Saturday, January 26, 2019

Diary of John Beauchamp Jones: November 1, 1863

No news from any of the armies this morning. But Gen. Whiting writes that he is deficient in ordnance to protect our steamers and to defend the port. If Wilmington should fall by the neglect of the government, it will be another stunning blow.

However, our armies are augmenting, from conscription, and if we had honest officers to conduct this important business, some four or five hundred thousand men could be kept in the field, and subjugation would be an impossibility. But exemptions and details afford a tempting opportunity to make money, as substitutes are selling for $6000 each; and the rage for speculation is universal.

The President is looked for to-morrow, and it is to be hoped that he has learned something of importance during his tour. He will at once set about his message, which will no doubt be an interesting one this year.

How we sigh for peace, on this beautiful Sabbath day! But the suffering we have endured for nearly three years is no more than was experienced by our forefathers of the Revolution. We must bear it to the end, for it is the price of liberty. Yet we sigh for peace — God knows I do — while at the same time we will endure the ordeal for years to come, rather than succumb to the rule of an oppressor. We must be free, be the cost what it may. Oh, if the spirit of fanaticism had been kept down by the good sense of the people of the United States, the Union would have been preserved, and we should have taken the highest position among the great powers of the earth. It is too late now. Neither government may, for a long series of years, aspire to lead the civilized nations of the earth. Ambition, hatred, caprice and folly have combined to snap the silken cord, and break the golden bowl. These are the consequences of a persistency in sectional strife and domination, foreseen and foretold by me in the Southern Monitor, published in Philadelphia; no one regarded the warning. Now hundreds of thousands are weeping in sackcloth and ashes over the untimely end of hundreds of thousands slain in battle! And thousands yet must fall, before the strife be ended.

SOURCE: John Beauchamp Jones, A Rebel War Clerk's Diary at the Confederate States Capital, Volume 2p. 85-6

Diary of 1st Sergeant John L. Ransom: December 22, 1864

As Dan Rice used to say in the circus ring: “Here we are again.” Sleep so sound that all the battles in America could not wake me up. Are just going for that fresh pork to-day. Have three kinds of meat — fried pig, roast pork and broiled hog. Good any way you can fix it. Won't last us three days at this rate, and if we stay long enough will eat up all the hogs in these woods. Pretty hoggish on our part, and Dave says for gracious sake not to write down how much we eat, but as this diary is to be a record of what takes place, down it goes how much we eat. Tell him that inasmuch as we have a preacher along with us, we ought to have a sermon occasionally. Says he will preach if I will sing, and I agree to that if Eli will take up a collection. One objection Eli and I have to his prayers is the fact that he wants the rebels saved with the rest, yet don't tell him so. Mutually agree that his prayers are that much too long. Asked him if he thought it stealing to get those potatoes as I did, and he says no, and that he will go next time. We begin to expect the Yankees along. It's about time. Don't know what I shall do when I again see Union soldiers with guns in their hands, and behold the Stars and Stripes. Probably go crazy, or daft, or something. This is a cloudy, chilly day, and we putter around gathering up pine knots for the fire, wash our duds and otherwise busy ourselves. Have saved the hog skin to make moccasins of, if the Union army is whipped and we have to stay here eight or ten years. The hair on our heads is getting long again, and we begin to look like wild men of the woods. One pocket comb does for the entire party; two jack knives and a butcher knife. I have four keys jingling away in my pocket to remind me of olden times. Eli has a testament and Dave has a bible, and the writer hereof has not. Still, I get scripture quoted at all hours, which will, perhaps, make up in a measure. Am at liberty to use either one of their boons, and I do read more or less. Considerable travel on the highways, and going both ways as near at we can judge. Dave wants to go out to the road again but we discourage him in it, and he gives it up for today at least. Are afraid he will get caught, and then our main stay will be gone. Pitch pine knots make a great smoke which rises among the trees and we are a little afraid of the consequences; still, rebels have plenty to do now without looking us up. Many boats go up and down the river and can hear them talk perhaps fifty rods away. Rebel paper that Dave got spoke of Savannah being the point aimed at by Sherman, also of his repulses; still I notice that he keeps coming right along. Also quoted part of a speech by Jefferson Davis, and he is criticised unmercifully. Says nothing about any exchange of prisoners, and our old comrades are no doubt languishing in some prison. Later. — Considerable firing up in vicinity of the bridge. Can hear volleys of musketry, and an occasional boom of cannon. Hurrah! It is now four o'clock by the sun and the battle is certainly taking place. Later. — Go it Billy Sherman, we are listening and wishing you the best of success. Come right along and we will be with you. Give 'em another — that was a good one. We couldn't be more excited if we were right in the midst of it. Hurrah! It is now warm for the Johnnies. If we had guns would go out and fight in their rear; surround them, as it were. Troops going by to the front, and are cavalry, should think, also artillery. Can hear teamsters swearing away as they always do. Later. — It is now long after dark and we have a good fire. Fighting has partially subsided up the river, but of course we don't know whether Yankee troops have crossed the river or not. Great deal of travel on the road, but can hardly tell which way they are going. occasional firing. No sleep for us to-night. In the morning shall go out to the road and see how things look. Every little while when the battle raged the loudest, all of us three would hurrah as if mad, but we ain't mad a bit; are tickled most to death.

SOURCE: John L. Ransom, Andersonville Diary, p. 152-3

Captain Charles Wright Wills: June 13, 1864

June 13, 1864.

The rain continued until 5 p. m. Everything and everybody thoroughly soaked. Our division moved about one-half mile to the left this p. m. Strategy! We moved out into an open ploughed field. You can imagine the amount of comfort one could enjoy so situated, after two days' constant rain, and the water still coming down in sheets.

