Friday, June 29, 2018

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864 — January 23, 1865: No. 97. — Reports of Brig. Gen. Jacob D. Cox, U.S. Army, commanding Twenty-third Army Corps, of operations November 30, 1864.

No. 97

Reports of Brig. Gen. Jacob D. Cox, U.S. Army, commanding Twenty-third Army Corps, of operations November 30, 1864.

HDQRS. THIRD DIVISION, TWENTY-THIRD ARMY CORPS,          
Nashville, Tenn., December 2, 1864.

SIR: I have the honor to make the following preliminary report of the battle of Franklin, fought on the 30th ultimo:

My division reached Franklin an hour before daybreak on the morning of the 30th of November, having marched from Columbia during the night and being in advance of the army from Thompson's Station. At daybreak I received orders from Major-General Schofield, commanding the army, to take command of both divisions of the Twenty-third Corps and put them in position covering the town and the passage of the army trains, &c., to the north bank of the Harpeth River. The Third Division was put in on the left of the Franklin pike, reaching from that road across the Lewisburg pike to the river, Reilly's brigade on the right: Casement's in the center, and Henderson's (Col. I. N. Stiles temporarily commanding) on the left. The Second Division occupied the ground from the Franklin pike toward the right, reaching to the Carter's Creek pike, Strickland's brigade on the left and Moore's on the right. About noon General Kimball, commanding First Division, Fourth Corps, reported to me, by order of the commanding general, and was put in on the right of the Second Division, Twenty-third Corps, covering the ground to the river on the right, having two brigades in line and one in reserve. At 1 o'clock General Wagner, commanding Second Division, Fourth Corps, reported to me, his division being then the rear guard of the army, two brigades (Bradley's and Lane's) being deployed across the Columbia pike on which the enemy were advancing, and one (Opdycke's) being in reserve in the town of Franklin. General Wagner informed me that he was already under orders to keep out the two brigades till the enemy should make an advance in line in force, when he was to retire skirmishing, and become a reserve for the line established by me.

The artillery of my division, under Captain Cockerill, Battery D, First Ohio Light Artillery, was in the fort on the north bank of the Harpeth, and Captain Bridges was ordered by the commanding general to report to me with three batteries of the Fourth Corps. These were stationed as follows: One section light 12's commanding the Lewisburg pike, one section light 12's and a battery of 3-inch ordnance guns on the left of the Columbia pike, and one battery light 12's on the right of the Columbia pike. One other battery light 12's was subsequently sent to the Carter's Creek pike and worked on that part of the line. At about 2 o'clock the enemy were seen advancing, deployed in three lines, which, as they passed the range of hills before the town and came into full view in the open ground, were plainly seen to extend from the river on their right nearly or quite to the Carter's Creek pike on their left. The fact was reported to the general commanding, as well as the dispositions of our own troops as they then were, and his orders received in reference to holding the position. At 3 o'clock the enemy engaged the two brigades of Wagner's division, which, in accordance with orders, fell leisurely back within our lines, and the action became general along the entire front. The left of Strickland's brigade, Second Division, Twenty-third Corps, was somewhat confused, some new troops there not understanding the movement of Wagner's division, and one or two regiments partially retiring with them. The enemy were at this time pressing vigorously in masses, and some of their troops reached and passed the parapet at that point. Opdycke's brigade, Second Division, Fourth Corps, was immediately ordered up and came gallantly on the charge, driving the enemy back and restoring the line. Major-General Stanley, who had been ill during the forenoon, came up with Opdycke's brigade and assumed command of the troops of the Fourth Corps. At every other point of the line the enemy were repulsed, though they renewed the charge again and again. They stubbornly persisted in assaulting after dark, and at intervals the firing was very hot till 10 o'clock in the evening. At midnight the command was quietly withdrawn to the north bank of the Harpeth without opposition.

Very respectfully your obedient servant,
 J. D. COX,    
 Brigadier-General, Commanding.
 Maj. J. A. CAMPBELL,
Assistant Adjutant-General, Army of the Ohio.
____________________

HDQRS. THIRD DIVISION, TWENTY-THIRD ARMY CORPS,          
Clifton, Tenn., January 10, 1865.

SIR: I have the honor to make the following report of the operations of the Twenty-third Army Corps in the battle between the U.S. forces, under Major-General Schofield, and the rebel army, under General Hood, at Franklin, Tenn., on the 30th day of November, 1864:

My own division (Third Division, Twenty-third Army Corps) reached Franklin about an hour before daybreak on the morning of the 30th, having marched from Columbia, twenty-two miles, during the night. The division was halted and massed on the ground upon which the battle was fought, and the men were allowed to cook their breakfast whilst the trains which were following filed past into the town. General Schofield, being with the head of the column, after an examination of the means of crossing the army to the north side of the Harpeth River, informed me that the means were so inadequate as to demand his immediate personal attention, and ordered that I assume command of the corps and put it in position to cover the crossing of the remainder of the army to the north bank of the river. The whole command was moving in from Columbia and Spring Hill by the turnpike leading from those places to Franklin, and the enemy was known to be following with his infantry by the same route, his cavalry being chiefly upon the turnpike leading from Lewisburg to Franklin. A reconnaissance of the position as soon as it was light showed that the ground immediately south of the village was almost level and without any cover from woods or orchards for a distance of nearly a mile from the outskirts of the village, and even for a considerably longer distance on the Columbia pike.

