Major-General William T. Sherman to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, July 3, 1863

PARKE'S, July 3, 1863.

General GRANT:

I am this moment in, and have your dispatch. Telegraph me the moment you have Vicksburg in possession, and I will secure all the crossings of Black River, and move on Jackson or Canton, as you may advise. I want my own corps and Ord's, with Parke in reserve; train small; all of which will be arranged [when] I know for certain that you fire in absolute possession. If you are in Vicksburg, glory, hallelujah! the best Fourth of July since 1776. Of course we must not rest idle, only don't let us brag too soon. I will order my troops at once to occupy the fords of the Big Black, and await with anxiety your further answer.

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 461

Major-General William T. Sherman to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, July 4, 1863

CAMP ON BEAR CREEK,

July 4, 1863.

Major-General GRANT:

MY DEAR GENERAL: The telegraph has just announced to me that Vicksburg is ours; its garrison will march out, stack arms, and return within their lines as prisoners of war, and that you will occupy the city only with such troops as you have designated in orders. I can hardly contain myself. Surely will I not punish any soldier for being "unco happy" this most glorious anniversary of the birth of a nation, whose sire and father was a Washington. Did I not know the honesty, modesty, and purity of your nature, I would be tempted to follow the examples of my standard enemies of the press in indulging in wanton flattery; but as a man and soldier, and ardent friend of yours, I warn you against the incense of flattery that will fill our land from one extreme to the other. Be natural and yourself, and this glittering flattery will be as the passing breeze of the sea on a warm summer day. To me the delicacy with which you have treated a brave but deluded enemy is more eloquent than the most gorgeous oratory of an Everett.

This is a day of jubilee, a day of rejoicing to the faithful, and I would like to hear the shout of my old and patient troops; but I must be a Gradgrind—I must have facts, knocks, and must go on. Already are my orders out to give one big huzza and sling the knapsack for new fields. Tuttle will march at once to Messinger's, Parke to Birdsong, and I will shift my headquarters to Fox's. McArthur will clear the road of obstructions made against the coming of the unseen Johnston, and as soon as Ord and Steele's columns are out, I will push ahead. I want maps, but of course the first thing is to clear the Big Black River and get up on the high ground beyond, when we move according to developments. I did want rest, but I ask nothing until the Mississippi River is ours, and Sunday and 4th of July are nothing to Americans till the river of our greatness is free as God made it. Though in the background, as I ever wish to be in civil war, I feel that I have labored some to secure this glorious result.

I am, with respect, your friend,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 472

Major-General Ulysses S. Grant to Major-General William T. Sherman, June 22, 1863

NEAR VICKSBURG, MISS., June 22, 1863.

Maj. Gen. WILLIAM T. SHERMAN, Comdg. Fifteenth Army Corps:

Information just received indicates that the enemy are crossing Big Black River, and intend marching against us by way of Bear Creek. They probably will start out to-morrow. I have ordered Parke to move out with four brigades to support his cavalry and hold the enemy as near Big Black River as possible until their position is clearly defined, when we can draw all our forces from Snyder's Bluff and the forces previously indicated here to their support. Tuttle's division should be marched out within supporting distance of Parke at once. You will go and command the entire force. Your wagon train can move from wherever you may be to Lake's Landing or Snyder's Bluff, whichever may be the most convenient for supplies and ordnance stores. When on the ground you can draw troops from Snyder's Bluff and the three brigades designated from McPherson's corps directly, without communicating through headquarters. Should any [further] forces become necessary, I can take them from our left by leaving that in the same condition it was before the arrival of Lauman and Herron.

U.S. GRANT.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 428

Major-General William T. Sherman to Major-General Ulysses S. Grant, June 23, 1863—11 a.m.

AT McCALL'S, June 23, 1863—11 a.m.

DEAR GENERAL: Parke, with Smith's division and one brigade of his Yankee troops, is on the river road from Neily's to Post Oak Ridge, with orders to feel forward to the bridge across Bear Creek, 6 miles beyond Post Oak Ridge. My cavalry is now down at Little Bear Creek, on the Birdsong road. Tuttle's division is close up to the cavalry, and McArthur's is near here, and we are waiting for his troops to come up. I will put them on the Birdsong road. Parke and I can communicate by the ridge from McCall's to Neily's. After nooning I propose to go forward to the Big Black. I hear nothing of Johnston at all; no trace of him or signs of his approach. The country is ill-adapted to large masses. It is cut up by impracticable ravines, and all the roads are on narrow ridges, where a regiment will find difficulty in forming a front. A small force can oppose a large one, and as to getting at Johnston unless he crosses to this side of Big Black, I think it cannot be done. If he crosses Big Black and comes by any road, I shall, of course, meet him and oppose him, calling for all the help I may deem necessary. If he crosses Big Black, I think this is the place to fight him. Order Osterhaus to be certain to blockade all roads from Big Black toward Vicksburg, between Clear Creek and this road. After satisfying myself that there is, or is not, a purpose on his part to cross over, I will communicate the fact; but, no matter what his strength, he must come by narrow roads, and I have as many men as can be handled on such grounds. If I conclude he does not design to come in by Birdsong Ferry or the ford above, I will blockade it, so as to force him to come on the main ridge within striking distance of Haynes' Bluff, so that we won't care if he comes or not.

