Colonel Thomas Kilby Smith to Elizabeth Budd Smith, July 19, 1863

Headquarters U. S. Forces,

Natchez, Miss., July 19, 1863.

My Dear Wife:

To-day is Sunday, one week since I wrote you from Vicksburg. I had then just returned from Port Hudson, and a reconnoissance of the river, bringing with me the news of the reduction or rather surrender of Port Hudson, and despatches from General Banks. Having impressed upon General Grant the importance of occupying this point, I was sent back to take possession of Natchez, by aid of General Ransom and his brigade. This was accomplished without opposition, to the immense and mingled surprise, grief, and indignation of the people, as well as officers and soldiers whom we took as prisoners. We captured some five thousand head of fine cattle, three thousand of which we have shipped to Port Hudson and to Vicksburg. We captured and destroyed large quantities of ordnance and ordnance stores, and great numbers of small arms. We are in the process of taking large quantities of sugar, molasses, corn, and cotton, belonging to the so-called Confederate government; also immense quantities of lumber, at this time of large value to our army. Our occupation has been most fertile in results. The plan of operations was suggested, and carried into effect by me. I shall never be known in it to the world at large, nor is it of vast moment, but it has been an expedition fraught with success, and I congratulate myself at least, so let it pass.

Natchez is a beautiful little city of about seven thousand or eight thousand inhabitants, a place for many years past of no great business significance, but rather a congregation of wealthy planters and retired merchants and professional men, who have built magnificent villas, along the bluffs of the river and in the rear, covering for the city a large space of ground. Wealth and taste, a most genial climate and kindly soil have enabled them to adorn these in such manner as almost to give the Northerner his realization of a fairy tale. Tourists, who, in times past, have visited the South, have usually selected winter as the season for their journeyings, and for the most part, have confined themselves to the limits of city and steamboat. They have told us little of rural life amid the opulent of the South, their efforts give but faint ideas of the clime or country. The grand luxuriance of foliage and flower and fruit of which this sunny clime can boast, has been denied them, and is seen in its perfection now and where my footsteps lead me.

The house of . . . where I have been quartered for the past week, is one of the largest and most elegantly appointed mansions in all the South. Any description that I can give of its superb appointments will be but feeble. The proprietor counts his plantations by the dozens, his slaves by the thousands, those people, I mean, who were his slaves. He has travelled most extensively all over Europe; his summers, for almost his lifetime, have been passed in Europe or at our Northern watering places. His family consists only of himself and wife, a lady of some thirty-five years, not beautiful, but thoroughbred, tall figure, fine eyes, good refined features, a gentle, musical voice, and a sweet smile. He, fifty. The mansion is very large, great rooms with high ceilings, long wide halls, ample piazzas, windows to the floor and opening upon grassy terrace. Walls hung with chefs d'ceuvre of Europe's and America's best artists. Busts from Powers and Crawford, paintings from Landseer and Sully and Peal. Everything that ministers to refined taste almost is here. For the grounds, you must imagine a chain of very high and steep bluffs, bordering a wide river which winds in silvery sheen far below, and is so serpentine in its course, that miles and miles away, . . . you can see its waters glittering in the last sun rays, while intervening there are plain and forest, plantations highly cultivated, and dotted with the whitewashed negro quarters, and the damp green swamp land. The river disappears amid waving, moss-grown trees, to reappear tortuously ribboned amid canebrake and plain, always on calm days a mirror of the bright blue skies, and fleecy clouds of ever-changing forms of beauty. As you approach upon the broad carriage way that gracefully sweeps past the high-columned portico, which is shaded by the cypress and magnolia and crape myrtle, gorgeous in its bloom and blooming always, your feet crackling the gravel and sea shells, you are almost lost in labyrinthine ways which pass over terrace and undulating sward, over rustic bridges, through cool and verdurous alleys of gloria mundi, Japan plum, the live and water oak, making literally a flowery pathway of exotics of gorgeous coloring and startling magnificence, and almost indigenous to the soil in which they grow, the river view bursts suddenly upon you, and in the beautiful summer house you sit down entranced, wondering if it is all real, or if the scene has not been suddenly conjured by an enchanted wand. Flowers and bloom and fruit are all around, and almost sick with perfume one can dream away the hours in ecstacy of enjoyment, the air so soft and balmy, all so still, so peaceful, apparently ; one must here awhile forget the lurking serpent.

You return to the house by the orchards and cultivated lands by the greenhouse, hothouse, and pineries. A house that cost a small fortune has been built to shelter a single banana tree that grows within its hot atmosphere, bears fruit and puts forth its great green leaves three feet or more in length. Unheard-of plants are clambering about the conservatories; the more ordinary beauties of the greenhouse and of the parterre smile in boundless profusion and perfection of bloom. Pines and figs of three or four varieties, melons I should be afraid to tell you how large, for you would not credit me. Cantaloupes, peaches, pears, and the most delicious nectarines are brought fresh to the table every day. Shooting galleries and billiard rooms, elegantly fitted up for ladies as well as gentlemen, are placed in picturesque positions in the grounds and gardens. Stables and offices all concealed, nothing to offend the most fastidious taste. One continually wonders that such a Paradise can be made on earth.

. . . My duties are very nominal. Indeed, I have nothing to do but represent General Grant ... I ride a little way morning and evening for exercise. I take good care of myself, and do not suffer much from the heat. I should be very happy if you were with me, for amid all this almost voluptuous luxury, I have no one to love me; they minister from fear, not affection. Amid the busiest throng I am very lonely. The “months that are passing slowly away into years” are hurrying us forward to the sea of eternity. The prime and vigor of my life is going oh, so fast! And all these months I have laid in the saps, and trenches, and swamps, and by the roadside and in the forest. Sometimes like a stag at bay, ever ready to spring upon an assailant, a heart so longing for home and sweet home affections, yet so hardened to suffering, so strange to all that is homelike.

I sit me down in quiet and think. I have not the excitement of the battle and skirmish, bivouac and march, to drain all my physical energies and keep my heart from throbbing, at times anxiously throbbing with anguish unspeakable. I think of you all at home, of you and my dear little children, of my darling mother and sweetest sister. How I am blessed in all of you, how proud I am of all of you, and yet sweetest intercourse by hard sad fate is denied. I must work on in the storm of battle, borne forward on the wings of the whirlwind of the strife of the people, the tornado of political elements, far behind I leave you all in flowery meads and pastures green. The storm has passed you and all is serene, only on either side you see the wreck of those who have fallen. My mission is not yet done. I go to prepare you all a way, if not for you, for my children, if not for them, still for those who come after. God's hand is in all this, be of good cheer, and fear not. I complain a little to myself; sometimes I could cry aloud in very agony of spirit; I have been so desolate, but it is all wrong. I have been selected for some purpose or I should not be here and hindered as I am from the heart's best affections; it is meet that I should suffer. I propose to bear my cross gracefully and without murmur. As for you all, all who are dear, oh, how dear to me, sister, mother, children, wife, weld your affections, be all in all to one another, bear with each other, it will be but a little while; in all your sufferings, there will be much joy, and soon, if not in this world, in another we shall be together and at peace.

How long I shall stay here, I am uncertain. I want to go to Mobile and shall try to get in with a flag of truce, if I cannot arrange it otherwise. We sent there yesterday, by steamboat City of Madison, a large number of wounded and sick rebel officers. I shall return to Vicksburg first, however, and perhaps before the close of this week. Simultaneously with the reception of this letter, if I am fortunate enough in getting it off, you will have heard of General Sherman's success at Jackson, where Johnson had fortified himself. The victory is complete. Now we have the Mississippi River open, we have the capital and two principal towns of his State, the control of the whole State, I wonder how Mr. Jefferson Davis feels. My plans may be altered upon my return to Vicksburg. I cannot tell yet.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 323-7

Missouri State Monument: Shiloh National Military Park

UNION ARMY OF THE TENNESSEE

2nd. Division 2nd. Brigade

13th. Mo. Col. Crafts Wright

14th. Mo. Birge Sharp Shooters

Col. B. Compton

1st. Mo. Light Artillery

Batty. D Capt. Henry Richardson

Batty. H Capt. Frederick Welker

Batty. K Capt George Stone

3rd. Division

1st. Brigade Col. Morgan Smith, 8th. Mo.

8th. Mo. Lt. Col. James Peckham

1st. Mo. Light Artillery

Batty. I Lt. Charles Thurber

4th. Division 1st. Mo. Light Artillery

Mann’s Battery C. Lt. Edward Brotzmann

6th. Division 1st. Brigade

Col. E. Peabody, Lt. Col. H. Woodyard

21st. Mo. Col. David Moore

24th. Mo. Lt. Col. Robert Vanhorn

2nd. Brigade Col. Madison Miller 18th. Mo.

18th. Mo. Lt. Col. Issac Pratt

Unattached Infantry 23rd. Mo.

