We had a solitary dinner, missing Sumner very much. He is now in Washington, and it will be many days before we hear again his footsteps in the hall, or see his manly, friendly face by daylight or lamplight.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 258
Your farewell note
came safe and sad; and on Sunday no well-known footstep in the hall, nor sound
of cane laid upon the table. We ate our dinner somewhat silently by ourselves,
and talked of you far off, looking at your empty chair. . . As I stand here by
my desk and cast a glance out of the window, and then at the gate, I almost
expect to see you with one foot on the stone step and one hand on the fence
holding final discourse with Worcester.1
1 Author of the "Dictionary of the
English Language,"—a neighbor of Longfellow, and a good friend of Sumner.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 258
MY VERY DEAR JULIA,
— Your parting benediction and God-speed, mingling with mother's, made my heart
overflow. I thank you both. They will cheer, comfort, and strengthen me in
duties where there are many difficulties and great responsibilities. For
myself, I do not desire public life; I have neither taste nor ambition for it;
but Providence has marked out my career, and I follow. Many will criticise and
malign; but I shall persevere. Good-by. With constant love to mother and
yourself,
CHARLES.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 259
DEAREST LONGFELLOW, —
I could not speak to you as we parted, — my soul was too full; only tears would
flow. Your friendship, and dear Fanny's, have been among my few treasures, like
gold unchanging. For myself, I see with painful vividness the vicissitudes and
enthralments of the future, and feel that we shall never more know each other
as in times past. Those calm days and nights of overflowing communion are gone.
Thinking of them and of what I lose, I become again a child. From a grateful
heart I now thank you for your true and constant friendship. Whatever may be in
store for me, so much at least is secure; and the memory of you and Fanny will be
to me a precious fountain. God bless you both, ever dear friends, faithful and
good! Be happy, and think kindly of me.
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 259
DEAREST HOWE, Three
times yesterday I wept like a child, — I could not help it first in parting
with Longfellow, next in parting with you, and lastly as I left my mother and
sister. I stand now on the edge of a great change. In the vicissitudes of life
I cannot see the future; but I know that I now move away from those who have
been more than brothers to me. My soul is wrung, and my eyes are bleared with
tears. God bless you ever and ever, my noble, well-tried, and eternally dear
friend!
SOURCE: Edward L.
Pierce, Memoir and Letters of Charles Sumner, Vol. 3, p. 259
Returned to Bethel
Church where we remained until the 22d.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 107
Returned to Young's
Mill.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 107
Having but a limited
supply of underclothing with me at this camp, I doffed my garments and turned
washerman for the nonce, intending to seat myself on the sunny side of the mill
pond and wait patiently until my clothes were sundried thoroughly. Only one
shirt, one pair of drawers and one pair of socks. As a washist, I never have
been a success, but clear water and a good will accomplishes much,—when all at
once the drum beats to "fall in"—on went my wet clothes and away we
marched to Yorktown, reaching that place thoroughly chilled through and
through.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 107
Our Captain, Robert
C. Stanard, died to-day at Camp Deep Creek, of disease contracted in the army.
He was a man of warm impulses and generous heart.
Remained in
Williamsburg about ten days, when I concluded to call on my Gloucester friends
once more, as it would be worse than folly to return to my command in such ill
health.
Hired a buggy in
Williamsburg and went to "Bigler's Wharf," on the York River; there
hired a boat and crossed over the river to Cappahoosic Wharf. At this place I
found a member of my company who lived some half a mile from the wharf.
Remained at his
father's, Captain Andrews, (a Captain of artillery in the war of 1812) for
several days, eating oysters and rolling ten-pins.
Captain Andrews is a
jolly specimen of an old Virginia gentleman, whose motto seems to be
Dum Vivimus Vivamus.
From Captain
Andrews's I went to "Waverly," where I most pleasantly spent ten
days, after having been joined by my brother, Rev. Thomas W. White, who
insisted on my getting a discharge from the army. Concluded to return to my
command, he and I going to Cappahoosic Wharf, he taking the up boat for West
Point and I waiting for the down boat for Yorktown. Whilst on the wharf, I was
again taken with a severe chill, and remembering my friend, Captain Andrews, I
crawled, rather than walked, to his house. I was then seriously ill, but had
every attention possible; my physician being Dr. Francis Jones, brother of the
owner of Waverly. Dr. Frank, seeming to take a fancy to me, told me if I would
come to his house, where he could pay me especial attention, he would promise
to get me all right in a week. As soon as I could sit up, I took him at his
word, and he put me through a regular course of medicine, watching carefully
everything I eat. Kind hearted old Virginian; I wonder if it will ever be in my
power to repay him and other dear friends in this good old county for
kindnesses to me? When I commenced improving, I felt a longing desire to get
back to camp, and accordingly returned to Yorktown in the latter part of
November. My company officers now are: Captain, Edgar F. Moseley; First
Lieutenant, John M. West; Senior Second Lieutenant, Benjamin H. Smith; Junior
Second Lieutenant, Henry C. Carter.
Found they were
stationed some twenty miles from Yorktown, and next day started to hunt them
up. Hearing they were at Young's Mill, I went to that place, but found the
First and Second detachments had returned to their camp, at Deep Creek, on the
east side of Warwick River, whilst the Third and Fourth detachments were on
picket duty at Watt's Creek, six miles from Newport News. Joined them at that
place, having been absent three months. None of the boys ever expected to see
me again, and they wondered but the more when I told them that since I had left
them I had swallowed enough quinine pills to reach from Newport News to Bristol,
Tennessee, were they to catch hold hands.
We remained at
Watt's Creek very quietly for a few days, but one night the Yankees brought up
a gun-boat and gave us a terrific shelling; when we got up and
"dusted."
My mess, composed of
Andrew, Dick and Mac. Venable, Gordon McCabe, Clifford Gordon, Kit Chandler,
and myself, owned a stubborn mule and a good cart, driven by a little black
"Cuffee" whose appellative distinction was "Bob." Now,
"Bob" and the mule came into our possession under peculiar
circumstances in fact, we "pressed" them into service on some of our
trips and kept them to haul our plunder. Bob was as black as the boots of the
Duke of Inferno and as sharp as a steel-trap; consequently, we endeavored to
give his youthful mind a religious tendency: yet Bob would gamble. Not that he
cared for the intricacies of rouge et noir, ecarté, German Hazard, or King
Faro, or even that subtlest of all games, "Old Sledge." No, no; he de
voted his leisure time to swindling the city camp cooks out of their spare change
at the noble game of "Five Corns."