Yesterday four companies of my cavalry (Fourth Iowa) had gone to Big Black River on the road to obstruct it. They had felled many trees, and must have been off their guard when their pickets came in from three directions, giving notice of the approach of the enemy. Quite a fight ensued, in which our men got the worst, and were forced to fly. As soon as the news reached camp, Colonel Swan went to the ground with his regiment, and found 8 dead, 12 wounded, and about 20 missing. From the people he heard the attack came from Wirt Adams' cavalry, which had gone off in the direction of Mechanicsburg. Colonel Swan buried the dead, and brought off all the wounded except one, who was left well cared for at a house. He could hear of but about 12 prisoners in the hands of the enemy, so that he expects some 8 more will have gone down to Osterhaus, and will come in to-day.

The party lost that 2-pounder gun we captured at Jackson, but before abandoning it they disabled it by taking out the breech-pin. The fact of our coming out today is attributed by the secesh to our purpose to punish the perpetrators of this action.

I will send you positive intelligence to-night if Johnston be coming or not this side of Big Black River. On the best evidence now procurable, he is not coming this way, or at this time.

I take it for granted you do not want me to attempt to follow him across that river unless after a defeat. If he comes to this side, I can hold him till re-enforced, and then I know we can whip him. In the mean time look out toward Baldwin's and Hankinson's, though I do not believe he will put himself in such a pocket.

Yours, truly,

W. T. SHERMAN,        

Major-General, Commanding Expedition.

General GRANT.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 2 (Serial No. 37), p. 245-6

Major-General William T. Sherman: General Orders, No. 49, June 29, 1863

GENERAL ORDERS, No. 49.}

HDQRS. FIFTEENTH ARMY CORPS,        

Camp at Bear Creek, June 29, 1863.

The following modifications of existing orders are made and will be executed at once:

I. General Osterhaus will continue, as heretofore, to hold the fortified position on Black River, at the railroad bridge, with patrols and guards, watching the river below as far as Baldwin's, and up as far as Bridgeport; his reserves at Clear Creek, near Bovina.

II. General McArthur will occupy Tiffin in force, with guards toward the Messinger ford, connecting with Osterhaus on the Bridgeport road, and his main guards occupying the main ridge up as far as Brant's.

III. Major-General Parke will leave a small guard at Milldale and Templeton's, sufficient to hold those points, and move all the troops of the Ninth Army Corps to the east side of Clear Creek, connecting his guards at Brant's with McArthur's, his center near Wixon's and his guards connecting with General W. S. Smith's, near Mrs. Nelly's.

IV. General Tuttle will hold his present position on the spur leading from McCall's to Markham's and Young's, and will entrench a position back of Trible's.

V. General W. S. Smith will hold as now his position at Oak Ridge Post-Office, with guards forward on the two Benton roads, and his right connecting with General Parke, at Mrs. Nelly's. General Smith, in connection with General Washburn, will effectually blockade all roads and paths coming from the north and lying between the ridge road and Yazoo Valley road.

VI. General Washburn will hold the fortified position at Haynes' Bluff, with Kimball's division, and will continue to strengthen the lines on the north front. That being our strongest front, we should invite attack in that quarter.

VII. This disposition of forces makes a connected line from the railroad bridge to Haynes' Bluff, by Tiffin, Wixon's, McCall's, Nelly's, and Oak Ridge. Each corps and division commander will proceed to entrench a position near his key-point, sufficient for two batteries and one brigade, commanding water, and looking to the east and north. All roads to the rear should be improved; a double track for wagons made by opening fences and trimming out woods. Lateral roads should also be looked to, to facilitate concentration and lateral movements. Roads to the front should be obstructed, except such as are necessary for our guards and our own use. The commanding general, after careful personal inspection, pronounces the points from which we have most reason to apprehend danger, to be the two fords at Messenger's, and about a mile below Birdsong, Wixon's, and Nelly's are the best points for concentration, and the ridges by Fox's and Markham's the best lines of operation.

VIII. All the cavalry not absolutely needed for orderlies and patrols will be massed under command of Colonel Bussey, Third Iowa, on Bear Creek, from Young's up to Harris', and is charged specially to watch the lower Benton road and the ford below Birdsong.

IX. All commanders of corps and divisions, and the chief of cavalry, will report by letter or staff officer daily to the commanding general at his bivouac near Tuttle's.

By order of Maj. Gen. W. T. Sherman:

[L. M. DAYTON,]        

Aide-de-Camp.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 449-50

Major-General Ulysses S. Grant to Major-General John A. McClernand, June 15, 1863

HEADQUARTERS DEPARTMENT OF THE TENNESSEE,        

    Near Vicksburg, Miss., June 15, 1863.