Col. Jacob Tindall, Lt. Co. Quin Morton

CONFEDERATE ARMY OF THE MISSISSIPPI

Reserve Corps 2nd. Brigade

1st. Mo. Col. Lucius Rich

MISSOURI

[Inscribed on the back:]

IN MEMORY OF HER SONS WHO FOUGHT AND DIED TO PRESERVE THOSE FREEDOMS IN WHICH THEY BELIEVED

BATTLE OF SHILOH

APRIL 6TH AND 7TH 1862

Major-General Oliver O. Howard to Abraham Lincoln, July 18, 1863

Unofficial

Headquarters Eleventh Corps,

Army of the Potomac.

New Berlin, July 18 1863.

To the President of the United States

Sir,

Having noticed in the newspapers certain statements bearing upon the battles of Gettysburg and subsequent operations which I deem calculated to convey a wrong impression to your mind, I wish to submit a few statements.

The successful issue of the battle of Gettysburg was due mainly to the energetic operations of our present Commanding General prior to the engagement and to the manner in which he handled his troops on the field. The reserves have never before during this war been thrown in at just the right moment, in many cases when points were just being carried by the enemy a regiment or brigade appeared to stop his progress and hurl him back. Moreover I have never seen a more hearty cooperation on the part of General officers as since General Meade took the command.

As to not attacking the enemy prior to leaving his stronghold beyond the Antietam, it is by no means certain that the repulse of Gettysburg might not have been turned upon us; at any rate the Commanding General was in favor of an immediate attack but with the evident difficulties in our way the uncertainty of a success and the strong conviction of our best military minds against the risk, I must say, that I think the General acted wisely.

As to my request to make a reconnoissance on the morning of the 14th which the papers state was refused; the facts are, that the General had required me to reconnoitre the evening before and give my opinion as to the practicability of making a lodgement on the enemy's left, and his answer to my subsequent request was, that the movements he had already ordered would subserve the same purpose.

We have, if I may be allowed to say it, a Commanding General in whom all the officers, with whom I have come in contact, express complete confidence. I have said this much because of the censure and of the misrepresentations which have grown out of the escape of Lee's army.

Very resp'y

your obt servt

O. O. Howard

Maj Genl

SOURCES: Roy P. Basler, editor, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 6, p. 341-2; A copy of this letter can be found in The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress

Abraham Lincoln to Major-General Oliver O. Howard, July 21, 1863

Executive Mansion,

Washington, July 21, 1863.

My dear General Howard:

Your letter of the 18th is received – I was deeply mortified by the escape of Lee across the Potomac, because the substantial destruction of his army would have ended the war, and because I believed, such destruction was perfectly easy – believed that Gen. Meade and his noble army had expended all the skill, and toil, and blood, up to the ripe harvest, and then let the crop go to waste – Perhaps my mortification was partly heightened because I had always believed – making my belief a hobby possibly – that the main rebel army going North of the Potomac, could never return, if well attended to; and because I was so greatly flattered in this belief, by the operations at Gettysburg – A few days having passed, I am now profoundly grateful for what was done, without criticism for what was not done – Gen. Meade has my confidence as a brave and skillful officer, and a true man.

Yours very truly

A. Lincoln

SOURCES: Roy P. Basler, editor, Collected Works of Abraham Lincoln, Volume 6, p. 341; A copy of this letter can be found in The Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress; George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 138;

Major-General Henry W. Halleck to Major-General George G. Meade, July 28, 1863

UNOFFICIAL.]

HEADQUARTERS OF THE ARMY,

Washington, July 28, 1863.

Major-General MEADE

Army of the Potomac,  Warrenton, Va.:

GENERAL: I take this method of writing you a few words which I could not well communicate in any other way.

Your fight at Gettysburg met with the universal approbation of all military men here. You handled your troops in that battle as well, if not better, than any general has handled his army during the war. You brought all your forces into action at the right time and place, which no commander of the Army of the Potomac has done before. You may well be proud of that battle. The President's order, or proclamation, of July 4, showed how much he appreciated your success. And now a few words in regard to subsequent events. You should not have been surprised or vexed at the President's disappointment at the escape of Lee's army. He had examined into all the details of sending you re-enforcements, to satisfy himself that every man who could possibly be spared from other places had been sent to your army. He thought that Lee's defeat was so certain that he felt no little impatience at his unexpected escape. I have no doubt, general, that you felt the disappointment as keenly as any one else. Such things sometimes occur to us without any fault of our own. Take it altogether, your short campaign has proved your superior Generalship, and you merit, as you will receive, the confidence of the Government and the gratitude of the country. I need not assure you, general, that I have lost none of the confidence which I felt in you when I recommended you for the command.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,

 H. W. HALLECK.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 1 (Serial No. 43), p. 104-5; George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 138-9

Major-General George G. Meade to Major-General Henry W. Halleck, July 31, 1863

UNOFFICIAL.]

HEADQUARTERS ARMY OF THE POTOMAC,

July 31, 1863.

Major-General HALLECK,

General-in-Chief :

MY DEAR GENERAL: I thank you most sincerely and heartily for your kind and generous letter of the 28th instant, received last evening.  It would be wrong in me to deny that I feared there existed in the minds of both the President and yourself an idea that I had failed to do what another would and could have done in the withdrawal of Lee's army. The expression you have been pleased to use in your letter, to wit, “a feeling of disappointment,” is one that I cheerfully accept and readily admit was as keenly felt by myself as any one. But permit me, dear general, to call your attention to the distinction between disappointment and dissatisfaction. The one was a natural feeling, in view of the momentous consequences that would have resulted from a successful attack, but does not necessarily convey with it any censure. I could not view the use of the latter expression in any other light than as intending to convey an expression of opinion on the part of the President that I had failed to do what I might and should have done. Now, let me say, in the frankness which characterizes your letter, that perhaps the President was right; if such was the case, it was my duty to give him an opportunity to replace me by one better fitted for the command of the army. It was, I assure you, with such feelings that I applied to be relieved. It was not from any personal consideration, for I have tried in this whole war to forget all personal considerations, and have always maintained they should not for an instant influence any one's actions.

Of course you will understand that I do not agree that the President was right, and I feel sure when the true state of the case comes to be known, that however natural and great may be the feeling of disappointment, no blame will be attached to any one.

Had I attacked Lee the day I proposed to do so, and in the ignorance that then existed of his position, I have every reason to believe the attack would have been unsuccessful, and would have resulted disastrously. This opinion is founded on the judgment of numerous distinguished officers, after inspecting Lee's vacated works and position. Among these officers I could name Generals Sedgwick, Wright, Slocum, Hays, Sykes, and others.

The idea that Lee had abandoned his lines early in the day that he withdrew, I have positive intelligence is not correct, and that not a man was withdrawn till after dark. I mention these facts to remove the impression, which newspaper correspondents have given the public, that it was only necessary to advance to secure an easy victory. I had great responsibility thrown on me. On one side were the known and important fruits of victory, and, on the other, the equally important and terrible consequences of a defeat. I considered my position at Williamsport very different from that at Gettysburg. When I left Frederick, it was with the firm determination to attack and fight Lee, without regard to time or place, as soon as I could come in contact with him; but after defeating him, and requiring him to abandon his schemes of invasion, I did not think myself justified in making a blind attack simply to prevent his escape, and running all the risks attending such a venture. Now, as I said before, in this, perhaps, I erred in judgment, for I take this occasion to say to you, and through you to the President, that I have no pretensions to any superior capacity for the post he has assigned me to; that all I can do is to exert my utmost efforts and do the best I can; but that the moment those who have a right to judge my actions think, or feel satisfied, either that I am wanting or that another would do better, that moment I earnestly desire to be relieved, not on my own account, but on account of the country and the cause.

You must excuse so much egotism, but your kind letter in a measure renders it necessary. I feel, general, very proud of your good opinion, and assure you I shall endeavor in the future to continue to merit it.

Reciprocating the kind feeling you have expressed, I remain, general, most truly and respectfully, yours,

 GEO. G. MEADE,

 Major-General.

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 27, Part 1 (Serial No. 43), p. 108-9; George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 139-41

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, July 31, 1863

Warrenton, Va., July 31, 1863.

I enclose you two letters recently received—one from the President to General Howard, who thought it proper to write to Mr. Lincoln, deprecating his dissatisfaction with me, and informing him I had the full confidence of the army. The other is from General Halleck, written voluntarily and without any particular call that I know, unless he has had repeated to him something that I have said. His letter is certainly very satisfactory, and places the matter, as I have replied to him, in a very different light from his telegram. Disappointment was a feeling natural to every one, and was fully shared in by myself. It could have been entertained without implying censure, but dissatisfaction implied a failure on my part, which I repudiated at the time and since. I have answered Halleck in the same spirit as his letter, thanking him for his kind feeling and good opinion, and explaining my position, and stating that personal considerations aside, I hope that whenever the President thinks I am wanting, or has another whom he deems better suited, I trust he will at once put me aside.