A brick dwelling, belonging to a Mr. Carter, the southernmost one of town, stands on the west side of the turnpike upon a slight knoll over which the road runs as it leaves the village. This knoll has an elevation of about ten feet above the lower ground around it, and even less above that directly south, the slope then being so slight as to be scarcely perceptible to one approaching from that direction. The crest of this elevation is about 200 yards in length from right to left, and is divided nearly equally by the Columbia pike. Two other turnpikes diverge from the village going southward, the Lewisburg pike on the left (east) and the Carter's Creek pike on the right (west). A curved line intersecting these two last-mentioned roads at the edge of the village crossed each of them upon slight elevations of ground, similar to that at Carter's house on the Columbia pike. This being the only line apparently tenable near the outskirts of the town, and sufficiently short to be occupied in reasonable strength by the two divisions of the corps (the Second being weakened by the absence of the strongest brigade), and it being also substantially the line indicated by the major-general commanding upon our approach to the town, I ordered the troops into position upon it, and directed that they throw up breastworks immediately. To completely understand the nature of the field it is, however, necessary to notice that the railroad also passes out of the town toward the southeast, and a little to the left of the Lewisburg pike, and that the Harpeth River, running northwestwardly, is nearly parallel to the railroad and quite near to it for some distance, whilst on our right it opens a considerable space between it and the Carter's Creek pike. Upon the north bank of the Harpeth and near the left of our line, as indicated, is a fort, erected some two years since (Fort Granger), which commands a stretch of the river to the left, and also a cut of the railroad, through which troops might advance under cover toward the left of our line. Reilly's brigade (First), of my own division, was placed with its right resting upon the Columbia pike, its front line consisting of the One hundredth Ohio and One hundred and fourth Ohio Volunteers, its second line of the Twelfth and Sixteenth Kentucky and the Eighth Tennessee Volunteers. Its left extended somewhat beyond a cotton gin, which stood in a slight angle of the line about 100 yards from the Columbia turnpike. The Second Brigade (Col. J. S. Casement, One hundred and third Ohio, commanding) extended the line from Reilly's left to the Lewisburg pike, the Sixty-fifth Indiana, Sixty-fifth Illinois, and One hundred and twenty-fourth Indiana Volunteers forming his first line, and the Fifth Tennessee Volunteers in the second line. The Third Brigade (Col. I. N. Stiles, Sixty-third Indiana, temporarily commanding) continued the line from Casement's left to the Harpeth River, the One hundred and twenty-eighth Indiana, Sixty-third Indiana, and One hundred and twentieth Indiana Volunteers in the first line, and One hundred and twelfth Illinois Volunteers in the second line.

Upon the right of the pike I directed Brigadier-General Ruger, commanding Second Division, Twenty-third Army Corps, to put his division upon the line indicated, reaching as far to the right as he could firmly hold the line. He accordingly placed Strickland's brigade (Third) upon his left, being immediately on the right of the Columbia pike, the Fiftieth Ohio and Seventy-second Illinois Volunteers in the first line, and the One hundred and eighty-third Ohio and Forty-fourth Missouri Volunteers in the second line. Moore's brigade (Second) was placed on the right of Strickland's, and in order to cover the Carter's Creek pike was deployed in one line in the following order: Eightieth Indiana, Twenty-third Michigan, One hundred and twenty-ninth Indiana, and One hundred and eleventh Ohio Volunteers, numbering from right to left, as in the cases of all the other brigades mentioned above. Moore's line being still weak on account of its extent, General Ruger ordered fifty men of the One hundred and eighty-third Ohio (Strickland's second line) to report to him, and they were placed by Colonel Moore between the One hundred and twenty-ninth Indiana and Twenty-third Michigan. By noon a tolerably good line of breastworks had been erected along the front described, and in a portion of the line a slight abatis had been constructed. A small locust grove and some fruit trees in front of Ruger's division had been used for this purpose, and some Osage orange hedges about a small inclosure in front of Stiles' brigade on the left had also been made good use of. One line of this hedge parallel to Stiles' left front wan slightly thinned out and left standing and in the end proved most useful. The remainder of the hedge was used along the front of the Third Division, but there was not sufficient material near at hand to make the line continuous, nor was there time to stake it down, so that it amounted simply to a slight obstruction of small branches and twigs that could offer no serious obstacle to an advancing enemy, except as the thorny nature of the Osage orange made it an unexpectedly troublesome thing to handle or remove under fire. The artillery of the corps had been moved to the north side of the river early in the morning, under the direction of Lieutenant-Colonel Schofield, chief of artillery, and a portion of it placed in the fort.

As the troops of the Fourth Corps came in, later in the forenoon, four* batteries from that corps were ordered to report to me, and I assigned them positions as follows: First Kentucky Light Artillery, four guns, on the left of the Columbia pike, in the line of the One hundredth Ohio Infantry; Sixth Ohio Light Artillery, four guns, on the right of the Columbia pike, just west of Carter's house; and Battery B, Pennsylvania Volunteers, at the Carter's Creek pike. Although not strictly in the order of occurrence, it will tend to greater clearness to add that about 3 o'clock in the afternoon, when an attack by the enemy in force had become more immediate, other batteries of the Fourth Corps were placed in position by Lieutenant-Colonel Schofield and Captain Bridges, chiefs of artillery of the Twenty-third and Fourth Corps, respectively, viz: Battery M, Fourth U.S. Artillery, and Battery G, First Ohio Light Artillery, were thus placed near the left of Stiles' brigade, Third Division, Twenty-third Army Corps; Battery A, First Ohio Light Artillery, was placed in reserve near the Columbia pike; and Bridges' Battery Illinois Light Artillery, was placed near the center of Strickland's brigade, Second Division, Twenty-third Corps. About noon, some appearance of the enemy's cavalry being reported on the Carter's Creek pike, I called the attention of the commanding general to the fact that Ruger's division could not reach any secure point at which to rest on the right, and shortly after Brigadier-General Kimball, commanding First Division, Fourth Corps, reported to me by order, and I directed him to go into position on General Ruger's right, filling the space between the Carter's Creek pike and the river.

At 2 o'clock I received orders to withdraw the command to the north bank of the river at 6 o'clock, in case there should be no attack by the enemy. At this time nearly the whole of the trains and Wood's (Third) division, of the Fourth Corps, had crossed the Harpeth. Shortly after, Brigadier-General Wagner, commanding Second Division, Fourth Corps, presented in person his orders to report to me and act under my orders. He informed me that one brigade (Opdycke's) of his division was already within the lines, and that the other two, with a section of artillery, had been acting as rear guard for the army and were then some two miles at the rear, where the Columbia pike passes through a high range of hills before reaching the plateau on which the village stands; that his orders then were to hold the enemy back until they developed a heavy force manifestly superior to his own, and then slowly retire within my lines. I directed Opdycke's brigade to be placed on the right of the Columbia pike, about 200 yards in rear of our center, as a general reserve; that the orders under which General Wagner was then acting as to the two brigades serving as rear guard should be carried out, and that when the troops were withdrawn within the lines they should be placed in position near Opdycke's brigade and held in reserve awaiting further orders, and in readiness to support any part of the line. At 3 o'clock the two brigades of Wagner's division in front had fallen back to a position about half a mile in front of the lines and reported the enemy developing in force in their front, whilst they opened upon the rebels with the section of artillery which was with them. The order was then reiterated to General Wagner to withdraw the brigades whenever the enemy appeared to be advancing in decidedly superior force, without allowing his troops to become seriously engaged. General Wagner was at that time in person upon the Columbia pike near the Carter house, where my headquarters had been during the day.