Maj. Gen. JOHN A. McCLERNAND,
        Commanding Thirteenth Army Corps:

A portion of the Ninth Army Corps, about 8,000 strong, have now arrived, and will take position on the south side of the city, thus making the investment complete. This will release General Herron, who is instructed to move to General Hovey's place, thus contracting your front to the ground occupied by Smith and Carr.

Should the enemy attack Haynes' Bluff in such force as to make it necessary to detach a greater force than  has already been designated, i.e., the six reserve brigades of McPherson's and Sherman's corps, I will have to entirely uncover on the south side of the city. This will necessarily involve an exposure of our left flank from the garrison of Vicksburg. We should hold and fight the enemy wherever he presents himself, from the extreme right to your extreme left—that is, all the ground taken by the three army corps on first investing the city should be held.

Your left division is, or will be, replaced by one numerically stronger. By replacing it thus it gives you a reserve of three brigades. Lauman's, with nearly 6,000 men, will also be there to strengthen you still further in this emergency.

I do not want to give up the front occupied by Lauman unless it should become absolutely necessary to do so, but give this as a plan to be adopted in case of the greatest pressure on the left. The idea, then, is, that two lines should now be selected running perpendicular to our present line, one from Lauman's left, along Hall's Ferry road, and one from Hovey's present left. Should Parke's command, the Ninth Corps, be removed, your reserve should at once be thrown on to the first line chosen on the Hall's Ferry road. Should they be so hotly pressed as to make it necessary for them to fall back into the second line, then Lauman's division should be brought into it also. The very moment an order goes for the removal of the Ninth Corps you will be notified. You will then assume command of all the forces to the left of you in addition to your own corps.

Everything in the shape of ammunition, commissary stores, and other public property not required, should be got back to within what may possibly become our most contracted line.

Should the enemy attempt to get past your left, with the view of forming a junction with Johnston's forces, he must be defeated. An attempt to leave his lines, however, I do not look upon as probable. This would give us the city, and leave my whole force to act directly against the enemy, and as a last resort fall into his lines, and act on the defensive, behind works of his own building. This is given only as a general plan, to be adopted under certain circumstances. The movements of an enemy necessarily determine counter-movements.

After writing the foregoing, and after General Parke had moved one division of his command to opposite Warrenton, I had to change my plan and send him to Haynes' Bluff. From information received, the enemy have 12,000 infantry and artillery at Yazoo, with orders to move south; four thousand cavalry already between the Yazoo and Big Black River, and Loring ordered to cross. This made it necessary to send the extra force up the Yazoo River.

You will assume command of Lauman's division at once, Herron taking up part of the ground occupied by Lauman. The latter can better spare a garrison regiment to garrison Warrenton than any one else. I would not take a regiment from you for a garrison of Warrenton, but Herron has a long line to hold, and but eight regiments to do it with.

Lauman will be directed to report to and receive orders from you.

U.S. GRANT.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 409-10

Major-General William T. Sherman to Lieutenant Colonel John A. Rawlins, June 16, 1863—8 p.m.

CAMP, Walnut Hills, June 16, 1863—8 p.m.

Lieut. Col. JOHN A. RAWLINS,
        Assistant Adjutant-General, Department of the Tennessee:

SIR: Last night, in company with Colonel Wilson, I rode up to Snyder's Bluff, and this morning examined the line of pits and batteries in course of construction. They appear to me well adapted to the end in view, and will enable the two divisions of Kimball and Smith to hold any three coming from the north and northeast. I examined, in company with Generals Washburn, Kimball, and Smith, also Colonel Wilson, the valley of the Skillet-Goliath, and have advised that General Parke dispose his force along that valley, its center near the church at Milldale, left near Snyder's, and right up toward Templeton, where I have a strong picket. General Parke had not arrived at the hour of my starting back (4 p.m.), but I saw steamboats coming, which I think contained his troops. The accounts of the enemy brought in from the front were very conflicting, and my inference was that Loring is feeling his way cautiously down with cavalry, and a moderate force of infantry, as far as Post Oak Ridge. It seems the cavalry pickets drew in from that point last night, but General Washburn assured me he would replace them to-day. The Fourth Iowa Cavalry have moved, by my orders, to Wixon's, with orders to watch the approaches from Bush's and Birdsong Ferries. With arrangements now completed, the enemy cannot come down the Valley road or the Ridge road via Snyder's. If he comes, he must come across the head of Clear Creek, debouching near Marshall's. That ground cannot well be obstructed, but it is advantageous to us, and could be rendered more so by constructing two or three detached forts: one near Marshall's, another at the point where the Bridgeport road leaves the Benton road, and another intermediate. If you deem it prudent, I will cause the ground to be more closely examined, and works laid off and begun. As you know, my corps has done much labor, but I will do anything and everything in human power to achieve final success.