I see by the Richmond papers that Lee denies we had any fight at Falling Water, or that I captured any organized body of prisoners. He has been misinformed and it will be easy to prove the truth of my despatches.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 137-8

Diary of Alexander G. Downing: Sunday, September 13, 1863

There was regimental inspection this morning with accouterments on and in full dress. Some of the companies have the appearance of a “corporal's guard.” Company E, being on picket, was not on inspection, but later they were relieved. The Thirteenth Iowa went down town to act as a provost guard. Our chaplain having resigned, we have no religious services at present.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 142

Diary of Charles H. Lynch: Sunday, August 17, 1862

Sunday in camp. Most of the members of the regiment were allowed to leave camp and visit homes and the city. It would be our last Sunday in the state. I was detailed for guard duty and could not leave camp. Many visitors in camp during the day. I was on duty two hours and off four during the day and night.

SOURCE: Charles H. Lynch, The Civil War Diary, 1862-1865, of Charles H. Lynch 18th Conn. Vol's, p. 6

Jefferson Davis to General P. G. T. Beauregard, October 2, 1864

AUGUSTA, GA., October 2, 1864.

General G. T. BEAUREGARD,

Augusta, Ga.:

GENERAL: I desire that with as little delay as practicable you will assume command of the military departments now commanded, respectively, by General Hood and Lieutenant-General Taylor. You will establish the headquarters of the department under your command at such point within its territorial limits as you may consider most advantageous to the public service. Your personal presence is expected wherever in your judgment the interests of your command render it expedient, and wherever present with an army in the field you will exercise immediate command of the troops. The Adjutant and Inspector General will be directed to communicate to you without delay the orders defining the geographical limits of your department and such letters of general instruction as may have been sent to your predecessors and as it may be important for you to possess.

Very respectfully and truly, yours,

 JEFFN. DAVIS.

(Copy to General Hood.)

SOURCES: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 39, Part 2 (Serial No. 79), p. 782; John Bell Hood, Advance and Retreat, p. 258

106th Ohio Infantry

Organized at Camp Dennison, Ohio, and mustered in August 26, 1862. Ordered to Covington. Ky., September 4. Defence of Covington, Ky., and Cincinnati, Ohio, against Kirby Smith's threatened attack September 4-12. Ordered to Louisville, Ky., September 18. Attached to 39th Brigade, 12th Division, Army of the Ohio, to November, 1862. District of Western Kentucky, Dept. of Ohio, to December, 1862. Prisoners of war to March, 1863. District of Western Kentucky, Dept. Ohio, to June, 1863. Post of Gallatin, Tenn., Dept. of the Cumberland, to May, 1864. Unassigned, 4th Division, 20th Army Corps, Dept. of the Cumberland, Garrison of Bridgeport, Ala., to July, 1864. 3rd Brigade, Defences of Nashville & Chattanooga Railroad, Dept. of the Cumberland, to February, 1865. Stevenson, Ala., District of North Alabama, Dept. of the Cumberland, to June, 1865.

SERVICE. – March to Frankfort, Ky., October 3-9, 1862, and duty there till October 24. March to Bowling Green, Ky., October 24-November 4, thence to Glasgow, Ky., November 10. Action near Tompkinsville November 19, Moved to Hartsville, Tenn., November 28. Battle of Hartsville December 7. Regiment captured and paroled. Exchanged January 12, 1863. At Camp Parole, Columbus, Ohio, till March. Ordered to Lexington, Ky., March 24, thence to Frankfort, and duty there till May, operating against guerrillas: Moved to Nashville, Tenn., May 1-4, thence to Gallatin, Tenn., June, and guard duty along Louisville & Nashville Railroad from Nashville to borders of Kentucky till May, 1864. Butler's Mill, near Buck Lodge, June 30 (Detachment). Moved to Bridgeport, Ala., May 4, and garrison duty there till January, 1865. Skirmish at Cane Creek, Ala., June 10, 1864. At Stevenson, Ala., January to June, 1865. Mustered out June 29, 1865.

Regiment lost during service 3 Officers and 27 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 1 Officer and 21 Enlisted men by disease. Total 52.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1543

John Brown to Mary Ann Day Brown, January 17, 1851

Springfield, Mass., Jan. 17, 1851.

Dear Wife, — . . . Since the sending off to slavery of Long from New York, I have improved my leisure hours quite busily with colored people here, in advising them how to act, and in giving them all the encouragement in my power. They very much need encouragement and advice; and some of them are so alarmed that they tell me they cannot sleep on account of either themselves or their wives and children. I can only say I think I have been enabled to do something to revive their broken spirits. I want all my family to imagine themselves in the same dreadful condition. My only spare time being taken up (often till late hours at night) in the way I speak of, has prevented me from the gloomy homesick feelings which had before so much oppressed me: not that I forget my family at all.

SOURCE: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 132

Major Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, June 20, 1861

Camp Chase, June 20, 1S61.

Dear Uncle: — I now expect to leave here on Saturday and come to Fremont to stay over Sunday with you. On Monday I will go down to Cincinnati to stay one or two days, and then I return to devote myself to the instruction and exercises of my post. Matthews returned yesterday, having finished his home preparations.

We have been in camp almost two weeks, and were getting on finely when we lost our colonel. Rosecrans has been promoted to a brigadier-generalship, and left us night before last to command the Virginia expedition to the Kanawha. We are helping the governor find some competent military man to take his place. If Matthews had had two months’ teaching and experience, he would be willing to take the place, and I should have perfect confidence in him, but as it is, he prefers not to take the responsibility.

Mother has returned. She was out here a few days ago, in good health for her and spirits. I shall see you so soon, that I need not write further. I enjoy this life, and it is going to be healthy for me. I shall hardly be more exposed to cold than in a very open tent the two cold nights a few days ago; but I am gaining in strength and spirits.

Sincerely,

R. B. Hayes.

S. BlRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 31-2

Major-General Thomas J. Jackson to Mary Anna Morrison Jackson, June 14, 1862

Near Weyer's Cave, June 14th.

When I look at the locality of the cave, I take additional interest in it from the fact that my esposita was there once. . . . Our God has again thrown his shield over me in the various apparent dangers to which I have been exposed. This evening we have religious services in the army for the purpose of rendering thanks to the Most High for the victories with which He has crowned our arms, and to offer earnest prayer that He will continue to give us success, until, through His divine blessing, our independence shall be established. Wouldn't you like to get home again?

SOURCES: Mary Anna Jackson, Life and Letters of General Thomas J. Jackson (Stonewall Jackson), p. 283-4

Colonel Thomas Kilby Smith to Eliza Walter Smith, July 11, 1863

VlCKSBURG, July 11, 1863.

My Dear Mother:

I have just debarked on my return from Port Hudson and finished my report to General Grant. I am ordered back to Natchez, for which point I shall start at eight o'clock in the morning, so have brief time for communication with you. On the 1st inst., by order of General Grant, I reported to Admiral Porter for transportation to Port Hudson, whither I was going as bearer of despatches and oral communication from General Grant to General Banks. You are probably not aware of what a flagship is or the sort of style they preserve on board of one. The Black Hawk, Admiral Porter's, is probably behind none of them in point of elegance, and the Admiral, who is a special friend of mine, always receives me with all the honors.