George Washington
(Todd) had never heard of that little game, or there would have been a Corn
Exchange in Richmond long before the war.
It seems that they
shuffled the corns up in their capacious paws and threw them on a table or
blanket, betting on the smooth side or pithy side coming uppermost.
Night reigned—so did
"Bob," surrounded by his sable satellites, making night hideous with
their wrangling.
Say dar, nigger,
wha' you take dem corns for? My bet. I win'd dat."
Boom!-boom!—and two
nail-keg gunboat shells come screaming over our heads, disappearing into the
woods, crashing down forest oaks and leaving a fiery trail behind them.
"Hi -what dat?
Golly!" and up jumped Bob, leaving his bank and running into our tent.
"Say, Marse Andrew, time to git, ain't it?"
"We must wait
for orders, Bob.”
"I woodd'n wate
for no orders, I woodd'n; I'd go now," said Bob, as he tremblingly slunk
back into his house. But the Demon of Play had left Bob and grim Terror held
high carnival within his woolly head.
Boom! Boom!! Boom!!!
and as many shells came searching through the midnight air in quest of
mischief.
And Bob knelt him
down and prayed long and loud: "O-h! Lord, Marse, God'l Mity, lem me orf
dis hear one time, an' I'll play dem five corns no more. Mity sorry I dun it
now." And Robert ever afterward eschewed the alluring game. Returned to
our camp at Land's End, on the west side of Warwick river.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 107-10
Our Third and Fourth
Detachments are camped for the winter at Land's End, under the command of
Lieutenant John M. West, and supported by the Fourteenth Virginia Infantry,
Colonel Hodges commanding. The third gun is stationed immediately on the James
River where the Warwick empties into it, and the fourth gun one-and-a-half
miles up the Warwick River, supported by Company "K," Fourteenth
Virginia Infantry, Captain Claiborne, of Halifax county, Va., commanding. We
have comfortable log cabins, built by our own men, with glass windows, plank
floors, kitchen attached, etc., and our cuisine bears favorable comparison with
home fare. Time does not hang very heavily on my hands, for I am now drilling a
company of infantry from Halifax county, Captain Edward Young's, in artillery
tactics, previous to their making a change into that branch of the service.
Then we get up an occasional game of ball, or chess, or an old hare hunt, or
send reformed Bob to the York River after oysters, we preferring the flavor of
York River oysters to those of Warwick River.
Fortunately we have
managed to scrape up quite a goodly number of books, and being in close
communication with Richmond, we hear from our friends daily.
Soon the spring
campaign will open, and then farewell to the quiet pleasures of "Rebel
Hall," farewell to the old messmates, for many changes will take place
upon the reorganization of our army during the spring. No more winters during
the war will be spent as comfortably and carelessly as this[.] Soon it will be
a struggle for life, and God only knows how it will all end.
My health has but
little improved, but I had rather die in the army than live out.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 110
During the latter
part of February we were ordered with the Fourteenth Virginia Infantry
to fall back to the left flank of Mulberry Island, some four or five miles in
rear of our former position.
Mulberry Island is
the nearest water battery on the north side of the James River to Newport News,
and mounts seven or eight heavy guns. It is supported by the Day's Point
battery, on the south side of the James, mounting seventeen guns. Magruder, as
soon as we reached this place, sent us six hundred negroes to throw up heavy
fortifications. Our position here is quite a strong one; on our left flank is
the Warwick River, on our right is a deep marsh and the heavy battery at
Mulberry Island; in our front is a broad, open field, our guns commanding it.
Reinforced by the Fifth Louisiana Infantry.
SOURCE: William S.
White, A Diary of the War; or What I Saw of It, p. 111
MY DEAR SIR—I have
received your note of the 15th ultimo, and have caused a very careful
examination to be made of all the files in the time of Mr. Lawrence, and no
such lease or paper as that mentioned in the order of Mr. Clark can be found. I
look forward with peculiar pleasure to my return to the United States, which I
trust may take place in the month of October. Although I cannot complain of the
manner in which I have been treated here, yet I am tired of my position, which has
proved to be far more laborious and confining than I had anticipated.
With my kindest
remembrance to Mrs. Dickinson, and the agreeable anticipation of meeting you
both after my return,
SOURCE: John R.
Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel
S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 488-9
BINGHAMTON, October 28, 1855.
MY DEAR GOVERNOR—I
am such a political heretic in the estimation of many of your friends, that if
I were to congratulate you upon your election they would question your
orthodoxy, and I therefore think it more safe to omit it. In the Senate we were
so far separated upon the leading questions that we had nothing to disturb our
private friendship; and I recur with pleasure to the recollections of our
official and social intercourse.
The immediate object
of this note, is to introduce to your acquaintance, and crave your kind offices
in behalf of my friend, J. Hunt, jr., of your State. His present political
associations I do not know, but I commend him as a gentleman of character and
attainments, and evidently worthy of your confidence and regard.
SOURCE: John R.
Dickinson, Editor, Speeches, Correspondence, Etc., of the Late Daniel
S. Dickinson of New York, Vol. 2, p. 490
Another hard night;
one of a few very cold and disagreeable ones. We left the ranks early for
rails, and after carrying them two or three miles, found, on arriving at camp,
there were plenty on hand and not accounted for. We got our supper and tried to
sleep, but it was almost impossible. We would have suffered severely had it not
been for our woollen blankets; as it was, when we woke up this morning, many of
us found the water in our canteens frozen, said canteens having been used as
pillows during the night.
WHITEHALL.
After starting at
seven o'clock, we kept halting continually until nine. We had travelled not
more than four or five miles when we heard heavy firing in our immediate front.
Our brigade being a head, our regiment was sent in about the first. We left the
main road, taking the one over the hill on the left, and were immediately under
fire. Here we came upon two men of "A" who had been killed by a shot
or shell. We dropped our knapsacks and filed along a line of fence, coming to a
halt in front of the Neuse, with the rebels on the opposite shore.
We fired several
volleys by company, then the order came, "At will," which was easier.
