the whole Massachusetts delegation should unite in a bond, guaranteeing the appearance of the Smiths for trial. Told them I thought this not a proper proceeding, that it was perhaps doubtful whether bail could properly be taken, that I had written to Mr. Wilson that I wished, if it could be done, that there should be bail, etc., etc. The interview was long; Senator Wilson, Mr. Rice, Mr. Dawes were the principal speakers.

In the afternoon Mr. Rice called at my house with a telegram to the effect that Mr. Wilson would be willing to take bail, but that Assistant Secretary Fox, who has the matter in special charge, had written him not to do so without the consent of Colonel Olcott, etc. I told Mr. Rice, I thought there must be some misapprehension, that I thought Mr. Wilson would act discreetly and properly, that we should probably hear from him by to-morrow morning’s mail. He was earnest, sensitive, and expressed great distrust, or want of confidence in Mr. Fox. I told him, while Mr. Fox was very earnest and persevering, I thought it an error to impute to him personal enmity against the Smiths and others.

Admiral Lee sends me some papers relative to a permit issued by General Butler to one Lane, of the steamer Philadelphia, to trade in Chowan River, North Carolina. It was a little, dirty, speculating intrigue, initiated as early as last March, in a letter from General Butler addressed to the President, proposing to send in ploughs, harrows, and farming utensils to loyal farmers in North Carolina, in exchange for cotton and products of the country, — plausible and taking rascality. The President indorsed that he approved the object. On this General Butler granted a permit. Captain Smith, senior officer in the Sounds, declined to recognize it, but detained the boat and sent the papers to Admiral Lee. The latter failed — called the paper many names, said President’s permit must be respected.

I showed the papers to Seward and Blair, and was disposed to telegraph and detain the vessel. B. was inclined, though doubtingly, to favor my views, S. advised waiting the arrival of the President, but both condemned the proceedings as wholly improper.

Some warm discussion took place, Rice tells me, in the House on the currency and financial questions, showing serious differences in the Ways and Means Committee and between them and the Secretary of the Treasury. It will not surprise me should radical differences be developed. The whole system is one of error, ruinous error to the country.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 55-7

Diary of Gideon Welles: Friday, June 24, 1864

Telegraphed to Wilson directly on reaching Department (and finding no letter from Wilson), directing him to bail the Smiths in sums of $20,000 each.

Have given some examination of the Scofield trial, which is very voluminous, and had Watkins investigate, review, and report. I conclude to approve the finding, though there may be some irregularities and mistakes adverse to the Government. Mr. Bliss, counsel for S., filed a document, excepting to some legal points, yesterday. To-day, after learning my conclusion and looking at the finding, he takes stronger exceptions and declares the finding not conformable to facts and evidence. He wishes me to submit the legal questions to the Attorney-General or some one else. Alluded to Mr. Eames. Wishes Mr. Watkins to examine the evidence. To Eames he says that it is the intention of Scofield and his counsel to prosecute the members of the court individually for false imprisonment. To Watkins, he further says that it is their intention to hold me accountable, and to have me arrested when I am in New York. All this does not induce me to change my conclusion of approving the verdict of the court martial, but I think it may be proper to advise the court that it is in error on the subject of jurisdiction, that they can take cognizance of open-market purchases as well as others, and though, had they done so, the punishment might have been greater, yet I will still approve the finding. Let him have the benefit of the mistake the court has made.

Fox is much dissatisfied with the verdict. Thinks it inadequate; should have been imprisoned five years and fined one hundred thousand dollars. He wishes me to return the papers for revision, and to state the punishment is inadequate. But this is not advisable, even were it strictly correct and allowable. The ends desired will be accomplished by this punishment. A more severe one, such as he suggests, will endanger a reaction.

The President was in very good spirits at the Cabinet. His journey has done him good, physically, and strengthened him mentally and inspired confidence in the General and army. Chase was not at the Cabinet-meeting. I know not if he is at home, but he latterly makes it a point not to attend. No one was more prompt and punctual than himself until about a year since. As the Presidential contest approached he has ceased in a great measure to come to the meetings. Stanton is but little better. If he comes, it is to whisper to the President, or take the dispatches or the papers from his pocket and go into a corner with the President. When he has no specialty of his own, he withdraws after some five or ten minutes.