A slight depression beyond the lines held by Wagner's advanced brigades prevented the enemy from being seen from our lines till about 4 o'clock, when the officers on the skirmish line reported him advancing in several lines and in very great force. Almost simultaneously with this report the two brigades of Wagner's division in front opened a brisk musketry fire, and part of them were seen making a barricade of rails, &c., apparently with a view of endeavoring to make a stand there, though the section of artillery retired leisurely within our lines. Before an order could reach them they were so hotly engaged that they could not be withdrawn in order. The enemy wasted no time in firing, but charged them, and being enveloped on the flanks, the two brigades, after a short and brave, though useless, struggle, broke to the rear in confusion. The momentary check at the center brought the right wing of the enemy farther forward, and they came on at a double-quick with trailed arms, some pieces of artillery advancing and firing between brigade intervals. As soon as they were seen the batteries on our left opened upon them, as well as the guns in Fort Granger, and as they advanced into rifle range of our infantry, Stiles' and Casement's brigades opened fire also. The rebel lines could now be plainly seen, as well as the general disposition and apparent purpose of their movement. Their heaviest masses were advancing on the line of the Columbia pike, reaching quite to the river on our left, the two points of assault at that time being apparently our center and our extreme left, the latter being the point nearest to our bridges, which were necessarily much nearer that flank (one of them being the railroad bridge), and that being the line of movement by which they would most rapidly have cut us off from crossing the river had our lines been broken. The extreme left was the portion of our main line first warmly engaged. The enemy endeavored to pass up the railroad cut above mentioned, but were enfiladed not only by the guns in Fort Granger but by Battery M, Fourth U.S. Artillery, and driven from that shelter. Their lines on either side, however, advanced steadily. On reaching the Osage orange hedge in front of Stiles' left, they first endeavored to force their way through it and pull it aside. The tough and thorny nature of the shrub foiled them in this, and they attempted to file around the hedge by the flank, and under a terrible, withering fire from Stiles' and Casement's brigades and the batteries on that flank. They soon abandoned this effort, and most of those remaining unhurt lay down behind the bridge [hedge], and after keeping up a desultory fire for a time straggled to the rear, singly and in small squads.

In front of Stiles' right and Casement's left, the obstructions being fewer and more insignificant, the enemy advanced rapidly and in good order, though suffering very severely, up to the breast-works and made desperate efforts to carry them. Their officers showed the most heroic example and self-sacrifice, riding up to our lines in advance of the men, cheering them on. One general officer (Adams) was shot down upon the parapet itself, his horse falling across the breast-work. In all this part of the line our men stood steadily without flinching, and repulsed the enemy, inflicting terrible loss upon him and suffering but little in return. Meanwhile, in the center, the enemy gained some temporary advantage. When the two brigades of Wagner's division, Fourth Corps, broke, the enemy were close upon them and followed them in, overtaking and capturing considerable numbers of the fugitives. Our own men in the lines along the center were restrained from firing, in order not to injure those who were retreating, and the enemy were thus enabled to come up to the breast-works pell-mell with Wagner's men, without suffering loss or being seriously exposed to fire. Immediately upon the pike the crowd of the retreating troops and the advancing enemy overwhelmed the men at the breast-works there, and a portion of the right of Reilly's brigade (Third Division) and most of Strickland's brigade (Second Division) broke from the first line. This was not due altogether to the pressure upon their immediate front, but partly also to the fact that the orders given by their officers to the rear of Wagner's division coming in from the front to rally at the rear were supposed by many of the men in the lines to apply to them also. When the two brigades of Wagner's were first seen to be compromised by getting seriously engaged, as a provision against danger in the center I had ordered Opdycke's brigade to be ready to charge up to the lines instantly, if there should be any confusion there. This brigade was now ordered up, and came up the turnpike in the most gallant manner; Reilly's rushed forward at the same moment.

Major-General Stanley, commanding Fourth Corps, who had been ill during the prior part of the day, came on the field on hearing the sound of battle, and arrived in time to take an active part in the effort to rally Wagner's men, but was soon wounded and his horse shot under him. The most strenuous efforts were made by all officers along that part of the line to rally the men, and were so far successful that the line was quickly restored on the left of the turnpike, and after a sharp struggle on the right of Strickland's brigade also, though the enemy continued to occupy in some force a portion of the outside of the parapet on Strickland's left for a distance of about one regimental front. Opdycke's brigade occupied the second line which at that point was not over twen-ty-five yards rear of the first, and under cover of the smoke strengthened a barricade and breastwork which had been before there. The One-hundred and seventy-fifth Ohio Volunteers, a new regiment, unassigned to a brigade, had reported early in the afternoon by direction of the commanding general, and was by me temporarily assigned to Reilly's brigade and placed in reserve. It also advanced with the rest of the supporting troops and did good service, behaving with great steadiness and courage. The attack extended toward our right to the Carter's Creek pike. The enemy, being apparently satisfied of the impracticability of advancing again upon our left for the reason before stated, pressed farther to our right, and especially after they had seemed to have gained some advantage in the center, their efforts there and upon their own left were redoubled. Colonel Moore's brigade held its ground firmly, and although it was in imminent danger at the moment when the center wavered, repulsed a determined assault, and preserved its line intact throughout the battle. The condition of the atmosphere was such that the smoke settled upon the field without drifting off, and after the first half hour's fighting it became almost impossible to discern any object along the line at a few yards' distance. This state of things appeared to have deceived Colonel Strickland in regard to his line, as he reported the first line completely reoccupied along his entire front after the repulse of the enemy's first assault, whilst in fact a portion of it at his left was not filled by our troops, and Colonel Opdycke, not being personally acquainted with the lines, was not aware for some time that he had not reached the first line in Colonel Strickland's front, when the outbuildings of Carter's house prevented the line from being distinctly seen from the turnpike even if the smoke had not formed so dark a covering.