From the flagship I reported to General Dennis at Young's Point, and then procured an ambulance to take us around by land to where the gunboat Arizona was lying, the vessel that had been assigned to me. I have had command before of a good many steamboats, but never of a vessel of war. The Arizona is a beautiful little craft, a yacht, elegantly fitted up, trim built, with everything ship-shape in real man-of-war style. She was formerly of the Southern Steamship Line between New Orleans and Galveston, seized by the rebels in 1861, ran the blockade to Havana with a cargo of cotton, recaptured by Admiral Farragut's squadron in 1862 off Mobile—at this time running under Confederate colors and called the Carolina, and commanded by Captain Forbes. On seeing the Admiral, Captain Forbes claimed to be bound to Matamoras, but the Admiral remarked to him, “I do not take you for running the blockade, but for your damned poor navigation. Any man bound to Matamoras from Havana and coming within twelve miles of Mobile light has no business to have a steamer.” Accordingly, she was sent to Philadelphia as a prize, being purchased by the government for 86,000 dollars. She was speedily altered into a gunboat and early in 1863 was put in commission. Leaving Philadelphia she captured a prize of about $140,000 in value on the fourth day out. Arrived at New Orleans on April 1st, she sailed for Brashear City on the 6th, took two regiments of Major-General Banks on board and landed them at Grand Lakes, the next morning fought and destroyed the Queen of the West, and the day after proceeded to the wreck and recovered all the guns, two fine Parrott rifles, and three twelve-pounder Porterfield pieces, brass. On April 20th attacked, in company with the Clifton, the fortifications at Butte La Rose, silenced the battery in twelve minutes, capturing the guns, ammunition, 114 prisoners, and the small arms. On the . . . day of . . ., attacked, in company with the Albatross, and repulsed the enemy's gunboats at Fort de Russy, but owing to some misunderstanding of orders was not permitted to remain and destroy them. The day after proceeded upon the expedition with Admiral Porter towards Alexandria, and on the . . . day of . . ., the city surrendered to Captain Upton, a very wealthy citizen and one of influence there, and a grandson of Putnam of revolutionary memory; he who killed the wolf in the cave, and about that anecdote the boys may read. I have been somewhat prolix in describing the boat and her commander, because my relations with both have been very intimate the last ten days, and because she is again assigned to me to go to Natchez. I lay on her with the fleet under the guns of Vicksburg till the 22d inst.; early in the morning weighed anchor and down stream, destroying all river transportation as we passed along — all boats, skiffs, flats, etc. Met the gunboat Louisville at Grand Gulf, got some news from below, most favorable, touched at St. Joseph, and put off Mrs. Rodgers. Her meeting with her daughter and under such circumstances, was a scene affecting in the extreme. They had not seen each other for more than four years — are ladies of the greatest refinement. Taking advantage of circumstances while the scene was transpiring, ordered the men to load the boat with vegetables, meats and poultry; in other words, foraged extensively. Such is war. Got under weigh, and steamed down to the next plantation, where we stopped all night, it being too dark to move. Here we called at the house and found a pretty and interesting young lady, much chit chat and quarrelling about the war, and while we quarrelled, my men drove brisk trade with the negroes for honey, tomatoes, melons, fowl, etc. Under weigh at eight o'clock, steaming down, still destroying as we go. Touched at Mrs. Duncan's plantation, abandoned, and in the hands of negroes; will endeavor to send with this some memento of the occasion. As we reached Natchez, discovered cattle in large numbers that had just crossed the river; ordered shell from twelve-pound howitzer thrown among them; cattle scattered and drivers fled. Ordered the boat to round to and sent a missive to the civil authorities that if they permitted the transit of cattle or other munitions of war for the use of the enemy, I would burn and destroy the city. To that missive I received the following reply:

Mayor's Office, Natchez, July 3, 1863.

Sir:

Your communication of this date is duly at hand. The city authorities regret that you conceive it necessary to inflict such a penalty as you name upon the defenceless inhabitants of this city for acts of which they are innocent and over which the city authorities have no control. To avert the calamity, however, we will represent your demand to the military authorities without delay. At the same time we would observe with due deference, that we are at a loss to understand how the destruction of the city will accomplish the object you have in view.

Respectfully, your obt. Servant,

W. Dix, Mayor.

Thos. Kilby Smith,

Colonel . . .

Not liking the tone of the above despatch, I proceeded to carry my threat into execution, when down came the marshal and begged like a dog. I gave my opinion and ipse dixit in no very measured terms, and taking a promise, wended my way, destroying, however, some sixty skiffs and fleets at that point. Anchored in stream at nine o'clock, July 4th; under way at twelve o'clock; touched at plantation for wood and forage, vegetables, etc. Nine o'clock reached Port Hudson and reported to Commodore Palmer on board sloop-of-war Hartford, anchored off stream. Commodore stiff old salt of the old school — about as stiff I suppose as Uncle Hunter was on board ship. Took on, however, in behalf of the army, about the same quantity of airs as he took for the navy, and imagine he did not make much by the interview in the way of airs. Next day, July 5th, reported to steamer Albatross, the captain of which sent ashore for horses for me, and about ten o'clock got mounted, with my orderly, on a sorry jade said to have belonged to a Secesh colonel who had been taken prisoner. Set off for General Banks's headquarters, about twenty miles distant. Sun blazing hot, waded swamp, passed by bayou, and lagoon, and through dense forests, heard the alligators barking like young puppies. Saw sugar cane growing for the first time, passed sugar mills, close to enemy's pickets, and just enough of danger to make the jaunt spicy and interesting. Sun broiling; wore cloth cap and felt it; should have been sunstruck, but adopted my old precaution of stuffing the crown with fresh green leaves every now and then — a most cooling application to the head. Glad enough to reach General Banks’s headquarters at two o’clock, after a ride of four hours; dismounted thirsty and exhausted. General met me with great courtesy — bottle of champagne and plenty of ice, cool goblet; oh, how refreshing!  . . . felt sufficiently better to take a nap of an hour, and then the General, by way of amusement, invited me to ride with him and staff over the left of his lines; gave me a good mount, and off we started for a thirty miles’ ride and about five miles’ walk through the saps and mines of his approaches upon the fortifications, back at eleven o'clock, supped and laid down at twelve. Clothes wet through with sweat, did not sleep well, rose, however, early in the morning, July 6th.  . . . Breakfast over, General invited me to ride on the right, horses saddled and off at seven. Rode far and walked through more miles of sap and made close investigation of mines; two men shot through the head by rifle balls close by my side; sharpshooters on both sides vigilant and alert. Called upon one or two generals, back to camp and dinner by two o'clock. Admiral Farragut made his appearance before dinner was through. . . . I imagine rather a clever man and a fine officer. . . .

July 7th received despatches of the fall of Vicksburg, per telegraph, despatch boat Price having got aground on her way down; much enthusiasm. Army fired salutes of an hundred guns; also navy; drank General Grant's health; took good care to have a despatch intercepted by the enemy, and devoted the afternoon to close investigation of saps, mines, and approaches on the right of our lines, in company with General Banks; back to camp, and late to bed; hardly asleep before General Banks made his appearance at my bedside in shirt and drawers to advise me that General Gardner had sent flag of truce, and to ask if what he had heard in reference to the fall of Vicksburg was true. Symptomatic; immediately volunteered to go with flag of truce myself and make proper reply. Rode out at one o'clock, nine miles; passed our pickets, sounded bugle call, and shortly afterwards was met by enemy's flag with lanthorn. Their party consisted of two colonels and their aides-de-camp; had with them much parley; flag returned, to consult with General Gardner; agreed to wait for them two hours. Flag again appeared with despatches for General Banks and overtures for surrender. Back to headquarters at great speed. General Gardiner writes that he has defended his post as long as he considers his duty and offers terms and to appoint commissioners to meet outside of breastworks to arrange conditions. Accordingly, General Banks appointed Brigadier-General Stone, Brigadier-General Dwight, and Colonel Burge commissioners, with instructions to demand unconditional surrender. They were met by Colonel Miles, Col. Marshall Smith, and Colonel Steadman, on behalf of the enemy. All the day passed tediously, waiting the action of the commissioners. Finally, at nightfall, they made their report. Garrison to be surrendered at seven o'clock the following morning, and a rough estimate of results of the Port Hudson capture is as follows:

• Upwards of five thousand prisoners, including one major-general, one brigadier-general, four colonels, and large number of field and company officers.
• Thirty-one field cannon;
• Twenty S. C. and siege cannon;
• Major-Gen. Frank Gardner, formerly U. S. A.;
• Brigadier-General William Beale;
• Colonel Miles;
• Col. Marshall Smith, formerly U. S. Navy;
• Colonel Steadman;
• Major A. Marchent, formerly U. S. Artillery.

Despatches were at once prepared for me, and at nine o'clock, with escort, I set off to ride over the same road. I came to place of hail of gunboats. It was intensely dark and raining hard; some miles of road through dense and muddy swamp; had to search for pathway by aid of lantern; guide at fault and way lost; outside of picket lines, and great danger of capture; found way and reached Mississippi shore at three o'clock in morning. Hailed Hartford, and got aboard; reported to Commodore Palmer; had Arizona assigned me; got aboard of her by the light of the wild-eyed dawn, and at four o'clock laid down with intense headache to court sleep, which had been a stranger to me for two days and two nights. I had been much exposed to sun and feared sickness. I lay still for one hour and am then called upon by naval officers anxious for news; a thousand questions about Port Hudson; no rest; under weigh at eight o'clock, and shortly afterwards breakfast. . . . The captain has a pet, a beautiful doe, with whom I made friends coming down, and as I returned, with her large black dreamy eyes, she was apparently glad to see me and gave me welcome by licking my hand. She walks all over the ship perfectly tame, and it seems strange to me that an animal so wild and timid by nature should become so fond and gentle. The day is calm and perfectly beautiful, the bright blue sky dappled with fleecy clouds, the rapid motion of the boat stirs the atmosphere till it fans the cheek with voluptuous freshness. Fatigue passes away. I am the bearer of glad tidings of great joy, and with heart elate sail triumphant. For the time being, brief as it may seem, I govern on the quarterdeck of the yacht, and save for the presence of Cleopatra, rival Antony. The day wears on, and at six I am invited to dinner. The captain and I mess alone, but with the strictest formality. . . .

Anchored in the stream at eleven o'clock; too dark to run. Friday, July 10th, weigh anchor, and steam up at four o' clock; pass Natchez at 9 A.m. Many cattle on the bank — evidently have been crossed for the use of the rebel army — some two thousand head. Heave a dozen shell and send some rifle balls among them. Crowds of men and women gather on the bluffs of Natchez to see us pass. We take on negroes from point to point as they rush to the river side, stalwart men seeking liberty under the folds of the American flag. We hail a skiff containing six parolled prisoners from Vicksburg; they have floated down the river and are seeking their homes at Natchez and up the river. Much cannon practice from our vessel I propose, to prevent all crossing of the river, and to dismay the inhabitants. I find my hearing much affected by close proximity the past two or three months to heavy guns while being rapidly discharged. We meet many vessels from Vicksburg, seven gunboats; the Mississippi is open.