I am, with great respect, your obedient servant,

W. T. SHERMAN.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 415

Major-General Stephen A. Hurlbut to Lieutenant-Colonel John A. Rawlins, June 10, 1863

MEMPHIS, TENN., June 10, 1863.

Lieut. Col. JOHN A. RAWLINS, Assistant Adjutant-General:

COLONEL: I have received to-day one letter from Captain Lyford, chief of ordnance, in relation to sending down 32 pounder guns and carriages for 10-inch columbiads. Colonel [Ignatz G.] Kappner, First Tennessee Heavy A.D. Artillery, proceeded at once to Columbus and Island No. 10 to fill this order.

In the other, from yourself, of the 8th, you direct the infantry find artillery of this command held ready for still further reduction at short notice.

The command is ready to be moved as rapidly as can be done and to any extent required by orders from headquarters. It now covers the main line of road from Memphis to Corinth, and covers this very lightly. Had I any disposable infantry force, I should move down the Panola road.

Scout in at La Grange; left Jackson the 7th. Says they claim 50,000 men with Johnston; he thinks not more than 30,000. Breckinridge is there with 10,000. Forces constantly arriving from Charleston, Savannah, and Tennessee. The railroad was fully repaired on Saturday. Forage and supplies being forced down from all parts of Mississippi.

[W. H.] Jackson and [J. W.] Whitfield, with cavalry, reached Jackson on Friday. Hatch has just returned from an expedition along the Tallahatchee. Met nothing but pickets and light squads. I shall send the whole of my cavalry down as far as they can go, to destroy crops and break up roads and means of transportation.

A portion of the Second Division, of Ninth Army Corps, arrived this afternoon; the balance will be here in a few hours from Cairo. The division is in command of Major-General Parke. Everything is being pressed forward as fast as possible, but there is terrible scarcity of boats, and it seems as if boats that go down to your parts never return. It is impossible to send anything down until some of the boats below are returned. Every boat from Saint Louis is in service. They should not be kept an hour after they are discharged of their cargoes.

I am fully satisfied that Johnston cannot bring more than 35,000 men, of all arms, within the next ten days.

Bragg is removing his stores to Atlanta, but Rosecrans will not believe any reports from this quarter, and I have ceased communicating with him, except through Washington. He could now easily clear Middle Tennessee and open communication with Dodge at Hamburg.

I have the honor to be, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

S. A. HURLBUT.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 397

Major-General Stephen A. Hurlbut to Lieutenant-Colonel John A. Rawlins, June 10, 1863

HEADQUARTERS SIXTEENTH ARMY CORPS,        

Memphis, Tenn., June 10, 1863.

Lieut. Col. JOHN A. RAWLINS,
        Assistant Adjutant-General, Dept. of the Tenn., in the Field:

COLONEL: I received this morning orders through Captain Lyford, ordnance officer, to send ten 32-pounder guns and carriages for two 10-inch columbiads, with ammunition. I have sent Colonel Kappner, First Tennessee Artillery, to Columbus, to procure the same and forward as speedily as possible. They shall be sent as soon as they can be shipped. Major-General Parke telegraphs me from Cairo, inquiring when first boat of Ninth Army Corps arrives. I expect them hourly. Smith has left with his division.

I reiterate my request that the general commanding will see to it, if possible, that communication north by railroad be destroyed.

Hatch's cavalry is now south of the Tallahatchee, looking after any proposed advance. Unless it is absolutely necessary, I do not desire to move the Fourth Illinois Cavalry, and on this await orders. The reasons are that Rosecrans is not active near the Tennessee; that the abandonment of Jackson lays the whole country open, and that active cavalry movements from Columbus are necessary to cover this open line.

Colonel Hillyer reported to me, with orders from General Grant, to assist in expediting movements of troops. I am not aware of any assistance rendered by him, although his society was very agreeable when time was allowed to converse with him. I am satisfied that his forte is not in quartermaster's duty.

I have the honor to be, colonel, very respectfully, your obedient servant,

S. A. HURLBUT.

P. S.—I have heard incidentally that Colonel Duff and Colonel Lagow, of your staff, have been here. They have not reported to me.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 24, Part 3 (Serial No. 38), p. 397-8

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: March 13, 1862

THE LANDING AND MARCH.

The morning of the 13th was dark and rainy, and we made preparations to land. It always rains where we go; first at Hatteras, then at Roanoke and now here. I think we are rightly named a water division.

We landed in a mudhole, at the mouth of Slocum’s creek. Before noon the troops were all landed, and the march commenced. The 25th taking the advance, we marched up the river bank about a mile, the gun-boats shelling the woods in advance of us. We then struck into the woods, which presented a novel appearance. There was no undergrowth, but a short grass covered the ground, while masses of long gray moss hung in festoons from the branches of the trees, giving them a weird and sombre appearance. We soon came out to a cart road, or horse path, along which we followed for about a couple of miles, when we came to a deserted cavalry camp. I reckon when they heard the sounds of revelry on the river, there was mountings in hot haste, and they sped away to some safer locality. The clouds now broke and the sun shone out hot, which, together with the mud, made the march a toilsome one. A little further on, we came to the carriage road. Here Foster's brigade halted, to let Reno's and Parke's brigades move past us.