After a short lull the attack was resumed by the enemy with the same audacity and determination as before, and Strickland's [brigade] suffering considerably, and being reported by him a good deal weakened, I withdrew the One hundred and twelfth Illinois Volunteers from the second line of Stiles' brigade on the extreme left and ordered it to report to Colonel Strickland and to aid in re-establishing the line in his front. It was led forward very gallantly by Lieutenant-Colonel Bond commanding, who was wounded in the advance. The smoke and growing darkness deceived also the enemy, who apparently supposed they had gained full possession of our lines in the center and continued to push in fresh masses of troops, only to be destroyed or captured, for very few went back, insomuch that prisoners captured continually expressed the utmost surprise, declaring that they supposed and had been informed that our lines were occupied by their troops, which had assaulted before, and of whom nothing since had been seen. The ditches in front of the whole line of the corps, and particularly in the center, contained many of the enemy who were unable to get back, and who, at the first opportunity, surrendered and came over the breast-works as prisoners. The assaults on the center extending considerably to the right of the Columbia pike and involving Moore's brigade more or less, were obstinately repeated until night-fall, and even as late as 9 o'clock attacks were made, which were, however, easily repulsed, and the enemy withdrew the remnants of his shattered lines to the position occupied at the opening of the battle by Wagner's division, in advance of our lines about 800 yards, Alarms occurred frequently until 11 o'clock, and frequently caused a general musketry fire on both sides from our center toward the right, but I found no evidence that any real attack was made at so late an hour, the demonstrations being manifestly made by the rebels to discover whether our lines were being abandoned during the evening.

At midnight, all being quiet in the front, in accordance with orders from the commanding general, I withdrew my command to the north bank of the river, leaving a skirmish line in the earth-works an hour later, when they also were withdrawn. The whole movement was made without interruption or molestation from the enemy, the Third Division moving by the left flank and crossing the river upon the railroad bridge, which had been planked, and the Second Division (with Opdycke's brigade of the Fourth Corps) moving through the town and crossing by a wagon bridge a little below the railroad crossing. Upon making the north bank I took up the line of march with my own division for Brentwood in advance of the army, by command of General Schofield. General Wagner rallied the two brigades of his division at the river, but they were not again brought into action. Kimball's division of the Fourth Corps, was to some extent engaged upon its extreme left in the late attacks, which reached to and somewhat beyond the Carter's Creek pike, and that command also suffered somewhat from the diagonal fire of the enemy upon Ruger's division of this corps. This, however, I state from my own casual observation alone, as I took no control of the troops of the Fourth Corps (except Opdycke's brigade) after General Stanley came upon the field, and have no official report of their part in the engagement. The casualties of the corps during the engagement are reported to me as follows:

Command
Killed
Wounded
Missing
Total
Aggregate
O
M
O
M
O
M
O
M
Second Division









   Moore’s Brigade
3
18
8
81
0
12
11
111
122
   Strickland’s Brigade
6
67
19
159
2
278
27
504
531
      Total
9
85
27
240
2
290
38
615
653










Third Division









   Reilly’s Brigade
6
27
7
123
1
69
14
219
233
   Casement’s Brigade
0
3
1
15
0
0
1
18
19
   Stiles’ Brigade
3
9
5
46
1
20
9
75
84
   Staff
1
0
0
0
0
0
1
0
1
      Total
10
39
13
184
2
89
25
312
337










Total in corps
19
124
40
424
4
379
63
927
990

[O = Officers, M = Men]

These lists were made up soon after the engagement, and I am convinced that corrected ones, when procured, will show a considerable diminution in the list of the missing. The loss of the enemy we are enabled to approximate with some accuracy from the public admissions from their commander as well as from the statements of prisoners, our own examination of the field after it again came into our possession, and the statements of citizens and hospital attendants remaining in Franklin. From all these sources the testimony is abundant that the rebels lost 6 general officers killed, 6 wounded, and 1 captured; that they buried 1,800 men on the field, and that 3,800 were wounded. The number of prisoners captured by this corps was 702. Thus, without estimating the prisoners taken by any part of the Fourth Corps, or the stragglers and deserters, who are known to have been numerous, the enemy's loss was not less than 6,300. The attack was made by Stewart's and Cheatham's corps of Hood's army, Lee's corps being in reserve, and it is only repeating what is proven by the concurrent testimony of all officers and men of the rebel army who were captured, when I assert that the two assaulting corps were so weakened in numbers and broken in morale in this engagement as to lose for the rest of the campaign the formidable character as opponents which these veteran soldiers had before maintained. Their remarkable loss in general officers attests sufficiently the desperate efforts to break our lines and the heroic bravery of our own troops, who repulsed their repeated assaults.

1 beg leave to refer to the brigade and division reports, forwarded herewith, for special mention of officers and men who particularly distinguished themselves. I will here notice, however, the gallant conduct of Col. Thomas J. Henderson, of the One hundred and twelfth Illinois Volunteers, commander of the Third Brigade, Third Division, who, although so ill in the morning as to be obliged to transfer the brigade command to Colonel Stiles, could not remain absent from the field and was particularly noticeable by his efforts to encourage the men and direct their fire throughout the heat of the engagement. Lieut. James Coughlan, of the Twenty-fourth Kentucky Volunteers, my aide-de-camp, was instantly killed while assisting to rally the men at the center during the confusion incident to the first assault. He was a young officer of peculiar promise, his intelligence and zeal being rarely matched; his loss is a severe one to the army as well as to me personally. I beg leave also to make special mention of Maj. T. T. Dow, acting assistant inspector-general, upon my staff, and Lieuts. E. E. Tracy and D. C. Bradley, my aides, whose activity and courage were conspicuous in rallying the troops at the critical time referred to.

Among the trophies of the battle are twenty-two battle-flags captured from the enemy, of which eighteen were taken by Reilly's brigade, of the Third Division.

The transmission of this report has been delayed by reason of waiting for reports of subordinate commanders, and the whole are now submitted.

Very respectfully, your obedient servant,
J. D. COX,     
Brigadier-General, Commanding.
 Maj. J. A. CAMPBELL,
Assistant Adjutant-General, Army of the Ohio.
_______________

* Only three mentioned in the context. But Bridges’ report (p. 320) adds the Twentieth Ohio.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 348-56

Thursday, June 28, 2018

Amos A. Lawrence to Major James B. Abbott, August 11, 1855

Request Mr. Palmer to have one hundred Sharpe's rifles packed in casks, like hardware, and to retain them subject to my order; also to send the bill to me by mail. I will pay it either with my note, according to the terms agreed on between him and Dr. Webb,1 or in cash, less interest at seven per cent per annum.
_______________

1 Secretary of the Emigrant Aid Company, and a devoted friend of free Kansas.

SOURCES: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 213; William Lawrence, Life of Amos A. Lawrence: With Extracts from His Diary and Correspondence, p. 97-8

Thomas Wentworth Higginson, January 27, 1857

Worcester, January 27, 1857

I send you my speech at our Convention. You asked if I was led into it. It was entirely my doing, from beginning to end; nobody else would have dared to do it, because I knew of nobody at first who would take part with me, except the Garrisonians who were Disunionists before, but I found several rather influential persons, and the whole thing has succeeded better than we expected.