We had an old rail-fence in front, and beyond that a few barrels of pitch or
turpentine, then a slope, and the water, and the rebels beyond. We received a
good share of their bullets, and hoped ours did better execution, as we were
fortunate in not losing a man. There were several narrow escapes, however. The
flag was immediately behind our company, and a part of the time the flag of the
9th New Jersey was unfurled behind us also, which might have drawn an extra
amount of fire; but we did not suffer any loss, while some of the companies
lost several. "A," four killed and seven wounded; "B," one
wounded; "C," three killed; "K," one killed; "D,"
two wounded; "F," one wounded; "G," two wounded;
"H," two wounded. We were on the rebels' right. We stayed there about
an hour and a half and then were ordered back, and started directly across the
field in line of fire for cover, where we could see other regiments flat on the
ground. All the protection we had there, was by hugging mother earth and
folding our arms back of our heads, the bullets whistling close to us in a
neighborly fashion. Here we waited, and those who had hard-tack munched it; but
we kept up a thinking all the while whether the muscles of our arms would stop
a bullet from going through our heads. Soon Belger's battery took our old place
and opened on the rebels, who treated them pretty severely for a time, as we
could see good R. I. material dropping constantly. The battery boys came for
the water we had in our canteens, with which to cool their guns, the firing
having been quite brisk. After two hours of very steady work, the rebels
concluded to give up the fight. As they had destroyed the bridge yesterday, we
could not chase them, so fell in and started again for Goldsboro, and about
eight o'clock camped in a field at the junction of two roads.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 26-7
GOLDSBORO.
There was no time
this morning to cook coffee, so we started on a cold-water breakfast, after
another cold night, with little good sleep, and marched without incident until
four P.M., when we heard the usual cannonade at the front. As soon as the noise
of the cannon was heard, then commenced the usual straggling. All have some of
course. The attention of our boys was called to a scene upon which we looked
with surprise, and which many of our company will never forget. As we passed
from the main road to take position on the hill, we saw a man, or what was
dressed as a man, in Uncle Sam's clothes, importuned by another to join his
command. He would not budge; and the concluding words we heard as we passed by,
were: "Damn it, man! just look here: look at this regiment going in; there
is not a man there; they are all boys with no hair on their faces, and you
afraid!" We pitied the fellow, and often wondered if he joined his
company. His pride had evidently gone on a furlough. We halted on a high hill,
from which we could see all that was going on, and soon found we were in
reserve, which pleased us all. After getting turnips and sweet potatoes,—of
which we found a plenty (all planted for us),—we straggled to the edge of the
bluff and watched the fight. In a tree close to where we stood was a signal
station, and by that we supposed Gen. Foster was near. On the left we could see
the railroad which leads into Goldsboro, and the fighting over it; to the
right, the bridge; while in front, close to the river, there seemed to be a
continuous sheet of flame from our advance and the rebels. Some of our men
worked their way to the mill; and a story was told by one of the 17th Mass.
Vols., who reached the bridge on his own account, that he saw a train of cars
stop there, and, just as it halted, a shot from one of our batteries struck the
engine in the head-plate, smashing the engine badly. He could see men jump from
the cars in all haste. (This story was told several years after the action; and
the fact of those men coming as they did, and perhaps others behind, may have
been the reason we left so suddenly, and went to New Berne.)
About seven o'clock
Gen. Foster rode past our line, saying: "The object of the expedition [the
burning of the bridge and partially destroying the connection between the Gulf
States and Richmond] is accomplished. We are going to New Berne."
We were immediately
formed, and started on the back track with cheers for the general; but we had
not gone three miles before we found we were not "out of the woods."
Orders came to countermarch, so we turned about, wondering what all the
artillery firing meant. We tramped back about two miles or so through the
woods, on fire on both sides of the road, turned to the left down hill, and
formed line in silence, waiting. We were not allowed to speak or light our
pipes, but waited, it seemed, for two hours. The regiment was formed in
division column closed in mass; the company behind us being only a few feet
away, and in front nothing but the pickets and supposable rebels. After staying
here a while we heard the artillery go along the road, and soon followed. We
reached camp about ten o'clock, tired and hungry, but no chance to get anything
to eat, and a man missing. He turned up afterwards, having settled himself for
a nap when we were in the woods. Not finding any one near when he awakened, he
concluded to strike out for himself—happily remembering that old broken caisson
beside the road, and recollecting on which side he left it on going in, he soon
came Russelling" into camp with the rest of us.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 27-8
We started for home
about five this morning, expecting to make easy marches, but have been
disappointed so far, as we have tramped just about the same gait as when going
up, making about twenty miles to-day and camping in the same field we did the
night out of Kinston, about five miles from Whitehall.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 28-9
We were up and at it
at the usual time this morning, on the home tramp, which kept up the spirits of
many. About ten o'clock we came in sight of our first day's fighting ground. We
found that several of the graves of our men had been opened by the rebels.
After repairing them we kept on, taking the Neuse Road, which we steered clear
of in coming up on account of the heavy entrenchments and barricades the rebels
had placed on it. Every little while we had to leave the road and take to the
woods to get by their obstructions, which continued for four or five miles from
Kinston; some of them were very formidable.
About three o'clock
we marched into a large field on the left of the road to receive rations, which
we understood had been brought to us on the cars from New Berne, and it was
about time; our larder was getting low. We received a little bread, but not
enough to satisfy both stomach and haversack, so we filled the former and
stowed away the crumbs that were left in the latter. The report is that the
bread and beef were left at New Berne, and soap and candles shipped to us,—an
explanation which did not soothe our feelings entirely.
We marched about
five miles farther and then camped for the night.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 29
After some trouble
we managed to get to bed last night about eleven o'clock; but for a long time
after that the mules kept us awake; perhaps they were hungry also. The weather
was clear and not cold, so we got a little rest. At six o'clock this morning we
were ordered on, after a very light breakfast, excepting for a few who may have
foraged. There were a few chickens and a little applejack about our mess.
To-day has been the hardest of any day of the tramp, and there has been more
straggling. The company organization was in the line, but thinned out terribly.
We had no noon-rest; but at two o'clock we filed from the road to a field, came
to the front, and received a good scolding. Our regiment looked as if it had
been through two Bull Runs; only about 150 left, and the rest not
"accounted for." In fact there were very few left of those who should
do the accounting. The colonel stormed a little, but that did not bring up the
men; so, as he was probably as hungry, if not as tired, as we were, he let us
go to eating, which was a decided farce. Our haversacks were as flat as our
stomachs. We found a few grains of coffee and tobacco-crumbs in the bottom of
our bags, and succeeded in digging a few sweet potatoes, which we ate raw. We
were told they were very fullsome. We waited here two hours or so for the
stragglers, who finally came along. They had been having a fine time, plenty of
room to walk, and two hours more to do it in than we had; and, more than that,
they were in the majority, so nothing could be done but "Right shoulder
shift" and put the best foot forward. About sundown we saw, in crossing a
bridge, a wagon-load of hard-tack bottom side up in the creek. Some of the boys
sampled the bread, but it was not fit to eat. Shortly after a signboard indicated
fourteen miles to New Berne. That was encouraging! The walking was fearful, the
roads full of water, in some places waist deep, and covered with a skimming of
ice. At last we met a wagon loaded with bread, and after much talk with the
driver we got what we wanted. Next we met a man who said it was only twelve
miles to New Berne. They either have long miles or else some one made a
mistake; we seemingly had been walking two hours or more from the fourteenth
mile post, and now it was twelve miles. We came to the conclusion not to ask
any more questions, but "go it blind.”