Mr. Seward generally attends the Cabinet-meetings, but the questions and matters of his Department he seldom brings forward. These he discusses with the President alone. Some of them he communicates to me, because it is indispensable that I should be informed, but the other members are generally excluded.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 57-8

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, June 27, 1864

I sent Mr. Eames to New York last evening to consult with Mr. Wilson in the New York and Boston cases, giving my views in each. Henderson will struggle hard to get clear, and no effort must be spared to elicit the truth. Scofield’s case must be straightened, or rather court must be straightened in his case. In the case of the Smiths at Boston, I fear there has been unnecessary harshness. Olcott has made an ostentatious display of authority and been, I apprehend, tyrannical and oppressive. He is a harsh, rough instrument, and I shall be glad when he shall have done service with me. Yet in saying this I admit from what I have seen he has some good qualities as a detective. I have seen nothing to doubt his honesty; he is industrious and indefatigable, but vain, reckless, regardless of private rights, and all his qualities have been exercised in the case of the Smiths, who are shrewd, piously honest, self-righteous, and wary as well as sharp. It will not surprise me if they prove an overmatch for him and the lawyers.

I have a very earnest letter to-day from William C. Bryant in behalf of his partner and publisher, Henderson. It was handed to me by Mr. Odell, Representative from Brooklyn, and inclosed was also an open letter to the President, which he wished me to deliver. Mr. O. is, like H., a prominent member of the Methodist Church. They are of opposite politics. Of course Mr. H. stimulated Mr. B. to write these letters, and, having got them, sends them through his religious associate. Mr. B. evidently believes H. innocent and injured. This is natural. Odell knows he is not. Morgan believes that both Bryant and Godwin are participants in the plunder of Henderson. I have doubts as regards B., who is feeling very badly, and thinks there is a conspiracy in which Seward and Thurlow Weed are chiefs. I am supposed to be an instrument in their hands, and so is the President. But it so happens that neither of them knew any of the facts until the arrest of Henderson and his removal were ordered.

It grieves me that the Evening Post and Mr. Bryant should suffer by reason of the malfeasance of Henderson. As regards Godwin, I cannot say that my faith in him is much greater than in Henderson, and yet I know but little of him. The Evening Post does not sustain the character which it had under Bigelow and Leggett. Bryant is a good general editor in many respects, but the political character of the paper has been derived in a great degree from others. Of late there have been some bad surroundings. Opdyke, J. G. C. Gray, D. D. Field, and others of like complexion have been the regents and advisers of Godwin, until the paper is losing some of its former character, — perhaps more than any of us are aware.

I dined to-day with Attorney-General Bates, and after my return this evening wrote a reply to Bryant's letter, disabusing his mind of some of its errors, provided his convictions are open to the truth.

Mrs. Franklin W. Smith of Boston sends me through Senator Sumner a touching and affecting letter in behalf of her husband. I gave Mr. Bryant’s letter to the President, who read it aloud to me and said he would reply.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 59-61

Presidential Puns

Mr. Lincoln, in his happier moments, is not always reminded of a “little story,” but often indulges in a veritable joke.  One of the latest reported in his remark when he found himself attacked by the varioloid.  He had been recently very much worried by people asking favors.  “Well,” said he, when the contagious disease was coming upon him.  “I’ve got something now that I can give to everybody.”  About the time when there was considerable grumbling as to the delay in forwarding to the troops the money due them, a Western paymaster, in full major attire, was one day introduced at a public reception.  “Being here, Mr. Lincoln,” said he, “I thought I’d call and pay my respects.”  “From the complaints of the soldiers,” responded the President, “I just that’s about all any of you do pay.

It is told by a general correspondent who is probably “reliable” that Mr. Lincoln was walking up Pennsylvania avenue the other day, relating a “little story to Secretary Seward, when the latter called his attention to a new sign bearing the name of “T. R. Strong.”  “Ha!” says Old Abe, his countenance lighting up with a peculiar smile, “T. R. Strong but coffee are stronger.”  Seward smiled, but made no reply We don’t see how he could replay after so atrocious a thing as that.