A nice pamphlet report will soon appear. I am surprised that you should not see the weakness of Theodore Parker's idea of preserving the Union for the slaves, when everybody admits that but for the Union, ten would escape where one now does, and slavery be soon abolished in the Northern Slave States. Last week Colonel Benton was here, and when he said these things as arguments against Disunion, everybody applauded, much to his surprise. They say his speech did more than our Convention.

I had a note from Mr. Sumner the other day, who thinks that Virginia will secede, first or last, and take all the States except perhaps Maryland, which can only be held by force. If it were not for the necessity of keeping Washington and the Mississippi, it would be well to have it so, but since those must be kept, it is hard to predict the end. I think however that you need feel no anxiety in Brattleboro'; I don't think the battering-rams (of which the old lady in the Revolutionary times, according to Rose Terry, was so afraid, her only ideas of warfare being based on the Old Testament and Josephus) will get so far. And I think there is more danger of compromise than war, at any rate.

I don't know whether you are aware of an impression which exists in many minds, but which I cannot attach any weight to, as yet, that the seceding States will prefer to abolish slavery, under the direction of England and France, rather than come under Yankee domination again. Wendell Phillips thinks this and says the Fremonts are very confident of it. If they made such a bargain, I think it would end the war and separate us and I don't think it would be so formidable a result, certainly. Even as a matter of Union, it would lead to ultimate reconstruction, for nothing but slavery can ever keep us permanently apart. And the slaves may be better off if emancipated by their masters than by us. Still I don't believe there is any chance of it.

Nothing could have happened better fitted to create enthusiasm than to begin the war by such a distinct overt act from the Southern Confederacy — and by a great disappointment. When you consider that such a man as Mr. Ripley firmly expected to see fighting in the streets of New York with the friends of the South there, and that the New York Mayor advocated annexation to the Southern Confederacy, the unanimous enthusiasm there is astonishing, compelling Bennett [of the "New York Herald"] to turn his editorials to the Northern side, for personal safety. Nothing else has been so remarkable as this.

SOURCE: Mary Potter Thacher Higginson, Editor, Letters and Journals of Thomas Wentworth Higginson, 1846-1906, p. 78-80

Senator Charles Sumner to George L. Stearns, March 2, 1860

Senate Chamber, 2d March, ’60.
My Dear Sir:

With mortification I confess that I have lost your bill with your receipt.

On receiving it I placed it carefully in one of my drawers, and remember afterwards taking it out and folding; but I have not seen it since; nor can I find it. I suppose it must have been destroyed with other papers of less value.

*          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *          *

I congratulate you upon your successful visit to this Slave-pen.

Ever faithfully yours,
Charles Sumner.

SOURCE: Preston Stearns, The Life and Public Services of George Luther Stearns, p. 214

Samuel Gridley Howe to Charles Sumner, August 2, 1850

Edinburgh, Aug. 2, ’50.

My Dear Sumner: — I have flitted from London to this beautiful city to attend the meeting of the British Association.

I missed, however, the two first days, I am sorry to say, having only arrived last night. I have seen several notabilities, of whom I'll say something when I know more.

I had a letter from you by Mann before the last, and was very glad indeed to get hold of your hand. You tell me to read In Memoriam; I read little at home, less in travelling, but I have read, devoured, that beautiful book long ago — I came across it one evening in London.

I knew Hallam père and was glad to receive a very kind message from him through a friend, hoping to see me, &c., he having gone to the Continent.

Who shall, who can write the father's In Memoriam? Oh, Sumner, you have capacities for love, but you have no more conception of some of the ways of love than has a blind man of colour; —the love of children, for instance; a father's love for his son! You would be touched doubtless by hearing of Hallam's pillow being still found wet with the tears that flow from his eyes when they open in the morning to the blank which his son's death has left, but you cannot understand how much of joy there may be in his sorrow. I have been over to Paris for a few days in order to do up some work and save time. Saw not much there, but some things interested me. For instance, the increased circulation among men. We are only at the beginning of the immense improvement to be effected in the world's moral condition by means of steam. Last week some shrewd people got up a plan by which they could make money thus — they advertised that they would pay all road expenses from Paris to London for those who would go on Sunday and come back on Wednesday for thirty francs! six dollars! and one thousand Frenchmen availed themselves of it! Think of that! A Frenchman can go by railroad and then boat from Paris to London in twelve hours, back again in the same time, for six dollars. He may stay in London two days and see much for four dollars more, so that his whole excursion will not cost over ten dollars.

This was only the first essay. There were over four thousand who left Paris on the excursion; some went to Dover and back, some only to Boulogne and back, of course at less prices. This movement will be continued. By new arrangements in crossing and saving time at customhouses they will this month go in eight hours, and by and by in six. You will have tens of thousands of Frenchmen going to England, tens of thousands of English to France, and then how are you going to make them fight?

That company will do more than the Peace Congress; I think I shall take stock in it instead of joining the Peace Society.

The custom-houses are to get a severe shaking by this tramp of the people, and they will be at last shaken down, and the world will rejoice over their fall as it did over the fall of the Inquisition and other bygone abominations. Fifty years hence and there will be free intercourse between England and France — you'll see it — I shall not.