The field is trodden into a bed of mortar. No one has ventured a guess of the depth of the mud. It is cold enough for fires and overcoats. My finger nails are as blue as if I had the ague. There is one consolation to be drawn from the cold, it stops the “chigres” from biting us. I would rather have a bushel of fleas and a million of mosquitoes on me than a pint of “chigres,” — don't know the orthography — They are a little bit of a red thing, — just an atom bigger than nothing; they burrow into the skin and cause an itching that beats the regular “camp” all hollow. Some of the men have scars from “chigre” bites that they received at Big Black last summer, and will carry them across the Styx. The ants here also have an affinity for human flesh and are continually reconnoitering us. I kill about 200,000 per day. Also knock some 600 worms off of me. Great country this for small vermin. I pick enough entomological specimens off me every day to start a museum. I do manage to keep clear of greybacks, though.

Every time I commence talking about chigres I feel short of language. I am satisfied of one thing, if my finger nails don't wear out, there'll be no flesh left on my bones by autumn. The case stands finger nails vs. chigres, and skin is the sufferer. Notwithstanding rain, cold or chigres, we are in excellent spirits. Sherman don't tell us anything (in orders) good or bad, but every man feels that we have “a goodly thing” and is content to work and wait. I never heard less complaining, or saw troops in better spirits. If we get to Atlanta in a week all right; if it takes us two months you won't hear this army grumble. We know that “Pap” is running the machine and our confidence in him is unbounded.

We have so far had abundance of rations, but if it comes down to half, we will again say “all right.” Our army is stronger to-day than it ever was in numbers and efficiency. I am sure that there is not a demoralized company in the command. There has been considerable shooting along the front to-day, and the lines have been advanced some, but we are nearly a mile back, and being constantly ready to move. I have not been out, and don't know much about the exact situation. Its something new for our division to be in reserve. Time passes much more quickly in the front. The general opinion is that we are gradually working to the left, and will cross the Chattahoochie about east or northeast of Marietta. We are now 26 miles from Atlanta by railroad and something nearer by pike.

SOURCE: Charles Wright Wills, Army Life of an Illinois Soldier, p. 259-60

Friday, January 25, 2019

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: March 9, 1865

Moved out in the morning at 6. My Batt. in the extreme advance. Passed Howardsville and Scottsville and camped at Hardware River bridge. Travelled down the tow path mostly. Rain at night.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 147

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: March 10, 1865

Moved on to Columbia at the junction of the Rivanna and James. Pleasant day — bad roads. Went into camp and sent out forage detail. Got plenty of forage and subsistence. Very wealthy plantation. Large number of negroes. Canal thoroughly destroyed.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 147

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: Saturday, March 11, 1865

Lay in camp all day. Cleaned up. Two inspections. Bathed and changed my clothes. Details went out for forage. Seemed good to get a day's rest. Improved it as well as possible with the work to do.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 147

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: Sunday, March 12, 1865

Reveille at 3 A. M. Marched at 5. A snail's pace all day. Clear and beautiful day. Moved north. 1st Div. moved off to the left. Have thought a good deal of home and friends today. God bless the dear ones at home. Camped at Frederick Hall Station.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 147

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: Monday, March 13, 1865

Reveille at 4 A. M. Out at 5:30. Went out on R. R. and destroyed a great distance of the R. R. The boys worked with a will. Burned several warehouses full of tobacco. Lay in camp from 1 A. M. 1st Div. up the R. R.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 147

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: March 14, 1865

Moved out at daylight. When 6 miles from the South Anna ground squirrel bridge, my battalion was ordered forward at a trot to support the 1st Conn. in a chase after Early with 300 men. Kept up the chase 12 miles. Crossed the Chickahominy — 10 miles from Richmond — scattered the force. Custer offered 30 days' furlough to the captor of Early. Kept up the trot into Ashland, recrossing Chickahominy. No force. Very sore, chafed and tired. Moved back north of South Anna. Many horses played out. Ours did well. Lost but one. Held them at a square trot. Anniversary of an eventful day in my life. Have thought a great deal today of this day a year ago and the other days near them. It makes me sad to review them.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 147

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: March 15, 1865

Reveille at 1:30. Moved out on wrong road. Went to Ashland — stayed all day. Pickets rebel division came up and attacked us. 2nd drove back the advance. 2nd N. Y. lost several men. Camped north of the North Anna at 12 P. M. Heard firing from Richmond.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 147

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: March 16, 1865

Up at 4. No breakfast. Haversack empty for two days. Rained last night and this morning. Warm as in June. Our Div. in advance. Got into camp at 4 P. M. at Mangohick. Easton's Batt. and 50 men from 1st Batt. on a scout to Hanovertown Ferry. Boys had a hard time to get forage and rations. 30 or 40 miles from the White House.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 147

Diary of Captain Luman Harris Tenney: March 17, 1865

Reveille at 4. Moved out at 8, having been in line two hours. In rear of the train. Got into camp before dark. Plenty of rations. Passed through Aylett's Ware House and camped near King William Court House, 8 miles from White House.

SOURCE: Frances Andrews Tenney, War Diary Of Luman Harris Tenney, p. 147-8

Thursday, January 24, 2019

Official Reports of the Campaign in North Alabama and Middle Tennessee, November 14, 1864 — January 23, 1865: No. 124. Report of Capt. Alonzo D. Harvey, Fifteenth Battery Indiana Light Artillery, of operations December 15-16, 1864.

No. 124.

Report of Capt. Alonzo D. Harvey, Fifteenth Battery Indiana Light Artillery,
of operations December 15-16, 1864.

HDQRS. BATTERY NO. 15, INDIANA VOL. ARTILLERY,
In the Field, Tenn., December 22, 1864.

GENERAL: I have the honor to report to you that Battery No. 15, Indiana Volunteer Artillery, Capt. Alonzo D. Harvey commanding, marched from position on heights near Fort Negley, Nashville, Tenn., at 8 a.m. December 15, 1864, and moved with Second Division, Twenty-third Army Corps, to the right of our line and marched about six miles, when we took position on heights at 4 p.m. and expended eighty rounds of shell. We then advanced a distance of half a mile and took a position near a small house, where we fired thirty-five rounds of shell, when it became dark and we ceased firing. Then we went to a hill one-quarter of a mile farther to the front and erected temporary breast-works and placed the guns in position within range of the enemy's guns, getting all ready for action before daylight, and at daylight on the 16th we opened on the enemy and fired 200 rounds of shell. We then ceased firing and moved the left section to a position on the left of the First Brigade, Second Division, Twenty-third Army Corps, and again opened with sections at 1 p.m., and kept up fire during the afternoon, assisting in shelling the enemy's works while the charge was being made at 4 p.m., expending 560 rounds of shell, making a total expenditure of ammunition of 875 rounds during the two days' fight. After the charge was ended we were ordered to the left of the Granny White pike, where we went into camp for the night.