We at last reached
the picket-post, seven miles out, and halted to rest and allow the artillery to
go through. Here Col. Lee told us we were at liberty to stay out and come into
camp Sunday; but most of "E" thought of the letters and the supper we
would probably get, and concluded to stand by the flag. After a rest we started
again, and at last began to close up and halt often, so we knew we were coming
to some place or other.
The writer has no
very distinct idea of those last seven miles, excepting that he was trying to
walk, smoke, and go to sleep at the same time, and could only succeed in
swearing rather faintly, and in a stupid sort of manner, at everything and
every one. It was dark and foggy, but finally we saw what appeared to be the
headlight of a locomotive a long way off. Then the fort loomed up, and we were
passing under an arch or bridge, and in a few minutes we reached
"E's" barrack, and our troubles were all forgotten. Now we were wide
awake; gave three hearty cheers for every one; had all the baked beans and
coffee we could stagger under; and then the captain's "Attention for
letters" brought us to our feet. Some had as many as a dozen. They had to
be read at once, and, notwithstanding our fatigue and the lateness of the hour,
read they were.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 29-30
CAMP STEVENSON.
Sunday. A splendid
day; but what a miserable-looking set of boys we are!—stiff, lame, and dirty,
and hungry for more beans. We received the welcome order, "No work for
three days." We went to church this morning, so there are really only two
days and a half, and they will soon be gone. But we have letters to answer,
trips down-town to make, for those who can get passes; and the first thing we
know it will be Wednesday.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 30
Wednesday, and our
duties have commenced again: regular camp routine,—drill, guard, and police,
the same as before the last march.
We are forgetting
the sore feet, and gaining flesh every day, and an occasional run down town to
Blagg's tends to rub off the rough edge of being cooped behind sentries.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 30
Christmas. A fine
day, and, being my birthday, I was allowed a furlough, for chum and self, from
reveille till tattoo.
We started as early
as possible for New Berne, and, among other things, had a first-class turkey
dinner, with all the fixings, silverware, cut glass, white tablecloth, and some
one to wait on table. But for us, as for all, the day came to a close, and at
the usual time we were back, no better than about eighty others, excepting the
memory of home-life which the associations of the day had called up.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 30
The paymaster looked
in on us. He is the first we have had any dealings with, and we are glad he
came, for most of "E" have been "hard up." We received pay
from August 29th to November 1st,—$27.30 each. We expected to get the whole,
and were disappointed; for when many of us squared up, it took about all that
we received to settle our debts. We are drilled now as a brigade nearly every
day, firing blank cartridges; consequently our guns need extra cleaning, and we
get more marching. Evidently they mean our brigade to be number one.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 31
The last day of an
eventful year to us, but the matters worthy of note are few and far between.
We drilled hard from
two o'clock till we had barely time to clean up for dress parade, and very
little can be said of brigade drills in their favor. The principal thing being,
we passed the "defile" many times, and formed en echelon, about all
the afternoon. It may be it was to celebrate the new "star,”—our Gen.
Stevenson wearing his for the first time to-day. If that was it we will forgive
him, but if the star is going to increase the brigade drills we shall wish he
never had won it.
Our brigade now is
the 2d in the 1st Division, Acting Major-General Wessels, and is composed of
the 5th R. I., 10th Conn., 24th Mass., 44th Mass., and Belger's R. I. Battery.
SOURCE: John Jasper
Wyeth, Leaves from a Diary Written While Serving in Co. E, 44 Mass.
Dep’t of North Carolina from September 1862 to June 1863, p. 31
BOSTON, [MASS.], April 1st, 1856.
DEAR SIR: I send you
a copy of the French Tariff whose promulgation has reached here in the last
mail. In the pendency of the proposed revision of our own, the new position of
France, possesses much [of] importance. Our constitutional and treaty
limitations necessarily make the task of revising a tariff, full of perplexity
and requiring mature analysis.
With all the aid the Treasury Department have furnished to the experience of Genl. [Charles Tillinghast] James,1 there are some features in his otherwise able bill, which are based on principles that cannot be justified in the free trade school of Statesmanship. There is a living faith in popular opinion eventually rendering to a patriot and a statesman the acknowledgment of his merit and forecast. You are beginning to experience this in the North. It has happened to me several times within a few weeks, conversing with leading merchants and manufacturers of this section, to hear from their lips those acknowledgments with regard to yourself that none of our party could ever have expected.
The policy you have
advocated is now successful and the manufacturers here, express their
unqualified confidence that you can arrange a revision of the tariff which
would be absolutely satisfactory to the South and agreeable to the North. From
the known accordance of my views with your policy, it could not have been
intended I should withhold these expressions from your knowledge.
1 A Democratic Senator in Congress from Rhode
Island, 1851-1857. He was elected as a protective tariff Democrat.
SOURCE: Charles
Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of
Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 185-6
NORFOLK, [VA.], April 13, 1856.