SOURCE: New York Daily Herald, New York, New York, Friday, February 19, 1864, p. 5, and copied from the New York Evening Post, New York, New York, Wednesday, February 17, 1864.

William H. Seward to Reverdy Johnson, June 10, 1862

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,            

Washington, June 10, 1862.

REVERDY JOHNSON, Esq.:

SIR: You are aware that complaints have been made of recent proceedings of Major-General Butler, at New Orleans, in reference to foreign consuls, and particularly the consul of the Netherlands there. It being desirable to have the complaints investigated by a commissioner of high character and acknowledged ability, the President has selected you for the purpose. You will receive herewith a copy of all the papers on the subject in this Department, including memoranda of conversations between Lord Lyons and myself, Mr. Mercier and myself, and correspondence between Mr. Roest Van Limburg, the minister of the Netherlands, and this Department. You will proceed to New Orleans by the earliest opportunity and will lose no time in making your inquiries, which should be as thorough and impartial as circumstances may permit.

I am, sir, your obedient servant,

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

_______________

[Inclosure No. 1.]

Major-General Benjamin F. Butler to Edwin M. Stanton, May 16, 1862

 [Inclosure No. 2.]

Department of State Memorandum, May 30, 1862

[Inclosure No. 3.]

Department of State Memorandum, May 31, 1862

[Inclosure No. 4.]

William H. Seward to Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg, June 5, 1862

 [Inclosure No. 5.—Translation.]

Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg to William H. Seward, June 6, 1862

[Inclosure No. 6. —Translation.]

Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg to William H. Seward, June 7, 1862

[Inclosure No. 7. —Translation.]

Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg to William H. Seward, June 7, 1862

[Inclosure No. 8.]

William H. Seward to Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg, June 7, 1862

[Inclosure No. 9.]

William H. Seward to Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg, June 7, 1862

[Inclosure No. 10.—Translation.]

Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg to William H. Seward, June 9, 1862

[Inclosure No. 11. —Translation.]

Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg to William H. Seward, June 9, 1862

[Inclosure No. 12.]

William H. Seward to Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg, June 9, 1862

[Inclosure No. 13.]

William M. Evarts to William H. Seward, June 10, 1862

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 115-6, Sub-inclosures, p. 116-139

Department of State Memorandum, May 30, 1862

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,          

May 30, 1862.

MEMORANDUM.]

Lord Lyons called to-day upon Mr. Seward and said, as perhaps was not extraordinary, the capture of New Orleans, which was expected by Mr. Seward to be a relief in the relations between the United States and other countries, on the contrary was, at the beginning, attended with new causes of uneasiness. He had received complaints from his consul in behalf of British subjects in New Orleans of harsh proceedings by General Butler. He had not time fully to digest them, but he called to see if the Secretary of State would not think it worth while to have the military authorities at New Orleans cautioned against exercising any doubtful severities, which would produce irritation and aggravate what had already happened.

Lord Lyons especially said that it had been reported to him that a British subject had been sent to Fort Jackson, which is understood to be a very unhealthy place at this season, and he trusted the military authorities would be requested not to expose the health of such prisoners to unnecessary risks. Mr. Seward replied that he cordially appreciated the value of Lord Lyons' suggestions, and that he would submit to the Secretary of War the expediency of giving instructions to General Butler of the character suggested, and he felt authorized to say at once that they would be adopted.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 130-1

Department of State Memorandum, May 31, 1862

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,            

Washington, May 31, 1862.

MEMORANDUM.]

Mr. Mercier called upon Mr. Seward informally to speak of some irritation among the consuls at New Orleans, resulting from irregularities and severities reported to have been practiced by Major-General Butler toward them on the occasion of his taking military possession of that city. Mr. Mercier said that he had not called now to present any complaint on the part of the French consul, and explanations which had been already made by General Butler perhaps would relieve him of any necessity for doing so.

Mr. Seward said that he had seen newspaper reports of the occurrence at New Orleans, but as yet had received nothing official either from any representative of any foreign Government or from the War Department. But he had had no hesitation about interposing in the matter at once.

Yesterday, after a brief conversation with Lord Lyons, when the subject was first brought to his notice, he had procured orders from the Secretary of War to Major-General Butler directing him to refrain from practicing any severities or strictness of doubtful right toward any consul or subject of any foreign power, which orders had been already transmitted.