I am, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
ALONZO D. HARVEY,      
Captain, Commanding Battery.
 Major-General COUCH,
Commanding Second Division, Twenty-third Army Corps.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 45, Part 1 (Serial No. 93), p. 398-9

1st Indiana Heavy Artillery

Organized at Indianapolis, Ind., July 24, 1861, as 21st Indiana Infantry. Left State for Baltimore, Md., July 31, and duty in the Defences of that city till February 19, 1862. Attached to Dix's Division, Baltimore, Md., to February, 1862. Butler's New Orleans Expedition to March, 1862. 2nd Brigade, Dept. of the Gulf, to October, 1862. Independent Command, Dept. of the Gulf, to January, 1863. Unattached, 1st Division, 19th Army Corps, Dept. of the Gulf, to February, 1863. Designation changed to 1st Heavy Artillery February, 1863. Artillery, 1st Division, 19th Army Corps, to August, 1863. District of Baton Rouge, La., Dept. of the Gulf, to June, 1864. Unattached, 19th Army Corps, and Unattached, Dept. of the Gulf, to January, 1866.

SERVICE. — Expedition to Eastern Shore of Maryland November 14-22, 1861. Moved to Newport News, Va., February 19, 1862; thence sailed on Steamer "Constitution" for Ship Island, Miss., March 4-13. Duty at Ship Island till April 14. Operations against Forts St. Phillip and Jackson April 14-28. Occupation of New Orleans May 1 (first Regiment to land). Camp at Algiers till May 30. Expedition to New Orleans and Jackson R.. R. May 9-10. Moved to Baton Rouge May 30, and duty there till August 20. Battle of Baton Rouge, La., August 5. Evacuation of Baton Rouge August 20. Camp at Carrollton till October. Action at Bayou des Allemands September 4-5. Expedition from Carrollton to St. Charles Court House September 7-8. Skirmish near St. Charles Court House September 8. Expedition from Carrollton to Donaldsonville and skirmish October 21-25. Duty at Berwick Bay till February, 1863. Bayou Teche November 3, 1862. Action with Steamer "Cotton" Bayou Teche January 14, 1863. Operations in Western Louisiana April 9-May 19. Teche Campaign April 11-20. Fort Bisland April 12-14. Advance on Port Hudson May 20-24. Siege of Port Hudson May 24-July 9. Assaults on Port Hudson May 27 and June 14. Lafourche Crossing June 20-21 (Co. "F"). Brashear City June 23 (Co. "F"). Expedition to Sabine Pass, Texas, September 4-11 (Detachment). Garrison duty at New Orleans, Baton Rouge and at various points in the Dept. of the Gulf till February, 1865. Companies "L" and "M" organized August 12 to November 2, 1863. Red River Campaign March to May, 1864 (Cos. "G" and "II"). Blair's Landing April 12-13 (Detachment). Monett's Ferry, Cane River Crossing, April 23 (Detachment). Retreat to Morganza May 13-20. Operations in Mobile Bay, Ala., against Forts Gaines and Morgan August 2-23 (Cos. "B," "F," "H" and "K"). Siege and capture of Fort Gaines August 3-8. Siege and capture of Fort Morgan August 8-23. At New Orleans, La., till March, 1865. Campaign against Mobile, Ala., and its defences March 17-April 12, 1865. Siege of Spanish Fort and Fort Blakely March 26-April 8. Fort Blakely April 9. Occupation of Mobile April 12, and duty there till June 24. Garrison duty till January, 1866. Companies "B" and "C" at Fort Morgan, "H" and "K" at Fort Gaines, "F" and "L" at Barrancas, Fla.; "I" and "M" at Fort Pickens, Fla.; "A," "E" and "G" at Baton Rouge, La., and "D" at Port Hudson, La. Mustered out at Baton Rouge, La., January 10, 1866.

Regiment lost during service 7 Officers and 60 Enlisted men killed and mortally wounded and 3 Officers and 320 Enlisted men by disease. Total 390.

SOURCE: Frederick H. Dyer, A Compendium of the War of the Rebellion, Part 3, p. 1110-1

Baron Otto von Bismarck to John L. Motley, April 17, 1863

Berlin,
April 17, 1863.

My Dear Motley: You have given me a great pleasure with your letter of the 9th, and I shall be very grateful to you if you keep your promise to write oftener and longer. I hate politics, but, as you say truly, like the grocer hating figs, I am none the less obliged to keep my thoughts increasingly occupied with those figs. Even at this moment, while I am writing to you, my ears are full of it. I am obliged to listen to particularly tasteless speeches out of the mouths of uncommonly childish and excited politicians, and I have therefore a moment of unwilling leisure, which I cannot use better than in giving you news of my welfare. I never thought that in my riper years I should be obliged to carry on such an unworthy trade as that of a parliamentary minister. As envoy, although an official, I still had the feeling of being a gentleman; as [parliamentary] minister one is a Helot. I have come down in the world, and hardly know how.

April 18. I wrote as far as this yesterday, then the sitting came to an end; five hours' Chamber until three o'clock; then one hour's riding; one hour's report to his Majesty; three hours at an incredibly dull dinner, old important Whigs; then two hours' work; finally, a supper with a colleague, who would have been hurt if I had slighted his fish.