DEAR HUNTER: Since
my return home I have been so unwell that I have had no opportunity of mixing
extensively among the people though so far as I can learn you have gained much
in this district. Buchanan's popularity is based on that of Wise whose friends
have sought to make the impression that he (B) is the strongest man now before
the people. This causes the timid and time serving to represent themselves as
preferring Buch[ana]n. Wise has lost all power in the East save among his Eastern
Shore men and such as they can influence. The Eboshin and Fendum have done
their work effectually and two or three appointments made in this place within
a few weeks past have given great dissatisfaction because they were taken from
among the Eastern Shore men in preference to residents. Buck's [Buchanan's] is
only a reflection of Wise's popularity and to dissipate it is no difficult
matter. The idea that to insure success for the Cincinnatti nominee he must be
from the North has been industriously circulated over the South, and this has
been the chief weapon of the W. and B.1 men. Let something be done
in the right quarter to cause doubt of its truth and we can carry every Eastern
district. Give me a program for operations and I will carry it out. If you wish
an open demonstration made I will have it started here or in some county. How
are you and Pierce now? Would it be safe to make one for him as the choice of
the Northern candidates, if so would [it] whip the office holders into
measures? But as to this I will not move till I hear from you. Banks sends me
word all is right above-that is in the upper part of the district. Simkins,
Wise's friend, is proud of the Demo[cratic] Associations but the selections was
not plain because of the jealousy over here about Eastern men. He talks of
resigning, if so a Hunter man will fill it. The election was no test but was
owing to the personal popularity of Simkins. Tell me what I can do and I am
ready to act
I may be in
Washington in 10 or 12 days. Pierce promised my son a commission in the army,
the first vacancy last spring or summer but I have not troubled him since. He
was disposed to confer it then but Davis defeated me. Pierce felt and expressed
some compunction for his move against me as Navy agent and wished to make
amends in this way. I care nothing for it myself but the boy (now 22 years old)
is anxious for it. He was educated at Lexington and would make, so says
Col[onel] Smith a fine officer. He seems to have no turn for anything else but
he is well behaved, handsome and brave. He had much better marry a rich girl
but he seems to prefer fighting Indians at $40 per month, and being a wilfull
boy he must have his way. Is there any chance? Some forty vacancies have
occurred within a few months. But I started to write you about other matters
and did not design to trouble you with my small wants.
1 Wise and Buchanan men.
2 John S. Millson, a Representative in
Congress from Virginia, 1849-1861.
SOURCE: Charles
Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of
Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 186-8
MY DEAR COUSIN: By
the time this reaches you the excitement growing out of the Cincinnati Convention
will, I presume, have somewhat subsided. I need not tell how much I hope it may
find you the successful man in the struggle that may occur there. Should
however this be not the case, I hope you will console yourself with the
reflection that there is yet sufficient time ahead for your turn.
It was my intention
at an early day after my arrival in this country to post you up thoroughly on
the origin and merits of this war going on here with the Indians. But I no
sooner landed than I was packed off to this outpost where I have been unable to
see any intelligent or disinterested man who could give me the information I
wanted. Nor have I been able to meet any hostile Indians in action or otherwise
and learn from them their own accounts of their difficulties. Indeed it is in
this respect that I conceive one of the greatest blunders of the whole business
has been committed, for I have been unable yet to see any one who can give me
an intelligent and consistent account of what the Indians regard as the cause
of the war, and as its object, and upon what terms &c they desire. We in
the Army are campaigning and fighting here in the dark. Without understanding
the cause or the object of the war, and consequently without the means of
knowing what are the best means to bring about a peace. Most of the whites say
it is dissatisfaction with the treaties made by Gov. Stevens. If so instead of
going to War on the subject, and, attempting to teach them a lesson on adhering
to treaties which will cost us some millions of money, why not send for them
and learn what features of the treaty are distasteful to them, and if
reasonable why not let them have what they want as long as it does not
interfere with the just wants and safety of the settlers. I am told the Indians
complain that by these treaties they are required to live upon small reserves
incapable of subsisting them and their animals in their mode of life. That the
Indians [?] have been located upon lands badly situated, indeed so much so that
the whites can't use it, with no prairie or pasture lands for their animals and
no clear lands for their potatoes &c; and that if they are all crowded upon
such small ill-selected spots they must starve to death.
If there is truth in
this, and no one has tried that I know of, to see the hostile Indians to
ascertain whether this be so or not, it is in my opinion a just cause not only
of dissatisfaction and complaint but of war. We cant expect men to change their
habits of life, the habits of their race, or to starve to death quietly merely
to satisfy the wild schemes of white men. If this be true I can see no reason
why they should not have larger and more suitable reserves given them,
particularly too since they have relinquished by these treaties more lands than
will be sufficient for the settlers of this country, at present rates, and for
the next hundred years. In making this concession to them we should be giving
them nothing more than humanity demands us to give them, and which common
justice should never have permitted us to take away from them. But you will
gather from the enclosed newspaper slips something of the merits of the
question at issue between the authorities here. From all that I can learn I am
well satisfied that this War has been very unnecessarily brought on by Govr.
Stevens' treaties. Not only by the ill judged provisions of the treaties
themselves, but especially by entering into treaties with them where the wants
of the country (in my judgment) did not require anything of the sort. As bad
fortune would have it I am told that this treaty, out of the large number which
he made on his Quixotic pilgrimage in the interior of the continent where no
white men will settle in the next 300 years perhaps, was the only one which
reached Washington City in time to be confirmed by the Senate during the last
Congress, and is now the law of the land. I am satisfied that if this were not
the case and I had the power from Mr. Pierce to annul and destroy Stevens'
treaty I could establish a permanent peace here in six weeks and not fire a
rifle, a peace by which the settlers should be safe from danger, and not
checked in their settlement of the country. And I would make no concession to
the Indians which any practical and reasonable man could find fault with.
Left Camp Cooper, and arrived the sameday at Wartrace, remaining in the above mentioned camp twenty-six days, without moving. Encamped for the night in Wartrace, guarding commissary or station all night ; making a march of 8 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 17
Left Wartrace and arrived at Duck river the same day as guard for rail road bridges and fortifications there, and encamped for the night at Duck river bridge camp, making a march of 5 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 17
Left Camp Duck river and arrived the same day at Tullahoma and encamped for the night, making a march of 9 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 17
Left Tullahoma and marched to Manchester fair grounds, Coffee county, Tenn., and encamped for the night, making a march of 11 miles.
SOURCE: Adam S. Johnston, The Soldier Boy's Diary Book, p. 17-8
Washington, March 12, 1851.
DEAR FLETCHER,—I understand that our neighbor, Mr. Waterman, furnishes Boston bakers, or roasters, which have machinery by which the spit is turned while the meat is roasting. I wish you would inquire, and if such an article is to be had, send me a good one.
It ought to be open, for the admission of air, on both sides.
SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 421
Washington, March 12, 1851.
MY DEAR SIR,—I am tired of sitting, and Mr. Sargent writes this note, while I am acting the part of a peripatetic philosopher. You will find herein a certain document, defunct and obliterated.