To-day it had been decided to devolve the civil government of New Orleans upon a provisional military Governor, who would proceed with the utmost dispatch to New Orleans and relieve General Butler of civil administration there.

Mr. Seward said that he had already appointed a commissioner for the State Department, of distinguished ability and character, to proceed to New Orleans as speedily as possible and inquire and take evidence of the transactions which have occurred there in which any complaint of violation of consular rights, privileges, and courtesies has arisen under the administration of General Butler, to redress any such clear violation which he may ascertain to have occurred, by making restitution, and in every other case to make full report to the Secretary of State for his decision thereupon.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 131

William H. Seward to Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg, June 5, 1862

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,            

Washington, June 5, 1862.

Mr. ROEST VAN LIMBURG, &c.:

SIR: In regard to the papers which you informally left with me yesterday while waiting for the instructions of your Government, I have the honor to say that the President deeply regrets the conflict between the military authorities and the consulate of the Netherlands which occurred at New Orleans just at the moment when preparations were being made for the restoration of order and the renewal of commerce.

The statements of the transaction which have been received show that Major-General Butler was informed that a very large sum of money belonging to insurgent enemies was lying secreted in a certain liquor store in the city, and he very properly sent a military guard to search the premises indicated. The general says that it was reported to him that Mr. Couturie, who was found there, denied all knowledge of any such deposits, and claimed that all the property in the building belonged to himself personally. These reported assertions of Mr. Couturie of course determined the general to proceed with the search. Mr. Couturie at this stage of the matter avowed himself to be the consul of the Netherlands, and pointed at the flag which he had raised over the door. He withheld all explanation, however, concerning the property for which search had been ordered, and protested against any examination whatever of the premises on the ground of the immunities of the consulate. He was thereupon detained; the keys of a vault were taken from his person; the vault was opened and there was found therein $800,000 in specie and $18,000 of bonds or evidences of debt, certain dies and plates of the Citizens' Bank, the consular commission, and exequatur, and various title deeds and other private papers. All the property and papers thus taken were removed and placed for safe-keeping in the U.S. mint, and the transaction was reported by Major-General Butler to the Secretary of War.

After the affair had thus been ended the consul made written protests, in which he insisted that his detention and the search were illegal, and that the specie and bonds were lawful deposits belonging to Hope & Co., subjects of the King of the Netherlands, and an agent of Hope & Co. has also protested to the same effect and demanded that the specie and bonds shall be delivered to them. The consul further denied that he had at any time claimed that the specie and bonds were his own. Major-General Butler still insists that the deposits were fraudulent and treasonable and were made with the connivance of the consul.

The President does not doubt that in view of the military necessity which manifestly existed for the most vigorous and energetic proceedings in restoring law, order, and peace to a city that had been for fifteen months the scene of insurrection, anarchy, and ruin, and in the absence of all lawful civil authority there, the consul of the Netherlands ought, in the first instance, to have submitted to the general the explanations which he afterward made in his protest, with the evidences which he possessed to show that the deposits were legitimate. If he had done this and then referred Major-General Butler to yourself, or to this Government, the President now thinks that it would have been the duty of the general to have awaited special instructions from the Secretary of War. The consul, however, preferred to stand silent and to insist on official immunities, the extent of which he certainly misunderstood when he assumed that his flag or the consular occupancy of the premises entitled him, in a time of public danger, to an exemption from making any exhibition of suspected property on the premises or any explanation concerning it.

Nevertheless, this error of the consul was altogether insufficient to justify what afterward occurred.

It appears beyond dispute that the person of the consul was unnecessarily and rudely searched; that certain papers which incontestably were archives of the consulate were seized and removed, and that they are still withheld from him, and that he was not only denied the privilege of conferring with a friendly colleague, but was addressed in very discourteous and disrespectful language.

In these proceedings the military agents assumed functions which belong exclusively to the Department of State, acting under the directions of the President. This conduct was a violation of the law of nations and of the comity due from this country to a friendly sovereign State. This Government disapproves of these proceedings, and also of the sanction which was given to them by Major-General Butler, and expresses its regret that the misconduct thus censured has occurred.