This morning I had hardly breakfasted before Karolyi was sitting opposite to me; he was followed without interruption by Denmark, England, Portugal, Russia, France, whose ambassador I was obliged to remind at one o'clock that it was time for me to go to the House of Phrases. I am sitting again in the latter; hear people talk nonsense, and end my letter. All these people have agreed to approve our treaties with Belgium, in spite of which twenty speakers scold each other with the greatest vehemence, as if each wished to make an end of the other; they are not agreed about the motives which make them unanimous, hence, alas! a regular German squabble about the emperor's beard — querelle d'Allemand. You Anglo-Saxon Yankees have something of the same kind also. Do you all know exactly why you are waging such furious war with each other? All certainly do not know, but they kill each other con amore — that 's the way the business comes to them. Your battles are bloody, ours wordy. These chatterers really cannot govern Prussia. I must bring some opposition to bear against them; they have too little wit and too much self-complacency — stupid and audacious. Stupid, in all its meanings, is not the right word; considered individually, these people are sometimes very clever, generally educated — the regulation German university culture; but of politics, beyond the interests of their own church tower, they know as little as we knew as students, and even less; as far as external politics go, they are also, taken separately, like children. In all other questions they become childish as soon as they stand together in corpore. In the mass stupid, individually intelligent.

When over-reading my letter just before I go to meet in my bed “tired nature's sweet restorer,” I find that under the noisy distractions of parliamentary bullying I have written down a suite of dull commonplaces, and I was about to burn it, but considering the difficulty in this dreary sort of life of finding out an undisturbed moment and a more sensible disposition of mind, I think, like Pontius Pilate, “Quod scripsi, scripsi.” These drops of my own ink will show you at least that my thoughts, when left alone, readily turn to you. I never pass by old Logier's house, in the Friedrichstrasse, without looking up at the windows that used to be ornamented by a pair of red slippers sustained on the wall by the feet of a gentleman sitting in the Yankee way, his head below and out of sight. I then gratify my memory with remembrance of “good old colony times when we were roguish chaps.”1 (Poor) Flesh is traveling with his daughter, I do not know where in this moment. My wife is much obliged for your kind remembrance, and also the children. The little one wrenched his foot in tumbling down a staircase, and my daughter in bed with a sore throat, but no harm in that. They are well, after all.

Now, an affectionate farewell. I can't go on writing such an unorthographic language as English so late at night, but please try it yourself soon again. Your hand looks like cranes' feet, but is very legible. Is mine the same?

Your faithful old friend,
V. Bismarck.
_______________

1 In February, 1888, Prince Bismarck, in his great speech to the German Reichsrath, quoted this college song, adding at the same time that he had learned it from his “dear deceased friend John Motley.”

SOURCE: George William Curtis, editor, The Correspondence of John Lothrop Motley in Two Volumes, Library Edition, Volume 2, p. 325-30

Wednesday, January 23, 2019

Brigadier-General Benjamin F. Butler to Governor John A. Andrew, April 23, 1861

Headquarters. Third Brigade Mass. Vol. Militia, ANNAPOLIS, Apr. 23, 1861

To His Excellency JoHN A. ANDREw, Com. in Chief

DEAR SIR: By telegraph I kept your Excellency advised of the movement of the 8th Regt. to Friday April 19, & so far as I thought it reliable of the sad mishaps & glorious action of the Sixth Regt. I also forwarded you a memorial of a proposed plan of action, which plan I have the honor to announce has been successfully carried out. Through the loyal exertions and generous sympathy of S. M. Felton, Esq. Pres. of Phil. and Wilmington R.R., I had the Steam Boat “Maryland,” which plied between Havre de Grace and Perryville, put fully at my disposal, and acting under the advice of the Major. We had learned that the bridges had been burned between Havre de Grace and Baltimore, and all means of communication through to Baltimore had been cut off. It occurred to me that the best method of opening communication between the Northern States for the loyal citizens and soldiers of the Union could be best through the city of Annapolis, that the Route that way would be but little if any longer in point of time than the more direct way through Baltimore, which required two transhipments of any considerable body of troops by the cars.

The passage from Perryville to Annapolis being but six hours, and the passage from Baltimore being four, besides the time for the passage by horse-cars across the city; and the distance from Washington being 40 miles against 46 via Baltimore, — acting under the advice of S. M. Felton and other gentlemen who feared that the Eighth Regiment was too small a force for such an undertaking, I waited at Philadelphia six hours for the N.Y.V. under Col. Lefferts to come up. But fearing lest the Ferry Steamer, which was all important to our enterprise, might be seized upon by the enemies of the country, I detailed Capt. Devereaux’, Co. of Salem, and Capt. Briggs’, Co. of Pittsfield, for the special duty of proceeding forward by train and seizing the Ferry Boat at one o’clock Friday. Their march was successfully made to place where they found Col. Lefferts' Regt. had arrived, but he declined to take part in the expedition, therefore they did not go forward to seize the boat. At eight o’clock in the morning, after telegraphing for Maj. (Cook's) Battery, which I am happy to inform your Excellency arrived at Annapolis on the morning of 25, & is now drilling on the grounds of the Academy, I put forward the 8 Regt. in position and got on towards the cars at Phil. at 10 o’clock. After waiting two hours time in a vain attempt to induce Col. Lefferts to accompany us, we determined to go on alone. On our Route to Perryville we heard at various stations that 1800 of a Baltimore mob were waiting at Perryville for the purpose of disputing with us the passage of the Susquehanna. This information was one of the thousand exaggerated rumors which reached us and undoubtedly reached you, & is only mentioned here for the purpose of showing to your Excellency and people of Commonwealth how the men under my command behaved themselves in firm belief of its truth. During the passage from Phil. to Perryville the Regt. prepared itself for the attack. Ammunition, 10 rounds to each man was distributed, & our muskets were carefully inspected and loaded. About 100 men who know nothing about the use of arms were furnished by me at Phil. with axes, pickaxes, & other intrenching tools. Arriving within a mile of Perryville, and not intending to be caught in the cars by a mob as had been the 6th Regt., we left the cars and made our dispositions for the purpose of forcing a passage to the Boat. Capt. Devereaux's command were thrown out in advance as skirmishers, to occupy both sides of the Road supported by Capt. Briggs’ Co. one hundred paces in the rear. He was immediately followed by a detachment of our axe and hatchet men, who were instructed to rush upon any barrier and cut it down, while covered by the fire of our skirmishers. The rest of the Regt. we formed in solid columns, 50 paces in the rear with orders to march steadily forward & throw themselves into the boat by the weight of the column. The Company then marched steadily forward, not a man blanched or faltered, – indeed the prospect of meeting those in battle who had murdered our brothers in Baltimore seemed to give them pleasure, so that I can hardly say that, when in reaching the Boat we found there was no foe to oppose us, the surprise was more agreeable than disagreeable. I can assure your Excellency, however, that to myself it was most agreeable, for it relieved me from a great weight & a fearful responsibility.