The passport system is getting a shaking already; and but for the temporary reaction in favour of conservatism it would have been put down in France ere now. The conservatives are taking every advantage of this reaction, and the poor thing whose [fate] has put him where he is,1 is trying to make his place a permanent one. You may judge how ardent is the desire for peace and the quiet pursuit of business, and how sick and tired people are of all agitation, when you see that they make no protest at all against the late attempt to gag the press. The fact is that save the agitators, those whose métier it is to trouble the political waters, the people of France don't want to be bothered any more for the present with any political questions; they won't be excited again for awhile, and when the agitators plead, they reply “A plague on both your houses!” By and by, in a few years, they will have rested, the stream will begin to swell again; the million of boys now between five and fifteen years old will be in ten years [restless] turbulent spirits between fifteen and twenty-five, and they will insist upon having their “goings on,” as we used to say in college, and they will have them; and the world will make a hitch forward. As a whole I should say France had gained much by the revolution. But how far they are behind the English in their ideas of personal right and personal dignity. They are fierce republicans, they say, the English still royalists, but a Frenchman submits to infringement of personal right and to personal indignity that would set John Bull in a fury and make him knock down the government official. For instance, he submits meekly to have his pocket searched and his bag overhauled at the city barriers every time he returns from an excursion into the country, and in matters of passport and other things shows the white feather before the man of authority. But I have no time now to do more than to beg you to write me often and fully. I long for your news; why don't you send me some papers? I hope to be home early in October.
_______________

1 Louis Napoleon, afterward Napoleon III. By the Revolution of 1848 he was made President of the French Republic (Dec. 20,1848).

SOURCE: Laura E. Richards, Editor, Letters and Journals of Samuel Gridley Howe, Volume 2, p. 317-20

The Louisiana State Seminary

We would respectfully ask it as a special favor from our contemporaries in other parishes and in the city that they would notice the fact that the Louisiana State Seminary will go into operation on the first day of the incoming new year. The magnificent building, large enough to accommodate a fine company of cadets, is now nearly ready for their reception. One of the professors, Dr. Anthony Vallas, the distinguished author of valuable mathematical works, arrived some days ago. Major Sherman, the superintendent, is on his way hither and all the accomplished corps will be on the ground in ample season to aid in organizing this new institution. A Committee, consisting of three members of the Board of Supervisors was appointed at the last meeting of that body of the second day of August, to frame a Code of By-Laws and Regulations for the Seminary in conjunction with the faculty.  That Committee will be ready to report at an early day. The institution will in all probability be completely organized before the day fixed for the initiation of its active career of usefulness.

Applications for cadetships or admission as pupils must be addressed to the Board of Supervisors through its president and directed to this place, and not to individual members of the Board. Applicants must be fifteen years of age, and residents of Louisiana. Cadets are to be appointed by the Board in equal numbers from the several senatorial districts. There being thirty-two senatorial districts and the Seminary building being capable of accommodating one hundred and sixty cadets the proportion will be about five appointments from each District. But by a resolution of the Board, when there is less than the proportional number of applications from one Senatorial District and a greater number from another, the vacancies from one District may be filled by appointments from others.  In default of timely applications, therefore, it will be seen that the Seminary might be filled from a few Senatorial Districts, leaving the balance of the State unrepresented.  In order to promote the equitable and general distribution of appointments we make this statement with the hope that journals of wider circulation will briefly mention the facts.

The unrivalled salubrity of its location, the convenience and elegance of its chief building, the munificent donation from the federal government which secures its independent support, and a full corps of teachers of eminent attainments and superior capacity for instruction, will combine to place the Military Seminary of Louisiana among the first seats of learning in the South.

We note with pleasure that a distinguished officer of the U.S. Army, a graduate of West Point and a Creole of Louisiana, Major Beauregard, of New Orleans, has already made application to the Board for the appointment of two sons as cadets. This appreciation of our new state institution on the part of this worthy officer is significant.

Since writing the foregoing we learn that Major SHERMAN, the Superintendent, is expected here to-day or to-morrow.  He has visited Governor WICKLIFFE, who is ex-officio President of the Board of Supervisors.

SOURCES: The Louisiana Democrat, Alexandria, Louisiana, Thursday, November 10, 1859, p. 2; The article is abstracted in Walter L. Fleming’s, General W.T. Sherman as College President, p. 54-5

John Brown to E. B., a Quaker Woman, November 1, 1859

Charlestown, Jefferson County, Va., Nov. 1, 1859.

My Dear Friend E. B. Of R. I., — Your most cheering letter of the 27th of October is received; and may the Lord reward you a thousandfold for the kind feeling you express toward me; but more especially for your fidelity to the “poor that cry, and those that have no help.” For this I am a prisoner in bonds. It is solely my own fault, in a military point of view, that we met with our disaster. I mean that I mingled with our prisoners and so far sympathized with them and their families that I neglected my duty in other respects. But God's will, not mine, be done.

You know that Christ once armed Peter. So also in my case I think he put a sword into my hand, and there continued it so long as he saw best, and then kindly took it from me. I mean when I first went to Kansas. I wish you could know with what cheerfulness I am now wielding the “sword of the Spirit” on the right hand and on the left. I bless God that it proves “mighty to the pulling down of strongholds.” I always loved my Quaker friends, and I commend to their kind regard my poor bereaved widowed wife and my daughters and daughters-in-law, whose husbands fell at my side. One is a mother and the other likely to become so soon. They, as well as my own sorrow-stricken daughters, are left very poor, and have much greater need of sympathy than I, who, through Infinite Grace and the kindness of strangers, am “joyful in all my tribulations.”

Dear sister, write them at North Elba, Essex County, N. Y., to comfort their sad hearts. Direct to Mary A. Brown, wife of John Brown. There is also another — a widow, wife of Thompson, who fell with my poor boys in the affair at Harper's Ferry — at the same place.

I do not feel conscious of guilt in taking up arms; and had it been in behalf of the rich and powerful, the intelligent, the great (as men count greatness), or those who form enactments to suit themselves and corrupt others, or some of their friends, that I interfered, suffered, sacrificed, and fell, it would have been doing very well. But enough of this. These light afflictions, which endure for a moment, shall but work for me “a far more exceeding and eternal weight of glory.” I would be very grateful for another letter from you. My wounds are healing. Farewell. God will surely attend to his own cause in the best possible way and time, and he will not forget the work of his own hands.

Your friend,
John Brown.

SOURCES: Franklin B. Sanborn, The Life and Letters of John Brown, p. 582-3

James Noble’s Advertisement for the Return of Lear Green, a Fugitive Slave, June 1, 1857

$150 REWARD. Ran away from the subscriber, on Sunday night, 27th inst., my NEGRO GIRL, Lear Green, about 18 years of age, black complexion, round featured, good looking and ordinary size; she had on and with her when she left, a tan-colored silk bonnet, a dark plaid silk dress, a light mouselin de laine, also one watered silk cape and one tan colored cape. I have reason to be confident that she was persuaded off by a negro man named Wm. Adams, black, quick spoken, 5 feet 10 inches high, a large scar on one side of his face, running down in a ridge by the corner of his month, about 4 inches long, barber by trade, but works mostly about taverns, opening oysters, &c. He has been missing about a week; he had been heard to say he was going to marry the above girl and ship to New York, where it is said his mother resides. The above reward will be paid if said girl is taken out of the State of Maryland and delivered to me; or fifty dollars if taken in the State of Maryland.