The President has already appointed a military Governor for the State of Louisiana, who has been instructed to pay due respect to all consular rights and privileges; and a commissioner will at once proceed to New Orleans to investigate the transaction which has been detailed, and take evidence concerning the title of the specie and bonds and other property in question, with a view to a disposition of the same, according to international law and justice. You are invited to designate any proper person to join such commissioner and attend his investigations. This Government holds itself responsible for the money and the bonds in question, and to deliver them up to the consul or to Hope & Co. if they shall appear to belong to them. The consular commission and exequatur, together with all the private papers, will be immediately returned to Mr. Couturie, and he will be allowed to renew and, for the present, to exercise his official functions. Should the facts, when ascertained, justify a representation to you of misconduct on his part it will in due time be made, with the confidence that the subject will receive just consideration by a Government with which the United States have lived in amity for so many years.

I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to you, sir, the assurance of my high consideration.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 132-3

Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg to William H. Seward, June 6, 1862

LEGATION OF THE NETHERLANDS,                

Washington, June 6, 1862.

Hon. Mr. SEWARD,

Secretary of State of the United States of America:

SIR: I have had the honor to receive your note, dated yesterday, through which you have been pleased to inform me that the President deeply regrets the conflict which has occurred at New Orleans between the military authorities and the consul of the Netherlands. It is with a real satisfaction, which accords fully with what I was to expect from the high sense of justice of the President and of the Government of the United States, that I have seen, in the course of the note, that they view the conduct of the aforesaid authorities as a violation of the law of nations; that they disapprove of it; that they disapprove of the sanction which was given to it by Major-General Butler.

After having thanked the President and the Government of the United States therefor, I must permit myself to remark, Mr. Secretary of State, that a circumstance which, from, the inception, the consul of the Netherlands is reproached with, must evidently be attributed to a want of clearness in the statement made by Major-General Butler.

According to your note, he says, “that he had been informed that a very considerable sum, belonging to insurgent enemies, was secreted in a certain liquor store of the city;” whereupon, you observe, “that he sent, very properly, a military guard to make searches at the place indicated.” But it appears to be proven that the money and articles in question were not by any means in this liquor store, but in a very different place in the city. If, therefore, Mr. Couturie was accosted in the aforesaid liquor store, his commercial establishment, he might have said, with truth, that all that was in that store was his personal property. There would, therefore, be want of clearness on the part of Major-General Butler in making the declaration of Mr. Couturie bear upon the kegs, &c. Upon other allegations of Major-General Butler, differing (contrary to) from the allegations of the consul, I would not desire more than yourself, Mr. Secretary of State, to express an opinion.. Major-General Butler makes a very serious charge against the consul, which involves a proceeding deserving a removal from office of the one or the other; that of the consul if he has in reality received, “with connivance,” as Major-General Butler pretends (alleges), a “fraudulent” deposit; that of Major-General Butler if he fails to prove that charge. For to take from one his honor is no less culpable than to take from him his property, his life. Let the Government of the United States, Mr. Secretary of State, in order to throw light upon its information or knowledge, have the affair examined and investigated (“investigate the transaction which has been detailed”) before it pronounces between the accuser and the accused. This could not be impugned by me; but that I appoint some one to take part, to assist, in this species of inquest, which, by the proceedings themselves of the military authorities, can no longer take place upon a state of things untouched--the kegs and the boxes having been carried off without any seals, having been, as it appears, opened by Major-General Butler. This I could not do without granting, in some measure, a bill of indemnity to that which has occurred. It is what I could not take upon myself without receiving upon that point the instructions of the Government of the King. There are, besides, in this affair circumstances which strike me. It seems to me that when the question relates to “fraudulent deposit,” to “connivance” in acts of high treason, one should not impute, as Major-General Butler does; one should rather accuse. One should not limit himself to seize upon the proofs; it would also be natural to make sure of the accused persons; and notwithstanding the consul, to whom they impute so serious an act, was under arrest but during a few hours, during the searches made in his vault, whilst the agent of the house of Hope & Co., who, if the consul be guilty, must be so at least as much so as him, has not been, to my knowledge, arrested. These are circumstances, Mr. Secretary of State, which seem to me of a nature to cause one to rather presume the innocence of the agent of the house of Hope & Co. and of the consul of the Netherlands than to indicate that they are believed really guilty. You should not, therefore, be surprised that I recoil from the supposition of culpability, and that as for myself I could not consider the deposit otherwise than as legitimate until the contrary be proven. It is for Major-General Butler to prove what he alleges; ei incumbit probatio qui dicit, non qui negat (the burden of proof lies upon him who asserts, not upon him who denies), say the Pandects. It is not for me, it is not for our consul, to prove that he is innocent. Prima facie, the money delivered by the Citizens' Bank to the agent of the house of Hope & Co., to be transmitted to that house or to be deposited with the consul of the Netherlands; is a legitimate money, legitimately transferred.