The embarkation was immediately effected, & the boat steamed down the bay at six o'clock in the evening. At this time we had scarcely two days’ rations with us, — the men exhausted by the night march from Boston of Thursday night and Friday, the incessant preparation of Friday night at Phil. threw themselves upon their blankets on the deck of the boat and were soon buried in the profoundest slumber, — so profound, indeed, that when it became necessary, in the course of official duties, to go about the Boat among them, I found myself literally stepping upon them without breaking their slumbers.

We arrived off the bar at Annapolis about 12 at night, and instead of finding that quiet old town buried in repose (great care having been taken that our destination should not be known), we were surprised to find our approach signaled by rockets, lights dancing on the shore, and that we were evidently expected. In the uncertainty of a descent upon the shore by night we came to anchor some two miles below the town. Soon after a boat came alongside, and Lieut. Mathews, a gentleman of the U.S. Naval Academy, announced himself as the bearer of a dispatch from his Exc'y the gov. of Maryland, which is as follows – to wit1 . . . & detailed Capt. Haggerty of my staff to accompany Lieut. Mathews to the Gov. of Maryland. While Capt. Haggerty was absent — being uncertain as to the good faith of those dispatches of the state of things in the town — I sent my brother, Col. Andrew J. Butler of California (who happened to be with me on a visit) in plain clothes in a boat belonging to the Steamer to make a reconnaissance of the town, & to report as to the best place & manner of landing the troops. About daybreak Capt. Haggerty returned, bringing with him Capt. Blake of the U.S. Navy, Superintendent of the Naval School at Annapolis, to whom for his loyalty to the Union, untiring efforts to aid us in our enterprise, & his kindness & attention to our wants, too much praise cannot be given. If Mass. at this unhappy junction, could separate herself from the Union in so far as to give a reward for well-doing in an officer of the U.S. I know of no one who would deserve it more than Capt. Blake.

From him I learned that there was this special cause of anxiety. The Frigate “Constitution,” in use as a practice ship for the Naval Academy, lay at her mooring in Annapolis with a crew of less than 30 men to take care of her, & the Secessionists were ready to erect a battery on the opposite side of the river to command her. He expressed great anxiety lest she could not be got off, and informed me that the Confederate States had determined to take her and to raise upon old “Iron Sides” their flag.

Capt. Blake inquired of me if my instructions would permit me to put my boat alongside her, take out of her her guns, and tow her into the outer harbor & to detail a sufficient guard for her to prevent a sudden surprise. To this I replied that your Excy's instructions left me a latitude for the exercise of my discretion, & I thought it indispensable to save the “Constitution,” whether the ship or form of Govt., from the enemies of the country; & that I would coöperate with him for the purpose of cutting her out. I immediately lay our steamer alongside & commenced to lighten her by taking her heavy guns on board our boat. One hundred fifty workmen of my command were detailed to assist the crew in getting off the ship, and in this service the men of Marblehead were conspicuous for their strength and alacrity. At half past two in the afternoon we had the pleasure of seeing the good Frigate towed down the bay, safe beyond the reach of her enemies. On the morning of Tuesday the 21st the Brig. order was issued which I herewith submit to your Exc'y’s inspection.

In the afternoon, as we were towing the “Constitution,” our boat ran aground in endeavouring to save the life of a man who had fallen overboard, and remained there hard and fast until the following Tuesday morning at one o’clock, when she was got off and brought up to this city and the men on board landed.

On Monday morning I received a communication from His Excellency the Gov. of Maryland which is herewith submitted, together with my reply. On Monday morning the Steamer “Boston” appeared off the bay, having on board Col. Lefferts’ Regiment. Before he had spoken to us I had issued the enclosed order. Finding it impossible to get the steamer off after several efforts, I went on board the “Boston” and proceeded to effect a landing with Col. Lefferts' Reg’t, but before landing I had addressed the enclosed communication to Gov. Hicks, the only reply to which was a protest against my landing my troops at all. After I got ashore I met Gov. Hicks and city authorities at the office of the Supt. of the Naval Academy. I was informed by Gov. Hicks that the State of Maryland would make no interference with my landing, but said I must march my troops three or more miles out of the city.

In this request he was joined by the Mayor and city authorities, who said that at a meeting of the corporation it had been voted that I should not be molested, but that there were bad men in the place and others might come from Baltimore and other places whom they could not control, therefore it was better that I should march out of town, that if I remained in town their people were much excited, and they were afraid they would not be able to control them. I asked, as I was in need of supplies, if they would furnish me if I would march. To that they replied they would not, nor allow me to buy anything in the city. I asked if I could be furnished with means of transportation to Washington, to that they replied I could not, there were not five horses in the place, and that the Railroad Co. had taken up their tracks to prevent the troops from passing over it. To all this I replied in substance that without supplies I could not march, that I could not put three or four miles between me and my boats, which were the basis of my operations, when the alleged reason why I should march was that in marching I should leave between myself and boats so very excited a mob that the city authorities were not able to control it, and that my troops from Massachusetts were also very much excited because of the murder of their brothers at Baltimore by a mob. But therein I had this advantage, that we could not only control our own excitement, but could also control and suppress the excitement of others, but that I proposed to stay as long as convenient at Annapolis, and march when it was convenient, that if we were attacked we would repel the attack, and that there were none that we should be more happy to see than a representation of the murderers of Baltimore whenever and wherever they should choose to visit us, and that while we staid at Annapolis, if the citizens chose not to have any collision with us, there must be on their part neither stray bricks, nor fugitive shots, thrown at us, and whoever should attempt would find it an unsafe operation.