The weather is very fine, and I am very well. Morgan is here, and when I am in the saddle on his back, I am far from being motionless. The Morgan horse is a cross between a Normandy horse, now spread all over Canada, and the English blood horse; it has the sloping hip, and strong shoulder, and crooked hind leg, and broad shin of Normandy, with the spirit of the English hunter. Its chef-d'œuvre is best performed in a single wagon. In two respects he resembles the Narraganset horse, to wit, he has a broad spread nostril, and great breadth between the eyes; the line from the top of his head along his mane, and back to his hips, is nearly straight; on a level road, therefore, his draught is parallel to the surface of the ground. Whereas a horse, who carries his head very high, though the ground be level, is constantly pulling up hill. So much for Morgan, and a dissertation on horses. If you wish to see a perfectly graphic thing on such a subject, turn to Walter Scott's description of Lord Marmion's horse flying from Flodden Field.
Mr. and Mrs. Curtis are well; we had a very pleasant dinner there yesterday, with Mr. Stephens, and Mr. Aspinwall, and Miss Mary Scott. Mrs. Webster and I hope to see the same company to-day, at five o'clock, partaking of a Potomac shad, and some other provant or other vivres, at our house in Louisiana avenue.
When you think of it, tell me who is successor to Brigham. And here, my dear Sir, I stop from walking and talking.
SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 421-2
Washington, March 21, 1851.
GENTLEMEN,—On the receipt of letter of the 14th of February, I deemed it advisable to postpone an answer until the carriage, harness, and horses should arrive here. They came on, and were received, all sound and in good order, in the early part of this month. Unfortunately, I failed as well at my own house as at other places, in various attempts to see Mr. Wood, who brought on the carriage, so that I only had one short interview with him; and the pressure of affairs at the breaking up of Congress, and until the final adjournment of the Senate, has obliged me to put off until to-morrow, every thing not absolutely necessary to be done to-day.
And now, gentlemen, I have to thank you for your costly and handsome present. The carriage itself is thought to be as elegant as any ever seen in the country. It appears to be of exquisite workmanship, and is rich without being gaudy. It is very commodious, and its motion pleasant and agreeable.
The horses attached to the carriage are, I think, quite worthy of it. They are certainly uncommonly handsome, and their travelling and action very fine. On the whole, gentlemen, I rather fear that this equipage is too splendid and superb for a plain farmer of Marshfield; but as it has been your pleasure to make me so very valuable a gift, I accept it with all thankfulness, and shall always regard it as the measure, not of my merit, but of your bounty and munificence.
But, gentlemen, I am more deeply your debtor for the estimation in which you are pleased to hold my public services in the counsels of the country. If I have attempted to expound the Constitution, I have attempted to expound that which I have studied with diligence and veneration from my early manhood to the present day. If I have endeavored to defend and uphold the Union of the States, it is because my fixed judgment and my unalterable affections have impelled me, and still impel me, to regard that Union as the only security for general prosperity and national glory. Yes, gentlemen, the Constitution and the Union! I place them together. If they stand, they must stand together; if they fall they must fall together. They are the images which present to every American his surest reliance, and his brightest hopes. If they perish in my day or afterwards, I shall still leave, in the history of the times, my own deep, heartfelt and engrossing conviction that they are among the greatest political blessings ever bestowed by Providence on man; and that if, in any course of disastrous events, such as may happen to all human institutions, they should become severed and broken, even their history and their memories will constitute a track of light, upon which all lovers of human liberty, in after
times, may gaze with admiration. Yes, gentlemen! Union and the Constitution!
"Fortunati ambo! Si quid mea carmina possunt
Nulla dies unquam memori vos eximet ævo.
Dum domus Æneæ Capitoli immobile saxum
Accolet, imperiumque pater Romanus habebit."
I was not unaware, gentlemen, on the morning of the 7th of March last year, that I was entering upon a duty which, as you suggest, might bring into peril that favor which has been long shown me by that political party whose general principles I had for a long time steadily maintained. A crisis had arrived in which it did not become me, as I thought, to be indifferent and to do nothing. Still less did it become me to act a part which should inflame sectional animosities and tend to destroy all genuine American feeling, and shake the fabric of the government to its foundation. I was willing to trust and am still willing to trust for the vindication of my motives, to the intelligent men of my party and of all parties. I should indeed have been wholly unworthy of that character, which it is my highest ambition to maintain among my countrymen, if I had allowed any personal peril to bear with the weight of a feather against my profound sense of public duty. Whatever may now happen, I shall meet it with a clear conscience, and a fixed purpose; and while acting in full coöperation with the great mass of our fellow citizens, who hold the same sentiments that you hold, I shall fear nothing.
Messrs. WM. M. RICHARDS, SAMUEL C. SPROULLS, CHARLES A. STETSON, CHARLES W. A. ROGERS.
Washington, March 21, 1851.
MY DEAR SIR,—Mr. Abbot is right. I did repeat the words. I did say, "Let it rise, let it rise, till it meet, &c."
I have no objection to have the second Bunker Hill oration immediately follow the first, and this again to be followed by whatever part you think it worth while to publish of my article in the North American Review.
I presume you would hardly think of publishing it all. I looked over a few of the first pages the other day, and thought they read well.
I suppose you will prepare a note, more or less extended, from Mr. Frothingham's book.
DAN'L WEBSTER.
SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 425-6
Washington, [March 28, 1851,] Friday, two o'clock.
MY DEAR SIR, —I have nothing from you to-day and am besides a little out of sorts. I am a little overworked. Yester day over my table from nine to four, and then four hours in the evening in my study, upon an embarrassing Mexican correspondence. The day is fine, I mean to mount Morgan, in ten minutes, and take the air. Business seems to press quite as hard as when Congress was here; but I will break off and go North, next Tuesday, if I am well. I want to see the sea; want to see Mr. Blatchford pull in a great cod; I want to see Mr. Baker's Alderney cows.
I have directed a boat to be made ready. We will hope that the skies may be propitious in the first ten or twelve days in April, so that we two, and Durf Hatch, and Dwelly Baker, may be on Ned's Ground, some warm, still, smoky day.
Yours,
D. W.
SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 426-7
New York, April 7, 1851.
MY DEAR SIR,—I hope to arrive to-morrow evening at Boston, with Mrs. Webster, and to go to Marshfield on the afternoon of Wednesday. I hope nobody will turn out at Boston to give me any reception. If the people wish to see me, I will meet them on my return from Marshfield, where my stay will be short. It is too early to look for pleasant weather on the coast, and I shall get back to Washington as soon as I conveniently can. When the weather gets warmer, I hope to have a little time at home. I shall see you, I trust, to-morrow evening.
SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 427
Green Harbor, April 13, one o'clock.
MY DEAR SIR,—The meeting is, I presume, to come off on Thursday. So I understand, although as yet I have not received the official document.
We are quite well. Mr. Appleton and his two oldest children are with us.
The weather is too cold and windy for any thing but reading, writing, and talking.
SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 428
Marshfield, April 15, 1851.
MY DEAR SIR,—I was very glad to receive your letter last evening, and to learn that there was nothing occurring of particular urgency at Washington. Although the weather has been cold and wet, nearly all the time I have been here, yet, I leave with regret, and should be tempted to prolong my stay, if there were not to be an occasion likely to call me from Washington again, soon. About the 10th or 15th of May the important suit between the Methodist Church and the Methodist Church South, is to come on for argument in the circuit court of the United States in the city of New York. I have been long engaged in the cause, and drew the original bill in favor of the Church South. I have been in hopes that the parties would be satisfied that Mr. Lord should take my place, with Mr. Reverdy Johnson, but they are not so inclined. Recent occurrences, perhaps, have contributed to lead to an undue estimation of the probable value of my services on the occasion. The division between North and South, you know, took place on the slavery question.
A suit, equally old, and of a similar nature, is on my hands in Massachusetts, to be tried the middle of June. It is between the Old School Quakers, and the Hicksites, so called, and the question is, which party is entitled to the funds and property.
I hope nothing may occur rendering my attention to these two things inconsistent with my public duties.
In the present state of our military means, it is to be feared we shall have trouble with Indians in the southwest. And though it is our duty to do all we can, with the means in our hands, yet it is necessary to remember also that the government will be pressed to raise volunteers, mounted men, &c., by those who would like the employment and the pay. I take it that a mounted man on the frontiers is a person exceedingly well paid for doing very little.
I go to Boston to-morrow, and expect to meet the people in Faneuil Hall on Thursday.
I am not surprised at what you say about the course of Mr. ——— and his friends. They will probably attempt a denunciation of the compromise measures, in some way, but I think they will find themselves less strong than they imagine themselves to be. The case is a curious one. These gentlemen are willing and ready to express a hearty and conscientious approbation of, or at least acquiescence in, the compromise measures, provided only that certain office-holders be not disturbed. And, on the other hand, they are equally ready and willing to denounce these measures, heartily and conscientiously, if these office-holders should be disturbed.
I lament most deeply this schism among the New York Whigs, but I do not see how it could be avoided. At the same time, I think we have friends who are not only not discreet, but who attempt to use all their influence, whatever it is, to magnify themselves and to gain a triumph over their enemies. They wish to be the administration, at least, so far as New York is concerned. They require, in my opinion, sharp looking after.
SOURCE: Fletcher Webster, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Daniel Webster, Vol. 2, p. 428-9
8 Oc I took Command
as Lieuten of the Guard to Serve till 8 Oc tomorrow night Showery & I was a
pertaker of it being up & around examining guard all night Some of the boys
moved a shop that was building for cook shop
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 91
8½ Oc I went of
guard duty afternoon I drilled the Co evening I took A R Murdock & Calvert &
went to Cozen M J Kelleys the little boy is almost well. I seen N Udell Sergt
of the 17th Reg. Iowa vol. & my old friend Henry Wheelen at the Demming
house.
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 91
We had a verry heavy
rain before day wett us in our tents I mustered the company & took them out
on Dress perade evening I took I. Spooner went to Coz Kelleys then to the
Demming house then to an Oyster shop & had a fine dish of Oysters returned
to Camp & at 11 Oc nite the rain commenced to pour down & we took it in
our tent.
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 91
At ½ past 7 Oc the
36th Reg of Iowa Vol. formed in line in Camp Lincoln Keokuk & at ½ past 8
Oc we ware mustered into the US Service by Lieut Ball mustering officer The
boys had a good time over it we had one rejected but have a full company yet
every man that we can get in with we had a good dress perade
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 91
We had a shower
while on dress perade I have put in the day making out pay rools for our
company & it has not been a source of much comfort to me but knowing the
wants of the boys & all the other company being at it I reconcile it as a
military necessity. I got K P Morrison to preach in our tent & I exorted
& closed after him text ye will not come to me that ye may have life
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 91
About 4 Oc I awoke
by the sound of the fire & church bells there was a fine frame building
burnt down the blaze looked nice but it was a source of grief to me at 1 Oc
P.M. I was in the city getting 2 sick men of our company that were in the
hospitals to sign the pay roll & the alarm of fire was given I assisted in
running the Ingine to the fire but little dammage done I put in most of this
day getting the men to sign the pay rolls 8 in number
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 91
I have been working
on the pay rolls & signed my name as witness on them seven hundred & 84
times that is 8 times to each man & we have 98 men in our Co I had the pay
rolls examined & they are all right & pronounced a first rate job
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 91
We drilled some
& was on dress perade in the rain. I visited the hospitals & talked to
the sick. the Fanny Bulley Steamer arived last night with between 300 & 400
sick & disabled soldiers I assisted some in getting them off
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 91
Rainey nearly all
day & we had a wet time of it on dress perade I visited the hospitals
evening by request I preached in Capt Vermilions tent we got the Blankets for
our boys today
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 91
Our Company messed
of in 5 messes this day we have all been on mess duty till now. we drew shoes
for our boys this day & not before they needed them
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 91-2
Morning cold with
heavy frost our Reg was all paid of this Saterday each except the commissioned
officers recd $40.00 the commissioned officers will receive their pay the last
of this month Our Captain arived this afternoon has been absent 2 weeks against
tuesday morning
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 92
11 Oc I attended
church on Exchange Street the paster preached text 126th Psalm 6th v 3 Oc I
& the Miss Kelleys attended at the Chatham Square Church a discourse by Dr
Sturtevant President of Ilinoise Colledge Isaiah 58th & 6th ve 5 Oc we was
at dress perade the ladies took supper with us at the camps I then went home
with them & attended preaching at the African church
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 92
We ware on battalion
drill this afternoon for the first time afternoon Company drill & 5 Oc
dress perade. Capt John Craig & Judge Knapp in town.
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 92
It was the day of
our state & county elections & there was little stur in the Camp. I was
officer of the guard today & I plased a line of guards across the camp
between the two Regiments to prevent any mixing on election day & every
thing passed off with little or no disturbance.
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 92
I am greatly
rejoised my children arived at Camp & we are all now comfortable at Coz
Kelleys they were out to see us on batallion drill & dress perade this
afternoon.