As Parke's brigade marched past us, we saw at the right of one of the companies in the 5th Rhode Island regiment, marching by the side of the orderly, a lady, dressed in a natty suit, with high boots and jockey hat, surmounted by a big ostrich feather. She was the observed of our whole brigade, and cheer after cheer went up along the line for the pretty woman. Continuing our march a little farther we reached some extensive earthworks, which were abandoned, but for what reason we of course were ignorant. But we reasoned that if they build works like these and then make no effort to hold them, it shows they are weak and have no confidence in their ability to successfully contend against us, and Newbern will fall an easy prey. The deep mud in the road, together with the heat, began to tell on the boys, and many of them were obliged to fall out by the way. Our march began to grow slower, and when about dusk, it commenced raining again, we turned into the woods at the right of the road, where we were to bivouac for the night. Scouting parties and pickets were sent out in order to give notice if anything unusual was about to transpire during the night. Here in the soft mud of the swamp, with the rain pouring down on us, was our hotel. Mrs. Hemans, in her song of the Pilgrims, said,

“Amidst the storm they sang.”

But there was no song in that swamp; too tired for supper the boys laid themselves down in the mud to sleep, and bitterly thought of the morrow. Stokes and I roomed together between a couple of logs. Taking our rifles and powder between us and covering ourselves closely in the blankets, we were soon fast asleep. But he kept the advantage of me all night, for he is a great fellow to pull blankets, and he came out in the morning all right and dry, while I had been catching the rain. The boys slept well, but woke up cold and wet. There was no time to make a cup of coffee, for we were close on the enemy, and the order was again to the battle. We caught a few hasty mouthfuls of cold meat and hardtack, and quietly fell into our places in line.

THE BATTLE.

We fellows who do the shooting are not counted as any great shakes ordinarily, but yesterday morning we seemed to be regarded as of very great importance, and it took a great amount of swearing and hurrying to and fro of aids and hoarse shoutings of officers to get us around where we were wanted. We were within a half mile of the enemy's line, and Reno's and Parke's brigades were deploying in front of them, on the centre and left of our line. Foster's brigade was to take the right, and the 25th led off up the road, followed by the 24th Massachusetts and the other regiments of the brigade. We soon came in sight of the enemy's works, which were only a short rifle-shot from us. Reno's and Parke's brigades had already opened the ball along the center and left. We filed out of the road to the right, moving towards the river. As we moved out we were honored with a salute from one of the enemy's batteries, but the shots passed harmlessly over our heads. The boys looked a little wild, but with steady step moved on until the 25th and 24th Massachusetts were in line on the right of the road; the 27th and 23d Massachusetts and the 10th Connecticut regiments were on the left.

Foster's brigade was now in line of battle and moving forward towards the edge of the woods next to the clearing. The howitzer battery now came up, took position in the road, between the 24th and 27th Massachusetts, and commenced firing. With the exception of the 25th, Foster's brigade then opened fire. We were on the extreme right and well towards the river, seeing nothing in front of us to draw our fire. The 24th Massachusetts kept up a scattering fire that kept the enemy well down behind their works.

We were ordered, if possible, to turn the enemy’s left. We advanced nearly to the edge of the woods, and only a short distance from the enemy's line. I was running my eye along it to see where and how it ended, expecting every moment to hear the order to charge, but just then the boats commenced throwing shell over us, towards the Confederate line. They had got a low range and their shells were coming dangerously near, splintering and cutting off the trees, and ploughing great furrows in the ground directly in front of us. In this condition of affairs we Were compelled to fall back. The boats, however, were soon notified of their mistake and ceased firing. We again advanced, going over and beyond from where we fell back, when all at once we received a galling flank fire from an unseen battery. We again fell back a few rods, dressing the line and again cautiously advanced. We now discovered that their works curved and connected with a large water battery, situated just in the edge of the woods and concealed by the trees. In the rear of this battery were mounted old 32-pounder marine guns, which gave them an enfilading fire of the clearing in front of their works. From these guns they fired grape shot, which weighed about four pounds each. To charge was hopeless, and in falling back we received another fire from this battery. From these we lost quite a number of men, killed and wounded. I had the honor of stopping one ball myself; it struck a tree, however, before it did me. Having got back from under the guns of this battery, Col. Upton reported the situation to Gen. Foster, who ordered him to move his regiment to the left of the 24th Massachusetts and support the howitzer battery. During all this time, however, the battle was raging furiously along the centre and left. While we were bothering around on the right, a little incident occurred, which perhaps is worthy of mention. Lieut. Draper of my company (B), but now attached to the signal corps, reported to Capt. Clark for duty. He said there was nothing more for the signal corps to do and he would like to take his place in the line. The captain told him he could do as he liked; he thereupon joined his company, and did duty with it the rest of the day. Although a young man of only 20 years of age, he has got the stuff in him of which soldiers are made. In front of our battery the enemy had a large gun which commanded the road, and which proved rather troublesome. This gun after each discharge was hauled around, and again back into position, by a pair of mules. After each discharge a young dare-devil of a marine lieutenant would run down the road almost to the gun, to see what they were up to. On one of these excursions he discovered one of the mules down, probably from a stray shot. He came running back up the road like a wild man, swinging his cap, and shouting at the top of his voice: “Come on, come on 1 for God's sake, come on. Now is your time!” The 25th, without any other order, sprang forward, followed by the 24th Massachusetts and all the line. On the charge they received a heavy fire from the enfilading battery, but on they went, scaling the ditch and parapet like blackbirds, but no enemy was there. Seeing us coming, they took that as a notice to leave, and acted on it immediately. Inside the works, I heard Gen. Burnside ask Gen. Foster who gave the order to charge. Foster replied he didn't know, but it made no difference so long as it was done. The 25th reformed, and, marching a short distance to the rear, charged across the railroad, into the swamp, capturing Col. Avery and his South Carolina regiment, who were covering the retreat. Thus, after five hours' hard fighting, ended the battle of Newbern. Victory had again perched upon our banners, and the cheers of the victors were ringing out on every side. Although the battle resulted as I wished, I certainly did not feel like glorying for who can compute the woe, anguish and sorrow of this day's work? I cannot get over my horror of a battle,