During the night the Eighth Regiment occupied the Naval Academy. On the following morning Lieut. Hinks, having under his command Capt. Newhall’s Co. of Lynn, having with them an Engineer party of eighty under Lieut. Hodges, proceeded and took possession of the Rail Road, where we found the rolling stock disabled, and the rails taken up. They went forward on the track about four miles where they encamped for the night. The next morning the 8th Regt. went forward, and were followed by the 7th N.Y. Regiment.

I should have stated, before this, that I had detailed Capt. Devereaux Co. & Capt. Briggs’ Co. to go on board the “Constitution,” to defend her against surprise, so that they did not march with the Regiment.

On the morning of Thursday large bodies of troops, including the 5th Regt. 3 Batt., Rifles, and Cook's battery arrived here, and were safely landed.

As soon as preparations could be made I forwarded the 5th regiment with three days’ rations for Washington. They marched last evening at 8 o’clock. I have retained the Rifles and Cook's battery to defend this post, which I am ordered to hold and fortify by Genl. Scott.

I have received information from Fortress Monroe. Col. Wardrop's and Col. Packard’s Regts. are in good health. Col. Wardrop's Regt. made a dashing attack on Norfolk Navy Yard, burning and destroying it, so that it could be of no use to the enemies of the country. Col. Jones’ Regt. is in Washington, the men fast recovering from their wounds & bruises, and in the enjoyment of good health. It is now ten days since the Mass. troops were first called into the field, and their operations may be summed up thus: Two Regts. have relieved Fortress Monroe and put it beyond danger of attack; one, Col. Jones’, marched to the aid of the Federal Capitol through Baltimore, and were baptized in blood; another, the 8th, has rescued the Frigate “Constitution” and put her on the side of law and order, has taken possession of Annapolis and of the Railroad, building it as they went, and together with their brethren of the 5th have marched to the Capital & thereby opened a communication through which thousands of troops are now passing. The two battalions are now guarding this depot of troops. Are not these sufficient deeds for a campaign of many months?

At a future day, as soon as communications are freely opened, I shall have the honor to report in full detail the state and condition of the men under my command; the present disturbed state of things renders that nearly impossible. There is one subject, however, I desire to press upon your Excellency’s most serious attention, — it is the necessity of a light uniform for the troops. I would suggest a blue light flannel, similar to that worn by the Rhode Island troops, to be made plain and serviceable without ornament or tinsel. There is needed at this moment four thousand such uniforms to supply the troops in the field. The form or shape should be that of a short “round about,” or a jacket like an undress in the Army. Let the cloth be bought at once and the swift, sympathetic fingers of our sisters and sweethearts be employed in making it up. These are practical suggestions, and I will have no doubt meet your Excellency's views. I have the honor
to be

Very Respectfully, Your obedient servant,
BENJ. F. BUTLER
_______________

1 It was General Butler's habit to prepare the drafts of his letters by his own hand, leaving quotations, references, etc. to be inserted by his secretary. It is, therefore, sometimes difficult to identify the addenda referred to. In the present instance, undoubtedly, the reference is to the letter from Governor Hicks on page 18.

SOURCE: Jessie Ames Marshall, Editor, Private and Official Correspondence of Gen. Benjamin F. Butler During the Period of the Civil War, Volume 1: April 1860 – June 1862, p. 43-9

Saturday, January 19, 2019

Diary of William Howard Russell: July 7, 1861

Mr. Bigelow invited me to breakfast, to meet Mr. Senator King, Mr. Olmsted, Mr. Thurlow Weed, a Senator from Missouri, a West Point professor, and others. It was indicative of the serious difficulties which embarrass the action of the Government to hear Mr. Wilson, the Chairman of the Military Committee of the Senate, inveigh against the officers of the regular army, and attack West Point itself. Whilst the New York papers were lauding General Scott and his plans to the skies, the Washington politicians were speaking of him as obstructive, obstinate, and prejudiced — unfit for the times and the occasion.

General Scott refused to accept cavalry and artillery at the beginning of the levy, and said that they were not required; now he was calling for both arms most urgently. The officers of the regular army had followed suit. Although they were urgently pressed by the politicians to occupy Harper's Ferry and Manassas, they refused to do either, and the result is that the enemy have obtained invaluable supplies from the first place, and are now assembled in force in a most formidable position at the second. Everything as yet accomplished has been done by political generals — not by the officers of the regular army. Butler and Banks saved Baltimore in spite of General Scott. There was an attempt made to cry up Lyon in Missouri; but in fact it was Frank Blair, the brother of the Postmaster-General, who had been the soul and body of all the actions in that State. The first step taken by McClellan in Western Virginia was atrocious — he talked of slaves in a public document as property. Butler, at Monroe, had dealt with them in a very different spirit, and had used them for State purposes under the name of contraband. One man alone displayed powers of administrative ability, and that was Quartermaster Meigs; and unquestionably from all I heard, the praise was well bestowed. It is plain enough that the political leaders fear the consequences of delay, and that they are urging the military authorities to action, which the latter have too much professional knowledge to take with their present means. These Northern men know nothing of the South, and with them it is omne ignotum pro minimo. The West Point professor listened to them with a quiet smile, and exchanged glances with me now and then, as much as to say, "Did you ever hear such fools in your life?”

But the conviction of ultimate success is not less strong here than it is in the South. The difference between these gentlemen and the Southerners is, that in the South the leaders of the people, soldiers and civilians, are all actually under arms, and are ready to make good their words by exposing their bodies in battle.

I walked home with Mr. N. P. Willis, who is at Washington for the purpose of writing sketches to the little family journal of which he is editor, and giving war “anecdotes;” and with Mr. Olmsted, who is acting as a member of the New York Sanitary Commission, here authorized by the Government to take measures against the reign of dirt and disease in the Federal camp. The Republicans are very much afraid that there is, even at the present moment, a conspiracy against the Union in Washington — nay, in Congress itself; and regard Mr. Breckinridge, Mr. Bayard, Mr. Vallandigham, and others as most dangerous enemies, who should not be permitted to remain in the capital. I attended the Episcopal church and heard a very excellent discourse, free from any political allusion. The service differs little from our own, except that certain euphemisms are introduced in the Litany and elsewhere, and the prayers for Queen and Parliament are offered up nomine mutato for President and Congress.