I hold to-day conversation with captain's Calcutta servant, an Hindostanee; speaks and writes Arabic, is a follower of Mahomet. If my memory serves me right, the first Mussulman I have made acquaintance with, tall, not quite black, straight nose, thin lips, handsome. I hear the Arabic language spoken in its purity, I believe, for he is educated, and also the Hindostanee. He has travelled throughout China; perfectly familiar with Canton, Calcutta, Paris, London, Boston, New Orleans, New York, Philadelphia, Australia, the South Sea and Pacific Islands, San Francisco, and the Havannah, and for the most part North America; was a follower of Nana Sahib, and is not twenty years old.

Saturday, July 11th, anchor at four o'clock, having moved all night opposite Mrs. Fanars, at the town of St. Joseph; called upon the ladies, who are in great distress, husbands and fathers being all under arrest at Alton . . . Comfort the poor women all I can, and here I may say to-night I have got an order from General Grant to release their poor devils of husbands—so that must be set to my credit, if I am a fiend and a " damned Yank." To-day meet more gunboats, more parolled prisoners in skiffs. Day cool and pleasant.

Abner Read was shot and mortally wounded the day I left Port Hudson; he was badly shot, and could not possibly recover. He was commander and a good deal thought of by the navy. Wife will remember him; he was a brother of the judge.

Well, we arrived at Vicksburg about four o'clock this afternoon; reported to the Admiral and to General Grant; both glad to see me back and hear my news, and on the strength of my report am ordered to take some transports and some troops and garrison Natchez. I shall set sail for that point in the morning at eight o'clock, and am writing for dear life to-night in order to get ready.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 315-23

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, July 26, 1863

Warrenton, Va., July 26, 1863.

I think my last letter to you was about the 21st or 22d, when I was embarrassed at not ascertaining anything definite in regard to Lee's movements. The next day, the 22d, I had positive information he was moving up the Valley of the Shenandoah. I immediately put my army in motion and pushed through Manassas Gap, where I met a part of his force. By the evening of the 24th I drove his force through Manassas Gap, and debouched with the head of my army into the open country beyond, in the vicinity of Front Royal, and having collected five corps together, expected to get a fight out of him on the 25th; but on advancing on that day he was again gone, having moved his whole army and trains (principally through Strasburg), day and night, on the 23d and 24th. Of course I was again disappointed, and I presume the President will be again dissatisfied. It is evident Lee is determined not to fight me till he gets me as far away from Washington as possible and in a position where all the advantages will be on his side. I hear from officers who have been in Washington that the President offered the command of this army to Grant, who declined it, but recommended Sherman. I consider I have done a great deal in compelling Lee to abandon the Valley of Virginia, where, but for my movements, he undoubtedly would have stayed, as he did last year, employing his army in gathering in the bountiful crops of that region, and sending them to his depots at Staunton and Gordonsville for use in the winter. As soon as I can get ready I shall move on again, and it remains to be seen whether he will make a stand on the Rappahannock or behind the Rapidan. Some people think they are preparing to abandon Virginia altogether, but I doubt this.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 137

Diary of Alexander G. Downing: Saturday, September 12, 1863

Company E went out on picket this morning. I did not accompany them, as I had another chill yesterday and was not strong enough to go. The teams brought in our poles, lumber and planks and those of us left in camp worked all day building bunks and putting up the brush shades in front of the tents.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 142

John Jay To The English Anti-slavery Society,* 1788

Gentlemen:

Our society has been favoured with your letter of the 1st of May last, and are happy that efforts so honourable to the nation are making in your country to promote the cause of justice and humanity relative to the Africans. That they who know the value of liberty, and are blessed with the enjoyment of it, ought not to subject others to slavery, is, like most other moral precepts, more generally admitted in theory than observed in practice. This will continue to be too much the case while men are impelled to action by their passions rather than their reason, and while they are more solicitous to acquire wealth than to do as they would be done by. Hence it is that India and Africa experience unmerited oppression from nations which have been long distinguished by their attachment to their civil and religious liberties, but who have expended not much less blood and treasure in violating the rights of others than in defending their own. The United States are far from being irreproachable in this respect. It undoubtedly is very inconsistent with their declarations on the subject of human rights to permit a single slave to be found within their jurisdiction, and we confess the justice of your strictures on that head.

Permit us, however, to observe, that although consequences ought not to deter us from doing what is right, yet that it is not easy to persuade men in general to act on that magnanimous and disinterested principle. It is well known that errors, either in opinion or practice, long entertained or indulged, are difficult to eradicate, and particularly so when they have become, as it were, incorporated in the civil institutions and domestic economy of a whole people.

Prior to the great revolution, the great majority or rather the great body of our people had been so long accustomed to the practice and convenience of having slaves, that very few among them even doubted the propriety and rectitude of it. Some liberal and conscientious men had, indeed, by their conduct and writings, drawn the lawfulness of slavery into question, and they made converts to that opinion ; but the number of those converts compared with the people at large was then very inconsiderable. Their doctrines prevailed by almost insensible degrees, and was like the little lump of leaven which was put into three measures of meal: even at this day, the whole mass is far from being leavened, though we have good reason to hope and to believe that if the natural operations of truth are constantly watched and assisted, but not forced and precipitated, that end we all aim at will finally be attained in this country.

The Convention which formed and recommended the new Constitution had an arduous task to perform, especially as local interests, and in some measure local prejudices, were to be accommodated. Several of the States conceived that restraints on slavery might be too rapid to consist with their particular circumstances; and the importance of union rendered it necessary that their wishes on that head should, in some degree, be gratified.

It gives us pleasure to inform you, that a disposition favourable to our views and wishes prevails more and more, and that it has already had an influence on our laws. When it is considered how many of the legislators in the different States are proprietors of slaves, and what opinions and prejudices they have imbibed on the subject from their infancy, a sudden and total stop to this species of oppression is not to be expected.

We will cheerfully co-operate with you in endeavouring to procure advocates for the same cause in other countries, and perfectly approve and commend your establishing a correspondence in France. It appears to have produced the desired effect; for Mons. De Varville, the secretary of a society for the like benevolent purpose at Paris, is now here, and comes instructed to establish a correspondence with us, and to collect such information as may promote our common views. He delivered to our society an extract from the minutes of your proceedings, dated 8th of April last, recommending him to our attention, and upon that occasion they passed the resolutions of which the enclosed are copies.

We are much obliged by the pamphlets enclosed with your letter, and shall constantly make such communications to you as may appear to us interesting.

By a report of the committee for superintending the school we have established in this city for the education of negro children, we find that proper attention is paid to it, and that scholars are now taught in it. By the laws of this State, masters may now liberate healthy slaves of a proper age without giving security that they shall not become a parish charge; and the exportation as well as importation of them is prohibited. The State has also manumitted such as became its property by confiscation; and we have reason to expect that the maxim, that every man, of whatever colour, is to be presumed to be free until the contrary be shown, will prevail in our courts of justice. Manumissions daily become more common among us; and the treatment which slaves in general meet with in this State is very little different from that of other servants.

I have the honour to be, gentlemen,

Your humble servant,

John Jay,

President of the Society for Promoting the Manumission of Slaves.

_______________

* In 1788 a society in France, and another in England, formed for promoting the abolition of slavery, opened a correspondence with the New York society through its president. The above letter to the English society was from Jay's pen. See letter from Granville Sharp, May 1, 1788.

SOURCE: Henry P. Johnston, Editor, The Correspondence and Public Papers of John Jay Volume 3: 1782-1793, p. 340-4

105th Ohio Infantry

Organized at Cleveland, Ohio, and mustered in August 20, 1862. Ordered to Covington, Ky., August 21, 1862; thence to Lexington, Ky., August 25. March to relief of Nelson August 30. Retreat to Louisville, Ky., September 1-15. Attached to 33rd Brigade, 10th Division, Army of the Ohio, to September, 1862. 33rd Brigade, 10th Division, 2nd Corps, Army of the Ohio, to November, 1862. 1st Brigade, 5th Division (Centre), 14th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to January, 1863. 1st Brigade, 5th Division, 14th Army Corps, Army of the Cumberland, to June, 1863. 2nd Brigade, 4th Division, 14th Army Corps, to October, 1863. 2nd Brigade, 3rd Division, 14th Army Corps, to July, 1865.