I could not, without having-received (obtained) the orders of the Government of the King, participate in any manner in an investigation which would tend to investigate that which I could not put in doubt—the good faith of the agent of the house of Hope & Co., the moral impossibility that that honorable house should lend itself to any culpable underplot, the good faith of the consul of the Netherlands.

Quilibet præsumitur justus, donec probatur contrarium (everyone is to be presumed honest until the contrary is proven), saith the ancient and universal rule of justice, and this rule is true especially when it applies to persons such as those as are in question here.

Consequently, while awaiting the orders of the Government of the King, I reserve all the rights and all the demands (claims) which may be based, either by the Royal Government or by the Netherlands consul or by individuals, upon the seizure of values, titles, or papers deposited at the consulate of the Netherlands at New Orleans, and more especially upon the reprehensible and censured manner in which this seizure has been made. But if on the one hand, Mr. Secretary of State, I must reserve, in their entireness, all the demands which the Government of the King, the consul of the Netherlands, and the persons interested might hereafter have to sustain, on the other hand I am happy to give you the assurance that the Government of the King, upon an eventual representation on your part against the conduct of the consul at New Orleans, will receive it with all the consideration and will right it with all the promptness which the excellent relations which for so many years have existed between the two countries may lead to expect from the Government of the august sovereign who maintains, and will ever maintain, the motto, Justitia regnorum fundamentum (Justice is the foundation of kingdoms).

I have the honor, Mr. Secretary of State, to request you to be pleased, at an early day, to acknowledge the receipt of this note from me, and I avail myself of this new opportunity to reiterate to you the assurances of my high consideration.

ROEST VAN LIMBURG.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 133-5

Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg to William H. Seward, June 7, 1862

LEGATION OF THE NETHERLANDS,                

Washington, June 7, 1862.

Hon. Mr. SEWARD,

Secretary of State of the United States of America:

SIR: In my note of yesterday, of the 6th of this month, I have had the honor to offer you my thanks for the ample and decided manner in which the President and the Government of the United States have censured the proceedings of Major-General Butler toward our consul at New Orleans, at the time of the seizure of the values and papers deposited at the consulate of the Netherlands. I afterward corrected a want of clearness made by Major-General Butler, upon which you based a reproach to the consul.

In reference to the decision of the Government of the United States to throw light upon its information as to what has occurred at the consulate, and upon the allegations of Major-General Butler respecting the nature of the deposit, I have stated the motives which prevent me from participating in the species of inquiry which the Government of the United States is immediately to cause to be instituted at New Orleans, in order to be enabled afterward, without delay, to return the values to the consul or to the house of Hope & Co., should it appear that they belong to that house, or, in other words, to dispose of them according to the law of nations and justice (“with a view to a disposal of the same according to international law and justice”).

The sincerity of this intention and the real desire of the President and of the Government of the United States to terminate not only in the most just, but in the most prompt manner, this affair, highly interesting to all the nations having relations with the United States, this sincerity and the reality of this desire could not be, in my view, subject to the slightest doubt. I am convinced of it, and it is this conviction which causes me, Mr. Secretary of State, to ask you now to communicate to me the proofs which Major-General Butler pretends to have had in his hands to accuse the consul of the Netherlands and to seize the deposit as unlawful.

For it is upon proofs existing at the time of the seizure, and solely upon these proofs, upon which Major-General Butler must rely. Ex post factum, there will be nothing to allege.

You could not, I think, have any difficulty in acceding to my request, because it can only be upon the proofs which Major-General Butler has pretended to have that you retain in your possession the articles taken from the consul, who, being then in possession, had in his favor the legal presumption of a just title.