SOURCE: William Howard Russell, My Diary North and South, Vol. 1, p. 390-2

Reverend Silas McKeen to Thomas C. Stuart, August 20, 1839

Belfast, Maine, Aug. 20, 1839.

To THE PREsBYTERY of TombEcBee, IN THE STATE of Mississippi.

Christian Brethren, Your letter of the 9th of April last, in answer to one from a Committee of the General Conference of Congregational Churches in Maine appointed to correspond with Southern Ecclesiastical Bodies on the subject of Slavery, was duly received, and on the 27th of June following, communicated to the Conference at its annual meeting, at Brunswick. On hearing it, the Conference voted, we believe, unanimously, that the communication, in compliance with your request to that effect, should be published entire, together with the scriptures to which you have referred, for the benefit of our churches, and also appointed the undersigned a Committee to reply to the same in their behalf, and respectfully to request, you to publish both articles entire for the consideration of your churches, and others similarly situated.

In performing the duty, thus assigned us, we would express to you high satisfaction, on the part of the Conference, that you did not, as some others have done, leave them uninformed of the reception of their former communication, or return it in a blank envelope, or with a mere note of rejection, but had the magnanimity to give it a candid hearing; and to return an open-hearted, courteous answer. In this we rejoice, not only on account of the intrinsic worth of your communication, but because it furnishes another evidence to the world, that it is possible, after all, for men in different sections of the country, and entertaining extremely different views in regard to slavery, to discuss the subject freely, without personal asperity, or infringement on any of the established laws of civility and christian courtesy. The Conference were also gratified with the desire which you expressed that your defence of slaveholding should be published here, as they wish the churches of their communion to be favored with the ablest articles which have ever been written on both sides of this deeply interesting subject, that they may have the whole matter, in all its facts and bearings, fairly before them; and in the exercise of unbiased judgment, form their own conclusions. An honest mind, seeking after truth, turns with instinctive joyfulness towards the light, from whatever source it may emanate; or by whatever process it may be elicited,

[This response is continued under the headings below and spreads over 125 pages . . . I will post them separately and link them below when they are posted.]
SILAS McKEEN, for the Committee.

To the Rev. Thomas C. STUART, Pontotoc, Mississippi, Stated Clerk of the Presbytery of Tombecbee.

SOURCE: Cyrus P. Grosvenor, Slavery vs. The Bible: A Correspondence Between the General Conference of Maine, and the Presbytery of Tombecbee, Mississippi, p. 23-152

Nathaniel Peabody Rogers: The Convention, August 18, 1838

Thanks to our young brethren for their hearty — noble-souled committee's call. Now for obeying it. Now see if our abolitionists, who “remember those in bonds,” &c. will spend a day or two to make it manifest. We would spend time chiefly, brethren, so far as traveling expenses go. Our brethren, fortunately for the cause, have not much “property or standing.” They should not lay out much of either on the road. The grog-selling inns should receive little of anti-slavery patronage. The money is too sacred for their foul coffers. The “cold chunk,” or the johnny cake, or the saw-dust pudding, (Franklin's editorial dinner,) any thing on the road, and all the mites for the Society treasury. We have got to cure this glorious slaveholding republic of its character, and to pay all the doctors' bills, and we must spend little, very little, for confectionaries.

We echo the summons of the committee of arrangements. From our Moosehillock position we send it on, and back, to every point of compass. To none but the whole-hearted, fully-committed, cross-the-Rubicon spirits—men of more heart than “But— who can leave home for the sake of their principles — who can deny themselves, and “lap the water, as the dog lappeth,” for their thirst. From the sea coast, the Green Mountain west, the sky-seeking north, and the New Hampshire south — old, young and mid-aged — gray bearded and beardless — the sturdy and the infirm — from all streams and all valleys, and along all hill-sides — from rich “old Cheshire,” — from Rockingham, with her horizon setting down away to the salt sea. — Strafford, from the “slide”-scarred mountains of Sandwich to the rainbow mists of the Cocheco — from Pigwacket to Winnipisseogee — Strafford of the lakes — up from old Hillsborough, where the staunch yeoman drives his team from the mouths of Piscataquog and Souhegan, up to the very springs of the Contoocook, — young Sullivan, where she stretches from Sunapee to the valley of the Connecticut, and from the falls of Walpole to the cedars of Lebanon, —  Merrimack — key-stone of the Granite State — abolitionists “of our county of Merrimack,” start at day-break for the Convention, — from where the sun sets behind Kearsarge, even to where he rises gloriously over Moses Norris’ own town of Pittsfield; and from Amoskeag to Ragged Mountains, — Coos — Upper Coos, home of the everlasting hills, send out your bold advocates of human rights — wherever they lay scattered by lonely lake or Indian stream — or “Grant,” or “Location” — from the trout-haunted brooks of the Amoriscoggin, and where the adventurous streamlet takes up its mountain march for the St. Lawrence. — Scattered and insulated men, wherever the light of philanthropy and liberty has beamed in upon your solitary spirits, come down to us like your streams and clouds: — and our own Grafton, all about among your dear hills and your mountain-flanked valleys — whether you home along the swift Ammonoosuck, the cold Pemigewasset or the ox-bowed Connecticut; from the “heights of Dorchester,” and the “vale of Hebron” — from Canaan, that land of promise to the negro student boy — and from anti-slavery Campton — come from the meadows of Alexandria — one and all abolitionists of Grafton — Lyme, the peerless town of Lyme, the native town of temperance.