SERVICE. – Pursuit of Bragg into Kentucky October 1-12. Battle of Perryville, Ky., October 8. March to Munfordsville, Ky., October 12, and duty there till November 30. Expedition to Cave City October 31 and November 26. Moved to Bledsoe Creek November 30. Operations against Morgan December 22, 1862, to January 2, 1863. March to Nashville, Tenn., thence to Murfreesboro January 3-11, and duty there till June. Expedition to Auburn, Liberty and Alexandria February 3-5. Expedition to Woodbury March 3-8. Vaught's Hill, near Milton, March 20. Expedition to McMinnville April 20-30. Middle Tennessee (or Tullahoma)Campaign June 23-July 7. Hoover's Gap June 24-26. Occupation of Middle Tennessee till August 16. Passage of the Cumberland Mountains and Tennessee River and Chickamauga (Ga.) Campaign August 16-September 22. Shellmound August 21. Reconnoissance toward Chattanooga August 30-31. Battle of Chickamauga September 19-21. Siege of Chattanooga, Tenn., September 24-November 23. Chattanooga-Ringgold Campaign November 23-27. Orchard Knob November 23-24. Mission Ridge November 25. Demonstrations on Dalton, Ga., February 22-27, 1864. Tunnel Hill, Buzzard's Roost Gap and Rocky Faced Ridge February 23-25. Reconnoissance from Ringgold toward Tunnel Hill April 29. Atlanta (Ga.) Campaign May 1 to September 8. Demonstrations on Rocky Faced Ridge May 8-11. Battle of Resaca May 14-15. Advance on Dallas May 18-25. Operations on line of Pumpkin Vine Creek and battles about Dallas, New Hope Church and Allatoona Hills May 25-June 5. Operations about Marietta and against Kenesaw June 10-July 2. Pine Hill June 11-14. Lost Mountain June 15-17. Assault on Kenesaw June 27. Ruff's Station July 4. Chattahoochie River July 5-17. Peach Tree Creek July 19-20. Siege of Atlanta July 22-August 25. Utoy Creek August 5-7. Flank movement on Jonesboro August 25-30. Battle of Jonesboro August 31-September 1. Operations against; Hood in North Georgia and North Alabama September 29-November 3. March to the sea November 15-December 10. Siege of Savannah December 10-15. Campaign of the Carolinas January to April, 1865. Fayetteville, N. C., March 11. Battle of Bentonville March 19-21. Occupation of Goldsboro March 24. Advance on Raleigh April 10-14. Occupation of Raleigh April 14. Bennett's House April 26. Surrender of Johnston and his army. March to Washington, D.C., via Richmond, Va., April 29-May 20. Grand Review May 24. Mustered out June 3, 1865.

Regiment lost during service 3 Officers and 104 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 7 Officers and 126 Enlisted men by disease. Total 240.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1542-3

Diary of John Quincy Adams: February 24, 1820

I had some conversation with Calhoun on the slave question pending in Congress. He said he did not think it would produce a dissolution of the Union, but, if it should, the South would be from necessity compelled to form an alliance, offensive and defensive, with Great Britain.

I said that would be returning to the colonial state.

He said, yes, pretty much, but it would be forced upon them. I asked him whether he thought, if by the effect of this alliance, offensive and defensive, the population of the North should be cut off from its natural outlet upon the ocean, it would fall back upon its rocks bound hand and foot, to starve, or whether it would not retain its powers of locomotion to move southward by land. Then, he said, they would find it necessary to make their communities all military. I pressed the conversation no further; but if the dissolution of the Union should result from the slave question, it is as obvious as anything that can be foreseen of futurity, that it must shortly afterwards be followed by the universal emancipation of the slaves. A more remote but perhaps not less certain consequence would be the extirpation of the African race on this continent, by the gradually bleaching process of intermixture, where the white portion is already so predominant, and by the destructive progress of emancipation, which, like all great religious and political reformations, is terrible in its means, though happy and glorious in its end. Slavery is the great and foul stain upon the North American Union, and it is a contemplation worthy of the most exalted soul whether its total abolition is or is not practicable: if practicable, by what means it may be effected, and if a choice of means be within the scope of the object, what means would accomplish it at the smallest cost of human sufferance. A dissolution, at least temporary, of the Union, as now constituted, would be certainly necessary, and the dissolution must be upon a point involving the question of slavery, and no other. The Union might then be reorganized on the fundamental principle of emancipation. This object is vast in its compass, awful in its prospects, sublime and beautiful in its issue. A life devoted to it would be nobly spent or sacrificed. This conversation with Calhoun led me into a momentous train of reflection. It also engaged me so much that I detained him at his office, insensibly to myself, till near five o'clock, an hour at least later than his dining-time.

SOURCE: Charles Francis Adams, Editor, Memoirs of John Quincy Adams: Comprising Portions of His Diary from 1795 to 1848, Volume 4, p. 530-1

Diary of Rutherford B. Hayes: June —, 1861

Early in the second week of our camping out in service, Colonel Rosecrans returned and set vigorously to work organizing the regiment. The evening of the day he returned we were closing up matters in our tent preparatory to going to bed, when two gentlemen rode up with a dispatch which announced the appointment, of Colonel Rosecrans to the post of brigadier-general, and ordering him to repair to western Virginia to take command of Ohio troops moving in that direction. We rode into Columbus and saw the colonel now general, off about midnight. Good-bye to our good colonel. A sorry thing for us. May it prove all he hopes to him. I shall never forget how his face shone with delight as he read the dispatch.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 31

Major-General Thomas J. Jackson to Mary Anna Morrison Jackson, June 10, 1862

Near Port Republic, June 10th

On Sunday, the 8th, an attack was made upon us by a part of Shields's command about seven o'clock A. M., which a kind Providence enabled us to repulse. During the same morning Fremont attacked us from the opposite side, and after several hours' fighting he also was repulsed. Yesterday morning I attacked that part of Shields's force which was near Port Republic, and, after a hotly contested field from near six to ten and a half A. M., completely routed the enemy, who lost eight pieces of artillery during the two days. God has been our shield, and to His name be all the glory. I sent you a telegram yesterday. How I do wish for peace, but only upon the condition of our national independence!

SOURCES: Mary Anna Jackson, Life and Letters of General Thomas J. Jackson (Stonewall Jackson), p. 283

Colonel Thomas Kilby Smith to Elizabeth Budd Smith, June 30, 1863

Headquarters Dept. Of The Tennessee,

Camp Opposite Vicksburg, June 30, 1863.

My Dear Wife:

You are mistaken in supposing I had a new command given me. I explained the matter to mother in a former letter — a temporary detail as president of a court which ceased when the court adjourned. I have since, however, been employed upon most important business which has kept me from my regiment. This morning I shall go down to Port Hudson in a steamboat to confer with General Banks upon official business. I am glad you liked my report. I wrote it very hurriedly on the battlefield, in pencil, and in something over two hours, and have not seen it since, so I can hardly judge how it read. The country will hardly ever get the true history of the assault of the 19th, because it is the interest of the whole army, except the small portion, two thirds of one tenth, to suppress it. Thus there are ten divisions of infantry; but one of these divisions obeyed the order to charge, and of that division but one whole brigade, my own, went in, with two regiments from Ewing, and one from Giles Smith. I enclose a slip which is partly truthful in other matters and worth reading, and in which an allusion is made to what the opinion of the rebel officers was of that charge. They have spoken of it very often, and I assure you it was a most gallant, daring action. The conflict is raging here all the time, we think it hardly possible Vicksburg can hold out much longer, though they fight with perfect desperation and probably will fight to the last. Still there is an end to all things and there must some time be an end to this siege — only patience is left to us. You must not be alarmed for me. I have been in many dangers and always preserved. My life may yet be of some service to my country or my family.

I made General Grant a present of one of my saddle horses the other day, a splendid piebald gelding, that I think is worth a thousand dollars. He was a horse that I captured at Arkansas Post with his rider, a Texan officer, and since that time I have been carefully training him. He is very large and spotted white and black with a noble carriage and easy gait. Grant fell in love with him a long time ago, and talked so much about him that I gave him. He always rides him, although he has other fine horses.

I shall hope in my next letter to be able to give you something of interest connected with General Banks's army and its operations.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 314-5

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, July 21, 1863

Union, Va., July 21,1863.

Your indignation at the manner in which I was treated on Lee's escape is not only natural, but was and is fully shared by me. I did think at one time writing frankly to the President, informing him I never desired the command, and would be most glad at any time to be relieved, and that, as he had expressed dissatisfaction at my course, I thought it was his duty, independent of any personal consideration, to remove me. After reflection, however, I came to the conclusion to take no further action in the matter, and leave it entirely with them. I took the command from a sense of duty. I shall continue to exercise it, to the best of my humble capacity, in the same spirit. I have no ambition or ulterior views, and whatever be my fate, I shall try to preserve a clear conscience. I have received very handsome letters, both from Generals McClellan and Pope, which I enclose for your perusal and preservation.¹ I have answered them both in the same spirit as appears to have dictated them.