SOURCE: Edgar R.
Harlan, Currator, Annals of Iowa, 3rd Series, Vol. 15, No. 2, October
1925, p. 92
NEW ORLEANS, March 3, 1849.
MY DEAR SON,—I was
glad to hear by your letter of the 18th ultimo that you had returned from
Missouri. Your journey must have been a dreadful one, but you will find some
compensation for it in the profits which you expect to realize.
My health is better,
and I can again walk. I hope to reach home toward the last of this month. The
weather is now fine here, and I am desirous not to return until the winter
breaks.
I have heard that
Colonel Allen has discontinued his school, but I have not heard whether Henry
is admitted at West Point. I declined going to Washington at the Call Session.
As you were absent,
I sent to Richard Pendell a letter on the Emancipation question. As I regret to
hear that it is not popular, I suppose that my letter will bring on me some
odium. I nevertheless wish it published. I owe that to the cause, and to
myself, and to posterity.
I am delighted to
hear that dear little Lucy is better. You are perfectly right to take her to
the sea-bath, if it be recommended; but ought you not to think of the Arkansas
Springs? My love to Susan and your children.
SOURCE: Calvin
Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 585
NEW ORLEANS, March 7, 1849.
MY DEAR SIR,—I
received your last letter, transmitting one which is returned. Many thanks are
due to you for various communications received during the past winter, and
which afforded me much valuable information. I should have before acknowledged
them, but for the consequences of my fall, which for a time disabled me from
both walking and writing.
The project of
assuming the debt of Texas on the consideration of her relinquishment of her
territorial claim beyond the Nueces, is worthy of serious examination. The
difficulty in the way will be the Free Soil question.
I am most anxious
that you should obtain some good appointment under the present Administration.
You, I think, eminently deserve it. Whether I can aid you or not, I can not at
present say. My relations to the President, on my part, and, as far as I know,
on his, are amicable; but I have had no proof of any desire to confer or
consult with me on any subject. Some of his warm and confidential friends, I
have reason to know, view me with jealousy, if not enmity. While self-respect
will restrain me from volunteering any opinion or advice, unless I know it will
be acceptable, public duty will equally restrain me from offering any
opposition to the course of his Administration, if, as I hope and anticipate,
it should be conducted on principles which we have so long cherished and
adhered to.
I hope to reach
home, and to see you in all this month, when there will be time enough to talk
over all these and other matters.
I did not go to the
Call Session, because, supposing that it would be short and formal, and without
any serious division, I disliked encountering, in my lame condition, a journey
so long in the winter. I am, etc.
SOURCE: Calvin
Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 585-6
NEW ORLEANS, March 13, 1849.
MY DEAR SIR,—I
received your favor of the 3d instant. I concluded not to attend the Call
Session, which I could not have done without much personal discomfort.
The Cabinet of
General Taylor was not, it seems, exactly as you supposed. Some of the
appointments excited surprise. I think that he might have made one of greater
strength. I am truly concerned that Letcher was overlooked. I had strong hopes
that he would have been appointed, and I thought I had reason for them.
I think it quite
likely that you may be right in supposing that neither I nor my friends will
find much favor at Court. As to myself, having given no just cause for its
frowns, I can bear them without difficulty; but the President will be unwise if
he neglects or proscribes my friends. Without them, he never could have been
elected.
While I have no
desire to go into the Convention, I shall make no decision until my return. I
leave this city on the 17th instant, and stopping on the river at one or two
places, I hope to reach home about the last of the month.
SOURCE: Calvin
Colton, Editor, The Private Correspondence of Henry Clay, p. 586
Wounded men are
taken out from among us to be sent back. All windows are ordered closed. Owing
to this order two of our fellows rigged up a skeleton dummy and dressed in blue
and a cap which they stood at the window. Soon after it was fired upon, and an
hour later it was poked up at another window and two guns banged at it. Soon
after they swung it up at another window. Two more Rebel guns burned powder.
Every time the glass was scattered over the room to the annoyance of men, but
when they growled the fellows yelled out we have got to have air. This time a
sergeant and several guards with bayonetted guns came up to look after the dead
and wounded, but found none. The boys dissected their artificial Yankee and the
event was a mystery to Rebels until in the afternoon at a later performance,
the trick was discovered by a man posted on the stairway and an officer of the
prison came up and vented his wrath very savagely, but did not find the fellows
who had fooled them.
SOURCE: John Worrell
Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville
and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 47
"Grant
defeated, sho'," exclaimed a lieutenant who appeared on our floor this
morning. We draw no rations today. Tomorrow we expect to start for Georgia.
Savannah, Americus and Macon are points named.
Buchanan sat in Federal chair
While Rebs purloined our cash and guns.
They stole our forts,—'twas all unfair,—
From office every Rebel runs,
With none to him succeed,
And took these guns and turned about,
While several States secede,
And boasted they were brave and stout
And sneered the North they'd bleed,
And "Yankee armies put to rout
For we've stole the stuff they need;"
And in the Northern face did flout
Insults their crimes did breed.
Buchanan turned with mien devout
A Nation's brittle reed!
Said: "North, I said, 'twould thus come out,
If their threats you failed to heed;
I begged these States not to go out,
But can't help it if they do secede.
Now, friends, if you would win 'em back,
Drop down upon your knees,
Like slaves who fear the lash's crack,
And try again to please;
For, if you fail this act to do
Secession stands-alack!
For if these States shall choose to go,
You can't coerce them back!"
So up they hoist a Rebel flag;
They shake it in the Nation's face
An insolent old slavery rag
To all the land disgrace!
Then Lincoln to the loyal said:
"What will my brothers do?
You as the people, I the head,
To Justice must be true!
Come forth to meet this traitorous horde;
Defeat them where they stand;
They'd wreck the Nation with the sword,
Come and redeem the land!
They challenge us; shall we be brave,
Or cowards shall we be?
From basest treason shall we save
What God proclaimed was free?"
"We're coming, honest Abraham,”
Replied the loyal North,
"The plea of tyranny we'll damn;
By thousands we come forth;
For slavery we much abhor,
We've borne its insults many years,
And though we mourn the woes of war,
Our honor knows no fear!"
Thus awoke the loyal host,
E'en where Treason claimed to reign;
And though they strive, and threat, and boast,
Their striving shall be vain.
SOURCE: John Worrell
Northrop, Chronicles from the Diary of a War Prisoner in Andersonville
and Other Military Prisons of the South in 1864, p. 47-49