Abolitionists of New Hampshire! your brethren in bondage call loudly upon you for help — they clank their chains — they rattle their fetters — they lift up the cry of despair — will you hear them? Remember what God is doing for your cause. Hark, that shout from the isles of the sea! It is the emancipation cry of the West Indies — God hath given them liberty. Their deliverance has come — He is drawing nigh to us. We shall hear Him, or perish. And if this nation is marked out for destruction, let abolitionists remember Rahab of Jericho. We are slow, brethren, dishonorably slow, in a cause like ours. Our feet should be “as hinds’ feet.” “Liberty lies bleeding.” The leaden-colored wing of slavery obscures the land with its baleful shadow. Let us come together, and inquire at the hand of the Lord what is to be done.

SOURCE: Collection from the Miscellaneous Writings of Nathaniel Peabody Rogers, Second Edition, p. 9-11 which states it was published in the Herald of Freedom of August 18, 1838.

Reverend Asa Rand to William Lloyd Garrison, Wednesday, December 3, 1834

WEDNESDAY Dec. 3, 1834.

MR. GARRIsoN — A brief and hasty sketch is all I can now send you of occurrences in our good little town of Lowell, during the visit of our invaluable friend Thompson, He came among us on invitation, to give lectures on Sabbath, Monday and Tuesday evenings of the present week. We had obtained permission of the Selectmen to occupy for the purpose the Town Hall, a room in which town meetings are held, and the use of which is usually granted, on any respectful application, for any object which is not unlawful or manifestly immoral.

On Sabbath evening, Mr. Thompson gave a splendid lecture, in which he entirely swept away the pretended support of slavery from the bible. The audience was large, and listened with delight till a late hour. They suffered no interruption, except the throwing of a large stone at a window, which was arrested by the sash and fell harmless on the outside.

Notice was given on Sabbath evening, that the lecture on Monday evening would commence at 8 o'clock; and that we would meet for discussion at half past six; Mr. Thompson extending a most respectful and friendly invitation to all who had objections to our principles or measures, to be present and state them, and to all who had inquiries, to propound them.

On Monday, the Board of Managers sent special messages, of the same purport, to gentlemen who had taken an active part in public against the formation of our Society last winter. They declined the invitation unanimously, and we had not a single objector or inquirer at the meeting, except abolitionists. This was much regretted; for anti-slavery men are anxious to have the whole subject thoroughly sifted, and every argument brought against them fairly examined, in the hearing of the people. However, we managed to have some of the most formidable objections stated, and our friend entertained the assembly by refuting them, one after another, in the most lively and entertaining manner.

Then followed a lecture of nearly two hours length, on the history of St. Domingo — that history which on so many minds is a spectre to warn them against the liberation of slaves; but which, when truly narrated, is so triumphant an example of the perfect safety of immediate emancipation even in circumstances as unpromising as can possibly be conceived. Very few left the hall till the lecture was ended, notwithstanding its length and some untoward events now to be mentioned.

In the early part of the lecture, a small company of low fellows disturbed the assembly just without the door, in the entry at the head of the stairs, by loud stamping, vociferation and hisses. This was continued at intervals for near half an hour, when peace-officers, who had been sent for, arrived, and immediately the disturbers were quiet as lambs, and continued so till the close. Some time after, three missiles were thrown at the building behind the speaker. The third or last, a large brickbat, came through the window, passed near the speaker's head and fell harmless before the audience in front of the rostrum. This missile must have been thrown with great force, to pass into the second story of a high-posted building, and fly so far from the wall. A slight change of its direction would have silenced the eloquence of our friend forever, except that the barbarity of the deed would have given, what he had already said in behalf of the oppressed, a more glorious immortality. Praised be the Arbiter of life, that he yet survives to plead for the outcasts. Nothing daunted, he spoke some time after this, and the meeting closed n peace.

But the elements of turbulence and confusion had but begun to move. Yesterday, we heard of little but ‘wars and rumors of wars;’ much that was rumor only; but too much that was real, for the honor of Lowell or of New England. The most sagacious never seriously apprehended greater disturbance on the ensuing evening. Our board of managers met early in the afternoon, who unanimously and calmly resolved to claim the protection of the Selectmen, and to proceed with the meeting. The Selectmen, like true guardians of the public welfare, had been on the alert during the day. They received our application in a very gentlemanly manner, and promised us protection to the extent of their authority. The time arrived. With Mr. Thompson, we met the Selectmen in their room adjacent to the Hall. The night was exceedingly dark; the building was approachable on all sides; and not a window had a blind or a shutter, except that behind the speaker, which had a temporary barrier on the inside which remains to-day a disgraceful monument of the infuriate temper of some men in Lowell. The Selectmen still pledged us all the aid they could render; but doubted whether it was practicable, with the preparations which time permitted, to save the assembly from violence through the windows from without. Under these circumstances, we felt it an act of discretion and humanity, without any sacrifice of principle to adjourn the meeting to 2 o'clock this afternoon at the same place. This was done, and no further violence occurred. Mr. Thompson is now giving his concluding lecture on the practical part of the subject, and I have stolen away to write lest I should be too late.

The mal-contents were not satisfied to retire home after our adjournment last evening. They re-opened the Hall, and held a sort of mobocratic caucus, though remarkably still and orderly for one of that kind. They passed, and have to-day published, resolutions, ‘deeply deploring the existence of slavery’ — most sincerely, no doubt — and saying that the agitation of the subject here is very bad — that the Town Hall ought not to be used for the purpose eand communicating this wise opinion to the Selectmen. Those officers, however, have stood firm to their duty to-day.

The meeting is closed, and my letter must go. I cannot, however, forbear to say, that the handbills and other menaces of yesterday did us much good. Many, who are not friendly to our principles, said, ‘This is no question of abolition—but whether law and order shall prevail in Lowell, or whether mobs shall rule.’ They besought us to proceed, and were ready to render us every assistance in their power. The occurrences of the week will do much for the cause of truth and liberty in our town, and you may tell the whole country that abolition in Lowell is neither dead nor wounded.

Yours truly,
A. RAND.

SOURCE: Isaac Knapp, Publisher, Letters and Addresses by G. Thompson [on American Negro Slavery] During His Mission in the United States, From Oct. 1st, 1834, to Nov. 27, 1835, p. 30-3