“Where the death angel flaps his broad wing o'er the field,

And human souls go out in agony.”

OUR ENTRANCE INTo NEwBERN.

Foster's brigade starts up the railroad for town, leaving Reno's and Parke's, brigades to take care of the field. Cautiously we moved along, thinking, perhaps, the enemy may have formed a second line and are awaiting our approach. It soon became apparent, however, that they were making the distance between them and us as long as possible. We then hurried along, arriving at the river where the railroad bridge was burned which crossed into town. The view from here was an appalling one. The railroad bridge, a fine structure upwards of 1500 feet in length, was in ruins and the town was on fire in several places. Dense clouds of smoke of inky blackness settled like a pall over the town, while every few moments the lurid flames, with their forked tongues, would leap above the clouds, and the bellowing of the gunboats on the river, throwing their large shells over the town after the retreating enemy, conspired to make a most hideous scene.

It was near the middle of the afternoon when the old ferry boat Curlew (which a few weeks before I had wished sunk) arrived. On board this, Major McCafferty, with a mixed company of about 100 men, with the colors, crossed the river and landed on the wharf at the foot of Craven street. These were the first troops and colors in the city. After landing we marched up Craven nearly to Pollock street, when we halted. The major did not appear to have any business on hand or instructions to make any, so we waited for further orders or for the regiment to join us.

Here was presented an indescribable scene. A town on fire, an invading army entering its gates, the terror-stricken inhabitants fleeing in every direction. The negroes were holding a grand jubilee, some of them praying and in their rude way thanking God for their deliverance; others, in their wild delight, were dancing and singing, while others, with an eye to the main chance, were pillaging the stores and dwellings. But in the midst of all this appalling tumult and confusion, the boys, true to the natural instincts of the soldier, were looking around to see what could be found in the line of trophies and fresh rations. They soon began to come in with their plunder, which the major told them to carry back, as he should allow no pillaging while he was in command. Presently Stokes comes along bringing a little package. The major asked, “What have you there?” “Sausages, sir!” “Go, carry them back where you got them from.” “I reckon not,” replied Stokes, “a lady out here gave them to me.” The major was incredulous, but Stokes offered to show him the lady and let her tell it, whereupon the former subsides, and Stokes, with a roguish twinkle of his eye, jams the package into my haversack, saying, “Sausage for breakfast.” I was proud of the boy, to see how well he was observing instructions, as I have told him from the start that to stand any sort of a chance as a soldier, he must learn to do a right smart job of stealing, and be able to lie the hair right off a man's head. He has certainly shown some smallness, and I doubt if a commissioned officer could have done any better. The regiment landed at the north side of the city, and about night rejoined us. Our hard day's work was at last finished, the regiment was dismissed and the companies quartered in any unoccupied buildings they might find. Generals Burnside and Foster, with soldiers, citizens and negroes, were putting out the fires and bringing order out of confusion. Company B was quartered in a small house on Craven street, and the boys, although hungry, tired and worn down by the fatigues of the day, made frolic of the evening and celebrated their victory.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 42-6

Diary of Corporal David L. Day: December 2, 1861

THE TROOPS BRIGADED.