_______________

¹ For letter from McClellan to Meade, see Appendix D.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 135-6

Diary of Alexander G. Downing: Friday, September 11, 1863

We moved our camp to the south of Vicksburg, two miles, just within the fortifications. The ground is low and level here, and the water is scarce. It is not a good place for the sick to get back their health. But there is danger of a raid by the rebels' cavalry from this point.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 142

104th Ohio Infantry

Organized at Camp Massillon, Ohio, and mustered in August 30, 1862. Moved to Covington, Ky., September 1, 1862. Attached to 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, Army of Kentucky, Dept. of the Ohio, to November, 1862. 2nd Brigade, 2nd Division, Army of Kentucky, to January, 1863. 1st Brigade, District of Central Kentucky, Dept. of Ohio, to June, 1863. 2nd Brigade, 1st Division, 23rd Army Corps, Dept. of Ohio, to July, 1863. 2nd Brigade, 4th Division, 23rd Army Corps, to August, 1863. 1st Brigade, 3rd Division, 23rd Army Corps, Army Ohio, to February, 1865, and Dept. of North Carolina, to June, 1865.

SERVICE. – Defence of Cincinnati, Ohio, against Kirby Smith's threatened attack September 2-12, 1862. Skirmish at Fort Mitchell, Covington, Ky., September 10. Pursuit to Lexington, Ky., September 12-15. Duty at Lexington till December 6. Moved to Richmond and Danville, Ky., in pursuit of Morgan December 6-26. At Frankfort, Ky., till February, 1863. Operations in Central Kentucky till August. Expedition to Monticello and operations in Southeastern Kentucky April 26-May 12. Burnside's Campaign in East Tennessee, Campaign August 16-October 17. Expedition to Cumberland Gap September 4-7. Operations about Cumberland Gap September 7-10. Knoxville Campaign November 4-December 23. Siege of Knoxville November 17-December 5. Duty in East Tennessee till April, 1864. Atlanta (Ga.) Campaign May 1 to September 8. Demonstration on Rocky Faced Ridge and Dalton, Ga., May 8-13. Battle of Resaca May 14-15. Cartersville May 20. Operations on line of Pumpkin Vine Creek and battles about Dallas, New Hope Church and Allatoona Hills May 25-June 5. Operations about Marietta and against Kenesaw Mountain June 10-July 2. Skirmishes about Lost Mountain June 11-14. Combats about Lost Mountain June 15-17. Muddy Creek June 17. Noyes Creek June 19. Cheyney's Farm June 22. Ulley's Farm June 26-27. Assault on Kenesaw June 27. Nickajack Creek July 2-5. Chattahoochie River July 5-17. Buckhead, Nancy's Creek, July 18. Peach Tree Creek July 19-20. Siege of Atlanta July 22-August 25. Utoy Creek August 5-7. Flank movement on Jonesboro August 25-30. Battle of Jonesboro August 31-September 1. Lovejoy Station September 2-6. Operations against Hood in North Georgia and North Alabama September 29-November 3. Nashville Campaign November-December. Columbia, Duck River, November 24-27. Columbia Ford November 28-29. Battle of Franklin November 30. Battle of Franklin December 15-16. Pursuit of Hood to the Tennessee River December 17-28. At Clifton, Tenn., till January 15, 1865. Movement to Washington, D. C., thence to Federal Point, N. C., January 15-February 9. Operations against Hoke near Fort Fisher February 11-14. Orton's Pond February 18. Fort Anderson February 18-19. Town Creek February 19-20. Capture of Wilmington February 22. Campaign of the Carolinas March 1-April 26. Advance on Goldsboro March 6-21. Occupation of Goldsboro March 21. Advance on Raleigh April 10-14. Occupation of Raleigh April 14. Bennett's House April 26. Surrender of Johnston and his army. Duty at Raleigh till May 2, and at Greensboro till June. Mustered out June 17, 1865.

Regiment lost during service 3 Officers and 46 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 4 Officers and 130 Enlisted men by disease. Total 183.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1542

Colonel Thomas Kilby Smith to Eliza Walter Smith, June 27, 1863

Headquarters Dept. Of The Tenn.,

Near Vicksburg, June 27, 1863.

I mentioned in a former letter having received General Sherman's to you. I cannot see how he could, in language that would not have been fulsome, have given more expression of feelings of friendship toward me; other than those feelings I have no right or reason to demand. He is perfectly sincere, and I believe would rejoice at my success. He cannot make it for me, I must do that for myself, through the aid of God by my own merit, if I possess. These things are all hard for you to understand. The science of the soldier and the art of war, obtaining in this fearful strife, differ from all that experience or reading have given you knowledge of. The ordinary springs to human action in a measure fail. We are brought to greater exactness of action. An army is a vast machine of which each individual is an integral part. Shiftings and change cannot easily be made without disarrangement of the whole, never after a certain point, save by direction of the chief of all. Thus I report to General Lightburn, he to General Blair, he to General Sherman, he to General Grant, he to General Halleck, he to the Secretary of War, who in his turn goes to the Commander-inChief, the President. But till you get to General Halleck, that I have given illustration of, is only one of a series of systems aggregating a vast whole. Now, General Sherman's power is really very limited; he has no appointing power; he can only recommend to his superior officers, and how often has he done this for me! He is no more responsible for my misfortune than he would have been for wounds and death in battle. Some favors may always be granted by superior off1cers; these favors have been lavishly extended to me by all of mine who are in the field, by none more liberally than by General Sherman. His bed, his table, his wines, cigars, everything has been placed at my disposal. He has shared my blanket and laid him down by my side in the bivouac before the dread day of battle. He did this on the night of the 18th, before the first bloody assault. We have been baptized in blood together. He is not an affectionate man, but on the contrary, austere and forbidding. He never meets me without a glad smile and a warm pressure of the hand. You must not doubt him. It was not by General Grant's order that I was assigned as president of the court that sat at Milliken's Bend; but because I had intimated to Colonel Rawlins, A. A. Gen., that I had not reported back to my regiment and wanted something to do. The service was temporary, and has long since been performed and reported upon. While presiding at the court, I became an actor to some extent in the affair at the Bend when the negro regiments were attacked, and officially made some report of the matter to General Grant. Out of that matter grew a necessity for other and important service which I was assigned to, and thus I have gone along from day to day, hardly anticipating a permanent charge till after the reduction of Vicksburg. I cannot tell what they are doing at Washington. Mr. Chase has small power in the War Department. I have reason to believe I was nominated before my papers arrived, and before active influence was made for me, and that I lapsed with several score of others, from excess of numbers and the insignificance of my name; so common a name is a greater barrier to success than can be imagined by those who are not fellow sufferers. If Grant is successful, I still hope there is something bright for me, if not, I must do my duty, unmurmuring, if hopeless. If I perish without the glittering surrounding of rank, I trust I shall be able to die like a soldier.

You speak of the little diary I sent you as if it was important. I thought it might be of some interest to the children as showing something of life on the march, and the effects of war, but considered it hardly worthy of second perusal. I am surprised you should have thought it worth while to send East what was only meant for the home circle. You need give yourself no uneasiness about my deprivation from exercise and my removal from the saddle. I was but a brief time on the steamboat, and my feet are oftener in the stirrup than on the ground.