I pray you, then, sir, to be pleased, by communicating the papers which I have the honor of asking of you, to enable me to enlighten the Government of the King as soon as possible upon this subject; and I avail myself of this opportunity to renew to you the assurances of my high consideration.

ROEST VAN LIMBURG.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 135-6

Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg to William H. Seward, June 7, 1862

LEGATION OF THE NETHERLANDS,                

Washington, June 7, 1862.

Hon. Mr. SEWARD,

Secretary of State of the United States of America, &c.:

From the first interview which I had the honor to have with you in regard to the lamentable events which took place in the course of last month at the consulate of the Netherlands at New Orleans, you have evinced a spirit of conciliation, the extent of which I take pleasure in acknowledging. You have assured me that all which I could reasonably ask of you would be accorded to me.

I submitted to you the information and reports which I had received. These were sufficient to induce you to take the initiative in the reparation which at first seemed to you to be due.

But from the note which to this end you were pleased to address to me day before yesterday, and from the answer which I made to it on the day following, it appears that you cannot at present decide as to the allegation of Major-General Butler, whilst I, until the contrary be proved, must consider our consul as acting entirely in good faith and as being perfectly in the right to receive from the hands of the agent of the firm of Hope & Co., of Amsterdam, a deposit for that firm. There was not, according to the law of nations and universally received usages, any obligation on the Government of the United States to verify the contents of the kegs, which the agent of the house of Hope had declared to him to contain 800,000 Mexican dollars.

In this state of affairs, which your sense of justice will hasten, as you have assured me, to put an end to as soon as possible, our consul would find himself, without some new proof of conciliation and equity on your part, in a false position. Your note of the 5th says that his consular commission and the exequatur of the President (improperly taken out of his possession by Major-General Butler) will be returned to him immediately, and that he will be “permitted” to resume his functions. I have no reason to suppose, sir, that you have used this term with any positive intention; therefore I flatter myself that, while reserving to yourself any ulterior action against the consul, you will not object to considering him, as I do, and as justice considers every man against whom nothing has been proved, as honorable and as acting in good faith; and that consequently you will not refuse to "invite" him, through my interposition, to resume his functions, while adding that you cannot consider him otherwise than as acting in good faith and as honorable until the contrary be proved, and while waiting for the report of the commissioner whom you are going to send to New Orleans.

I have the honor, Mr. Secretary of State, to request you to be pleased also, as soon as possible, to honor me with your reply in this regard; and I profit by this new opportunity to reiterate to you the assurances of my high consideration.

ROEST VAN LIMBURG.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 136-7

William H. Seward to Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg, June 7, 1862

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,            

Washington, June 7, 1862.

Mr. ROEST VAN LIMBURG, &c.:

SIR: I have the honor to acknowledge the receipt of your note of yesterday and of this date on the subject of the proceedings of Major-General Butler with reference to the consul of the Netherlands at New Orleans. The first of these communications presents several points which merit special notice, but I prefer to reserve a reply to them in detail until I shall have received information in regard to the instructions upon the subject which you expect from your Government.

In answer to your note of this date I have to remark that in conformity with that conciliatory disposition which it has been my purpose to show and which you very liberally acknowledge, I have no objection to your writing to the consul that it is the President's expectation that, he will resume and continue in the discharge of his official functions until there shall be further occasion for him to relinquish them.

I avail myself of this occasion, sir, to offer to you a renewed assurance of my very high consideration.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 137

William H. Seward to Theodorus Marinus Roest van Limburg, June 7, 1862

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,            

Washington, June 7, 1862.

Mr. ROEST VAN LIMBURG, &c.:

SIR: In answer to your second note of this date, in which you request the proof upon which Major-General Butler based his proceedings against the consul of the Netherlands at New Orleans, I have to inform you with entire frankness that my communications to you upon the subject have been drawn from the report of that officer with reference to his proceedings in that city generally up to the 16th of last month, the date of the report. That document not being accompanied by any proof of the allegations against the consul, it is quite beyond my power at this time to comply with your request.

I offer to you, sir, a renewed assurance of my very high consideration.

WILLIAM H. SEWARD.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series III, Volume 2 (Serial No. 123), p. 138