The troops encamped around here have been formed into three brigades, and will be commanded by Brigadier Generals Foster, Reno and Parke; the whole to be under command of Gen. A. E. Burnside and known as Burnside's coast division. Our regiment has been assigned the right of the first brigade, comprising the 25th, 23d, 24th and 27th Massachusetts and 10th Connecticut regiments, under command of Brig. Gen. John G. Foster, U. S. A. I think we are fortunate in our commander, as he appears to me like a man who understands his business. Gen. Foster is a regular army officer, ranking as captain of engineer!. He served in the Mexican war, and was with Major Anderson at the storming and surrender of Fort Sumpter. He has recently been commissioned brigadier general of volunteers. Judging from appearances, I have great faith in him as an able commander.

SOURCE: David L. Day, My Diary of Rambles with the 25th Mass. Volunteer Infantry, p. 13-4

Lieutenant-Colonel William T. Lusk to Elizabeth Adams Lusk, August 17, 1863

Headquarters Del. Dept.,

Wilmington, Del., Aug. 17th, 1863.

My dear Mother:

The month is rapidly passing away, and I am awaiting impatiently the time of my release. Meanwhile I do not mean to pine, but am trying to enjoy myself the best way possible. For instance, Saturday evening, took tea with the Bishop. Yesterday, dined with the Chief Justice. Now we are making arrangements to get up a steamboat excursion to Fort Delaware — a little private party of our own to return some of the civilities that have been paid us. We (Ned and I) mean to have all the pretty girls. Mrs. LaMotte, a charming lady, is to play matron, and I think will have a tolerably good time. So you see, as I said before, we don't pine, still I shall be glad when I shall be at liberty to return home. Have just finished reading Mrs. Fanny Kemble's book on plantation life. By George! I never heard anything to compare with her descriptions. They make one's blood run cold. Though told with great simplicity and evident truth, compared with them Mrs. Stowe's book is a mild dish of horrors. In this State of Delaware I believe there is a larger proportion of extreme Abolitionists than in Massachusetts. People are tired of being ruled by the lottery and slave interests which heretofore have locked hands together. Gen. Tyler is an unconditional man. When one protests his loyalty, the Gen. always asks him if his loyalty is great enough to acquiesce in the emancipation proclamation, and according to the answer, "Yes" or "No," he is judged. Uncle Tom I fear, wouldn't stand much chance here. I had a few lines from Alfred Goddard a day or two ago. He seems to be well pleased with his position on Gen. Harland's Staff. The letter you enclosed to me from Harry Heffron, had all the latest news from the 79th. They have suffered much in following up Johnston in Mississippi from want of water, Johnston leaving in every well either a dead horse or a mule. Agreeable! They are now however on their way to Kentucky and rejoicing. McDonald is on Gen. Parke's Staff. I believe my handwriting grows daily more unformed. How I have degenerated from the example Grandfather Adams set us. However, I have to write fast and sacrifice beauty to utility.

Best love.

Affec'y.,

Will.

SOURCE: William Chittenden Lusk, Editor, War Letters of William Thompson Lusk, p. 292-4

Edwin M. Stanton to Abraham Lincoln, March 25, 1865 – 8 p.m.

WAR DEPARTMENT,         

Washington City, March 25, 1865 — 8 p.m.

To the PRESIDENT:

Your telegram and Parke's report* of the “scrimmage” this morning are received. The rebel rooster looks a little the worse, as he could not hold the fence. We have nothing new here. Now you are away everything is quiet and the tormentors vanished. I hope you will remember General Harrison's advice to his men at Tippecanoe, that they “can see as well a little farther off.”

EDWIN M. STANTON,

Secretary of War.

_______________

* See next, post.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 109

Lieutenant-General Ulysses S. Grant to Edwin M. Stanton, March 25, 1865 – 1:30 p.m.

CITY POINT, VA., March 25, 1865 — 1.30 p.m.

Hon. E. M. STANTON,

Secretary of War:

The following dispatch of General Parke is received from General Meade:

The enemy attacked my front this morning at about 4.30 with three divisions, under command of General Gordon. By a sudden rush they seized the line held by the Third Brigade, First Division, at the foot of the hill, to the right of Fort Stedman, wheeled, and, overpowering the garrison, took possession of the fort. They established themselves on the hill, turning our guns upon us. Our troops on either flank stood firm. Soon after a determined attack was made on Fort Haskell, held by part of McLaughlen's brigade, Willcox's division, and was repulsed with great loss to the enemy. The First Brigade of Hartranft's division, held in reserve, was brought up, and a check given to any further advance. One or two attempts to retake the hill were made, and were only temporarily successful, until the arrival of the Second Brigade, when a charge was made by that brigade, aided by the troops of the First Division, on either flank, and the enemy were driven out of the fort, with the loss of a number of prisoners, estimated at about 1,600. Two battle-flags have also been brought in. The enemy also lost heavily in killed outside of our lines. The whole line was immediately reoccupied, and the guns retaken uninjured. I regret to add that General McLaughlen was captured in Fort Stedman; our loss was otherwise not heavy. Great praise is due to General Hartranft for the skill and gallantry displayed in handling his division, which behaved with great spirit in this its first engagement.

JNO. G. PARKE,

Major-General, Commanding.