JAMES NOBLE,
No. 153 Broadway, Baltimore.
m29-3t*§

SOURCES: The Baltimore Sun, Baltimore, Maryland, Monday, June 1, 1857, p. 3; William Still, The Underground Railroad: A Record of Facts, Authentic Narratives, Letters &c., p. 281-2

Wednesday, June 27, 2018

In The Review Queue: Sixteenth President-in-Waiting


Edited by Michael Burlingame

Between Abraham Lincoln’s election in November 1860 and his departure for Washington three months later, journalist Henry Villard sent scores of dispatches from Springfield, Illinois, to various newspapers describing the president-elect’s doings, quoting or paraphrasing his statements, chronicling events in the Illinois capital, and analyzing the city’s mood. With Sixteenth President-in-Waiting Michael Burlingame has collected all of these dispatches in one insightful and informative volume.
Best known as a successful nineteenth-century railroad promoter and financier, German-born Henry Villard (1835–1900) was also among the most conscientious and able journalists of the 1860s. The dispatches gathered in this volume constitute the most intensive journalistic coverage that Lincoln ever received, for Villard filed stories from the Illinois capital almost daily to the New York Herald, slightly less often to the Cincinnati Commercial, and occasionally to the San Francisco Bulletin.

Lincoln welcomed Villard and encouraged him to ask questions, as he was the only full-time correspondent for out-of-town papers. He spoke with inside sources, such as Lincoln’s private secretaries John G. Nicolay and John Hay, devoted friends like Jesse K. Dubois and Stephen T. Logan, political leaders like Governor Richard Yates, and journalists like William M. Springer and Robert R. Hitt.

Villard boasted that he did Lincoln a service by scaring off would-be office seekers who, fearing to see their names published in newspapers, gave up plans to visit the Illinois capital to badger the president-elect. Villard may have done an even greater service by publicizing Lincoln’s views on the secession crisis.

His little-known coverage of the 1858 Lincoln-Douglas Senate race, translated from the German for the first time, is included as an appendix. At the time Villard was an ardent Douglas supporter, and his reports criticized Lincoln.


Not only informative but also highly readable, Villard’s vivid descriptions of Lincoln’s appearance, daily routine, and visitors, combined with fresh information about Springfielders, state political leaders, and the capital, constitute an invaluable resource.


About the Author

Michael Burlingame is the author of Abraham Lincoln: A Life, The Inner World of Abraham Lincoln, and Lincoln and the Civil War and the editor of many collections of Lincoln primary source materials. He is the Chancellor Naomi B. Lynn Distinguished Chair in Lincoln Studies at the University of Illinois Springfield.

ISBN 978-0809336432, Southern Illinois University Press, © 2018, Hardcover, 424 pages, Appendix, End Notes & Index. $45.50.  To purchase this book click HERE.

Governor Salmon P. Chase to Senator Charles Sumner, February 14, 1860

Columbus, Feb. 14, I860.

Dear Sumner, Your congratulations, if not among the first, were by no means the least welcome; for I know the sincere & noble heart from which they came.

But I feel no pleasure in the thought of returning to the Senate. If circumstances warrant me in so doing I shall prefer to resign without taking my seat. These are days of too much concession to suit me.

We all remember you with love and admiration. Your picture hangs alone in my library over a framed autograph of Charles Carroll. It hangs with others, all of earnest men, in my dining room. I put them all up when I first opened my house, as a defiance to the proslavery men who would resist or debase republicanism — as symbols of my faith and my purposes.

Why should Seward retire from the Senate? Is he certain of the nomination at Chicago? I do not so read the signs exactly; but I shall not be disappointed, if such shall be the event. I look upon him as a great man, faithful to the cause of freedom & humanity, & worthy of any honor which can be conferred upon him. We don't agree in some views, but I should be ashamed of myself, if I could be moved to undervalue or decry him. On the contrary I heartily honor, & cheerfully praise &, if the Republicans choose him as their standard bearer, shall zealously support him.

Cordially your friend,
[SALMON P. CHASE.]

SOURCE: Diary and correspondence of Salmon P. ChaseAnnual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 285-6

Commander Andrew H. Foote to Gideon Welles, April 6, 1861 – 6 p.m.

Navy Yard, New York
6 P.M. Apr. 6/61
Sir:

By great exertions, highly commendable, Lieut. Roe overhauled the Powhatan and I send Lieut. Comd'g Porter's reasons as assigned, in the enclosed note, for proceeding with the ship.

I have the honor to be
Yr Obt. Servt,
A. H. Foote
Hon. Gideon Welles,
Sec'y of the Navy
Washington D.C.

SOURCE: Robert Means Thompson & Richard Wainwright, Editors, Publications of the Naval Historical Society, Volume 9: Confidential Correspondence of Gustavus Vasa Fox, Assistant Secretary of the Navy, 1861-1865, Volume 1, p. 30

Diary of Gideon Welles: Monday, February 15, 1864

Mr. Sedgwick on Friday wished a pass to visit Stover, the convict in Fort Lafayette, and would get from him statements that would open frauds and misdeeds upon the government. I disliked to give him such pass, and yet was not fully prepared to deny him, because he might be useful in aiding the Department to bring offenders to light. I therefore put him off with a suggestion that he might consult the marshal, and telegraph me if necessary. I gave a permit, however, to Colonel Olcott, and Baker, the detective. To-day Colonel Olcott telegraphs me that he visited Stover at Fort Lafayette, and found Sedgwick with him by permission of General Dix.

There is evidently a desire among the officials of the War Office to make difficulty, and no disposition to aid the Navy Department in ferreting out offenders. These committees in Congress are like them in many respects.