You will still compliment my letters. You read them with a loving mother's eyes, too partial a judge. I see so much I cannot write. If I could seize opportunity, and describe what I should so much like to describe as it passes before me and when the fit is on, I might write something worthy. But as time passes, new events obliterate the recollection even of old excitement, and the excitement of yesterday is old with us to-day. I wrote you in my last letter that I had been detailed on delicate service, and prepared you for what I thought might be a prolonged absence. The occasion was my going with a small escort under a flag of truce which was a feint to meet or endeavor to meet General Taylor, one of the commanders of the rebel forces. With this object I took a steamboat at Milliken's Bend on the 22d. Debarking there at daybreak, rode to Richmond, or what was once Richmond, twelve miles distant, and there found the bridge burned. I ought to say that after the fight at Milliken's Bend, the enemy fell back to Richmond, and there entrenched themselves. That we sent out forces to dislodge them, that they were defeated, driven out, and the town, a very pretty place containing some two thousand inhabitants, court house, jail, large hotel, etc., was burned; nothing that was inflammable was left; everything but the bricks and mortar was consumed. The enemy before retreating had burned the bridge themselves, and so, from its charred remains, I was compelled to construct another, to cover the deep bayou. Some two hours' labor effected this object, and with a bit of cracker and coffee, made in a tin cup, for breakfast, forward we went, and oh! how desolate was the country we crossed, and how dreary the ride! The fleeing enemy had been panic-stricken, and all along the road for miles had thrown the loads from the wagons and sometimes abandoned the wagons themselves. Bedsteads and mirrors, glass, crockery, bags of meal, clothing, sewing machines, baskets, boxes, and trunks, with pots, pans, and camp equipage, lay promiscuously scattered. But the most noticeable objects were the corpses of the unburied dead, smoked and blackened in the sun, too carrion even for the vultures and buzzards. At every bayou crossing, bridges torn up and fresh delays. Finally I reached the Tensas, twenty miles. Here, too, the bridge was burned, but on the other side was a house giving promise of water. The bayou water is not drinkable, and we were parched with thirst. A woman appeared on the opposite bank to show us the ford, and this was strange, for we were far inside the enemy's lines. A struggle through the mud, a ford almost a swim, and we were over. The woman fairly cried with joy to see us — the first real, genuine Union woman I have met in the South. Her husband was under the ban and on our side; he was poor and had been hauling cotton for transportation North — an unpardonable sin, and she had been made to suffer. Along with four young children, she had been persecuted by the retreating army, and no wonder she over flowed with joy when her friends came in sight. She gave me some buttermilk and some eggs, and after resting an hour, on we went. Soon the enemy's pickets were in sight, but instead of approaching, seemed to be fleeing. In vain the sergeant waved his flag, conspicuous enough, for it was a sheet borrowed from the steamboat berth and tied to a pole. As we marched forward they marched back, until at last they fairly made a run for it; thereupon we halted and tried another coaxing process, and at last, after making various signs, they approached or rather waited our coming with the timidity of young fawns. We explained the nature of our flag ; they were very glad to know we were not going to fight them, and said they had watched us from Richmond and hovered in our front all the way those ten long miles and had sent back for reinforcements, and had come near shooting one of our men who had stopped to take the water out of his boot at the ford. We reassured them and rode forward for about the space of a mile, when we were encountered by the reinforcements, dismounted, drawn up in line of battle. Their captain was stupid, and after the pickets had informed him we were a flag of truce, he insisted upon mistaking us for rebels, and boring us with the most absurd questions about the strength of Grant's army, the condition of affairs at Vicksburg, etc. At last we drove it through his head that we were Yankees, as they call us, and as soon as light broke through upon him, he became dumb with astonishment; nevertheless we marched forward well enough for four miles and then stopped to camp. We continued winding through the dense woods by the side of bayous or the shores of little lakes until at last, crossing another bridge, we encountered another picket. It was interesting to us to pass this picket, for it was near nightfall, the rain began to come down heavily; we had ridden some thirty-two or three miles and were near Delhi, where we expected to find General Taylor and a pretty large force of the enemy. But they halted us and I came to a parley. The officer was peremptory. I brought a stunning argument to bear — that I had been permitted by all the other picket guards to pass, why should he refuse, and by what authority — at last prevailed, and on to Delhi. Three or four miles brought us to the camp guard of the outside regiment. We had penetrated thirty-six miles inside of the enemy's lines since morning. They looked on us with wonder and astonishment, called no halt, and on we went right through their camps. The soldiers gathered in groups by the wayside to gape at us; the officers ran out of their tents; my escort was only ten men and a sergeant. We enquired the way to headquarters and reported to the commandant, and demanded to see General Taylor. General Taylor was not there. This was what I wanted and hoped for, for I knew if he was not at Delhi he must be at Monroe, sixty-five miles further up, and I wanted to penetrate the country as far as possible. Meanwhile it had rained very hard, and was still raining. We were wet through. The question of quarters was interesting, for it was almost dark. The commandant evidently did not know what to do. I suggested the hotel. He brightened, and we were permitted to go there and seek quarters. They did not know how to receive a flag. Their pickets ought not to have let us pass without first reporting and disarming us; but there we were and there was no help for it. Now imagine a small town with a railway passing through, scattered houses and a large square frame hotel, your son followed by his troops and a crowd of soldiers, officers, citizens, old and young, all agape with astonishment; evening, and muddy. Landlord comes out uncertain whether to receive us or not; anxious for his pocket, more anxious for his house. At last the pecuniary prevails, and he thinks he can make provision for us, but can't for the horses. Under shelter, and immediately afterwards under strict guard and surveillance: got some supper, corn bread, fresh pork, and something they call coffee, made of parched wheat. After supper the commandant called and demanded the despatches; refused to deliver them, on the ground that my orders were peremptory to deliver them to General Taylor in person. The commandant, a Major Beattie from Texas, was green and nonplussed; he didn't know what to do, finally concluded to put us under guard and himself in telegraphic communication with General Taylor. At last I got rid of him and went to bed, wet through to my buff, and got a sound sleep, to wake and find myself close prisoner in the camp of the enemy; breakfast, the duplicate of the supper, and after the breakfast the show began. I seated myself on the upper porch and the "butternuts" passed in review. Some citizens came to talk to me, some officers. The same old story of what you read in the newspapers — '”they are united, intend to fight till the last man is dead,” and all that sort of thing. Finally, Brigadier-General Legee, Aide-de-Camp of General Taylor, made his appearance, and now I found I had to deal with a soldier and a man of sense. Of course I was baffled, as I expected to be. He insisted upon my despatches and my return; no further penetration to their stronghold except at the head of an army. I was satisfied, however, for I had informed myself upon the principal point I was after. So I delivered my despatches with as good grace as possible, and received the necessary returns. I found General Legee, aside from his politics, to be a fine soldier and a most admirable gentleman. He had graduated at Cambridge, and afterwards read law there; had spent some time in Cincinnati, and knew a good many of my friends . . . and in short, we soon found we were old acquaintances almost, and sat down to have a good time; that is, as good a time as gentlemen can expect to have without wine or anything else but water to drink and no cigars to smoke; nevertheless, we had a comfortable chat. He made my imprisonment as light as possible; and next morning with an escort from the enemy we retraced our steps without adventure, stopped at Richmond, or the cisterns of Richmond rather, for water and a bite. While the men were resting, I wandered through the gardens; they could not burn them, but what a picture of desolation they presented. For the first time flowers seemed out of place, the fruit, apricots, peaches, and grapes, was just ripening. Some frightened, superannuated negroes came up to gape, and I hurried away from the smouldering ruins after extorting from them a promise to go out and bury the dead upon consideration that they should possess themselves of all the property abandoned on the road. Back to the Bend, and rapidly put the same in a state of defence, for unless I had checkmated them, they had calculated to come in. When I say they or them I always mean the enemy, the only terms almost by which we know them. On board a boat at 7 P.m.; found a sick lady who had taken refuge with her servants, reassured and encouraged her; down to General Dennis to report. Sat with him till two o'clock in the morning, then up the Yazoo; out at daybreak, and reported to General Grant at breakfast time. Yesterday I rested, for I was a little tired, and to-day am anticipating an order to go to Grand Gulf to report to General Banks with despatches, and while I rest I write you this tedious letter. You may see by it at least that the grass does not grow under my feet.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 307-14

Major-General George G. Meade to Margaretta Sergeant Mead, July 18, 1863

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac,

Berlin, Md., July 18, 1863.

I try to send you a few lines every chance I can get, but I find it very difficult to remember when I have written. I don't think I told you that on my way here, three days ago, I stopped and called on Mrs. Lee (Miss Carroll that was), who lives about six miles from this place. Mrs. Lee received me with great cordiality, insisted on my dining with her and daughter, which I did, and had a very nice time, it being quite refreshing to be once more in the presence of ladies, surrounded with all the refinements and comforts of home. I wish, if you see any of the Jacksons and Bayards, you would say how gratified I was at the kind hospitality of Mrs. Lee and daughter, and what a nice girl I thought the latter was. The army is moving to-day over the same road I took last fall under McClellan. The Government insists on my pursuing and destroying Lee. The former I can do, but the latter will depend on him as much as on me, for if he keeps out of my way, I can't destroy. Neither can I do so if he is reinforced and becomes my superior in numbers, which is by no means improbable, as I see by the papers it is reported a large portion of Bragg's army has been sent to Virginia. The proper policy for the Government would have been to be contented with driving Lee out of Maryland, and not to have advanced till this army was largely reinforced and reorganized, and put on such a footing that its advance was sure to be successful. As, however, I am bound to obey explicit orders, the responsibility of the consequences must and should rest with those who give them. Another great trouble with me is the want of active and energetic subordinate officers, men upon whom I can depend and rely upon taking care of themselves and commands. The loss of Reynolds and Hancock is most serious; their places are not to be supplied. However, with God's help, I will continue to do the best I can.

SOURCE: George Meade, The Life and Letters of George Gordon Meade, Vol. 2, p. 135-6

Diary of Alexander G. Downing: Thursday, September 10, 1863

I reported to the doctor this morning for the second time in the space of two years. The doctor thought that I was in no immediate danger, for which opinion I thought he was not very well posted, but he gave me the "Blue Mass" pills, telling me to be sure to take them and not throw them away as so many of the boys do. I told him that I did not come for the purpose of getting medicine to throw away, for I had been too near dying. He assured me that I was a long way from dying.¹

_______________

¹ The doctor's exact words were: “Oh, you're a long ways from dying!” Perhaps I was more frightened than sick. But when a sick man is near a regular hospital and sees from three to six dead men carried out every day to the “bone-yard,” as the boys used to say, it does not look very encouraging to him. — A. G. D.

Source: Alexander G. Downing, Edited by Olynthus B., Clark, Downing’s Civil War Diary, p. 142