The movements of parties and partisans are becoming distinct. I think there are indications that Chase intends to press his pretensions as a candidate, and much of the Treasury machinery and the special agencies have that end in view. This is to be regretted. The whole effort is a forced one and can result in no good to himself, but may embarrass the Administration. The extreme radicals are turning their attention to him and also to Frémont. As between the two, Chase is incomparably the most capable and best, and yet I think less of his financial ability and the soundness of his political principles than I did. The President fears Chase, and he also respects him. He places a much higher estimate on the financial talents of Chase than I do, because, perhaps, we have been educated in different schools. The President, as a follower of Clay, and as a Whig, believes in expedients. I adhere to specie as the true standard of value. With the resources of the nation at his disposal, Chase has by his mental activity and schemes contrived to draw from the people their funds and credit in the prosecution of a war to which they willingly give their blood as well as their treasure.

Some late remarks in the Senate have a mischievous tendency, and there is no mistaking the fact that they have their origin in the Treasury Department. The Administration is arraigned as a departmental one in its management of affairs, and unfortunately the fact is so, owing chiefly to the influence of Seward. But Chase himself is not free from blame in this matter. He did not maintain, as he should have done, the importance of Cabinet consultations and decisions at the beginning, but cuddled first with Cameron, then with Stanton, but gained no strength. Latterly his indifference is more manifest than that of any other one, not excepting Stanton. This being the case, it does not become his special friends to assail the President on that score. Chase himself is in fault.

The President commenced his administration by yielding apparently almost everything to Seward, and Seward was opposed to Cabinet consultations. He made it a point to have daily or more frequent interviews with the President, and to ascertain from him everything that was being done in the several Departments. A different course was suggested and pressed by others, but Chase, who should, from his position and standing, have been foremost in the matter and who was most decidedly with us then, flinched and shirked the point. He was permitted to do with his own Department pretty much as he pleased, and this reconciled him to the Seward policy in a great degree, though he was sometimes restless and desired to be better informed, particularly in regard to what was doing in the War Department. Things, however, took such a course that the Administration became departmental, and the result was the President himself was less informed than he should have been and much less than he ardently craved to be, with either the War or the Treasury. The successive Generals-in-Chief he consulted constantly, as did Seward, and, the military measures being those of most absorbing interest, the President was constantly seeking and asking for information, not only at the Executive Mansion, but at their respective offices and headquarters. Scott, and McClellan, and Halleck, each influenced him more than they should have done, often in a wrong direction, for he better appreciated the public mind and more fully sympathized with it than any of his generals. Neither of the three military men named entered into the great political questions of the period with any cordiality, or in fact with any correct knowledge or right appreciation of them. Yet they controlled and directed military movements, and in some respects the policy of the government, far more than the Cabinet.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 524-7

Friday, June 15, 2018

Diary of Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Sunday, July 26, 1863

The cavalry of General Scammon's command left Raleigh on Wednesday, 15th, to cut the [Virginia and] Tennessee Railroad. On the [18th] they reached Wytheville and had a desperate and bloody encounter. The Rebels occupied the houses firing from them on our men. Our loss is serious. Colonel Toland, Thirty-fourth Ohio Mounted Infantry, killed. Colonel Powell, Second Virginia Cavalry, wounded mortally. Captain Delany, a brave and valuable officer of my brigade, killed. He was wounded in the body as he rode into town; dismounted and stood by his horse firing his revolver when he was shot through the head and killed instantly. The ball came from a house hitting the eagle ornament on the side of his hat. Two of his lieutenants badly wounded. The Rebels used the houses as fortifications. They were burned.

Captain Delany was killed at Wytheville on the 18th. It was near the entrance to the town from the northwest. His horse had been killed and he stood by her firing his revolver. He reloaded after firing all his shots. A ball from a second-story window struck through the eagle ornament on his hat and ranging down through his head came out at his lower jaw on the opposite side. Colonel Toland was at the bottom of the ascent leading up into town, urging the men to go in and fire the town, when he was shot through the breast. It is thought the same citizen, a man of wealth living in a brick house at that end of town, shot both Colonel Toland and Captain Delany. He (the citizen) was killed by a [man of the] Thirty-fourth. His house was burned. One citizen, a large fleshy man, in specs, was killed.

The Second Virginia Cavalry behaved shamefully. They would not go in to the support of Captains Gilmore and Delany. The Thirty-fourth did nobly. Major Huffman, Second Virginia, said with a smile as Lieutenant-Colonel Franklin and the Thirty-fourth passed in: “That's right Colonel, go in” I but [he] didn't offer to go in himself.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 423

Howell Cobb To Mary Ann Lamar Cobb, June 4, 1846

Washington City, 4th June, 1846.

My Dear Wife, . . . The prospect of winning much glory in the battle field is growing extremely unpromising. The news from Mexico indicates that the war there is fast drawing to a close, and it is now anticipated with much certainty that in a very short time our peaceful relations will be restored with that ill fated people. With England too the bow of peace spans our horizon. The last accounts from Great Britain have quieted all fears of a rupture with her about Oregon. So much so that in both countries the opinion is generally indulged and freely expressed that the Oregon dispute may be considered as approaching its final and peaceful adjustment. It is reported here that Mr. Pakenham has received instructions from his government to offer a settlement on the basis of 49° and the [mutual?] free navigation of the Columbia river. If this be true, we shall soon see a treaty to that effect made and ratified by the Senate, much to the disappointment of us 54.40 men, though in the end we shall be benefited by the result so far as popularity and public confidence is concerned . . .

SOURCE: Ulrich Bonnell Phillips, Editor, The Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1911, Volume 2: The Correspondence of Robert Toombs, Alexander H. Stephens, and Howell Cobb, p. 79-80

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: September 26, 1863

Nothing additional has been received from Gen. Bragg, but there is reason to believe Rosecrans is fortifying Chattanooga, preparatory to crossing the river and retreating northward with all possible expedition.

From the Upper Rappahannock there is much skirmishing, the usual preliminary to a battle; and Kemper's brigade, of Pickett's division, went up thither last night, and it may be probable that a battle is imminent. Lee is apt to fight when the enemy is present facing him. The victory of Bragg has lifted a mountain from the spirits of the people, and another victory would cast the North into the “slough of despond.”

Gen. C. J. McRae, and another gentleman, have been directed to investigate the accounts of Major Caleb Huse, the friend and agent of Col. Gorgas, Chief of Ordnance. Gen. McR. writes from Folkestone, England, to Col. G. that the other gentleman not having appeared, he is undertaking the work himself, and, so far, the accounts are all right. Messrs Isaac, Campbell & Co. (Jews), with whom the Ordnance Bureau has had large transactions, have afforded (so far) every facility, etc.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 53