U.S. GRANT,

Lieutenant-General.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I Volume 46, Part 3 (Serial No. 97), p. 109-10

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, April 2, 1865

April 2, 1865

Last night was a busy one and a noisy. Some battery or other was playing the whole time, and, now and then, they would all wake up at once; while the skirmishers kept rushing at each other and firing, sometimes almost by volleys. All of which did good, because it wore out the enemy and made them uncertain where the main attack might come. At a quarter past four in the morning, Wright, having massed his three divisions in columns of attack, near Fort Fisher, just before daylight charged their works, burst through four lines of abattis, and poured a perfect torrent of men over the parapet. He then swept to the right and left, bearing down all the attempts of the enemy's reserves to check him; a part also of his force went straight forward, crossed the Boydton plank and tore up the track of the South Side Railroad. The assault was, in reality, the death-blow to Lee's army. His centre was thus destroyed, his left wing driven into the interior line of Petersburg, and his right taken in flank and left quite isolated. At the same moment Parke attacked the powerful works in his front, somewhat to the right of the Jerusalem plank road, and carried the strong outer line, with three batteries, containing twelve guns; but the fire was so hot from the inner line that his men could get no further, but continued to hold on, with great obstinacy, for the rest of the day, while the Rebels made desperate sorties to dislodge them. In this attack General Potter received a wound which still keeps him in an extremely critical condition. You may well believe that the musketry, which had spattered pretty well during the night, now broke out with redoubled noise in all directions.

Under the excitement of getting at my valise and having some fresh paper, I am moved to write you some more about the great Sunday, which I so irreverently broke off.¹ I was saying that the musketry broke out pretty freely from all quarters. Do you understand the position of the troops? Here is a rough diagram.² On the right Parke, from the river to west of the Jerusalem road; then Wright and Ord, stretching to Hatcher's Run; then Humphreys, forming the left wing. To the left and rear were Sheridan and Griffin, making a detached left wing. Humphreys' left rested somewhat west of the Boydton plank. Ord and Humphreys were now crowding in their skirmishers, trying for openings in the slashings to put in a column. Ord tried to carry the line, but could not get through; but the 2d division of the 2d Corps got a chance for a rush, and, about 7.30 in the morning, stormed a Rebel fort, taking four guns and several hundred Rebels; in this attack the 19th and 20th Massachusetts were very prominent. About nine o'clock the General rode off towards the left, from our Headquarters near the crossing of the Vaughan road, over Hatcher's Run. He overtook and consulted a moment with Grant, and then continued along our old line of battle, with no “intelligent orderly” except myself. So that is the way I came to be Chief -of -Staff, Aide-de-camp, Adjutant-General, and all else; for presently the Chief took to giving orders at a great rate, and I had to get out my “manifold writer” and go at it. I ordered Benham to rush up from City Point and reinforce Parke, and I managed to send something to pretty much everybody, so as to keep them brisk and lively. In fact, I completely went ahead of the fly that helped the coach up the hill by bearing down on the spokes of the wheels!

And now came the notice that the enemy were going at the double-quick towards their own right, having abandoned the whole of Ord's front and some of Humphreys'. We were not quite sure whether they might not contemplate an attack in mass on Humphreys' left, and so this part of our line was pushed forward with caution while Humphreys' right was more rapidly advanced. We met sundry squads of prisoners coming across the fields, among them a forlorn band, with their instruments. “Did you not see that band?” said Rosie to me that evening, in great glee. “Ah! I did see them. I did them ask for to play Yan—kay Doodle; but they vould not!” About 9 o'clock we got to General Humphreys on the Boydton plank road, by Mrs. Ramie's. It was now definitely known that the enemy had given up his whole line in this front and was retreating northwesterly, towards Sutherland's Station. He was reported, however, as forming line of battle a mile or two beyond us. Immediately Miles's division marched up the Claiborne road, while Mott, followed by Hays (2d division, 2d Corps), took the Boydton plank. Still more to our left, the cavalry and the 5th Corps were moving also in a northerly direction. Meanwhile, Wright had faced his Corps about and was marching down the Boydton plank, that is to say towards the 2d Corps, which was going up; on his left was the 24th Corps, which had formed there by Grant's orders; so you will see, by the map, that the jaws of the pincers were coming together, and the enemy hastened to slip from between them! As soon as Wright found that this part of the field was swept, he again faced about, as did the 24th Corps (now forming his right), and marched directly up the Boydton plank to the inner line of Petersburg defences, rested his left on the river, swung the 24th round to join Parke, on the right, and voila the city invested on east, south, and west. I am afraid this double manoeuvre will rather confuse you, so here are two diagrams, with the corps numbered, in their first and second positions.

By eleven o'clock the General had got all his troops in motion and properly placed, and the Staff had come from the camp. We all started up the plank road, straight towards the town. It was a strange sensation, to ride briskly past the great oak, near Arnold's Mill, where we got so awfully cannonaded at the first Hatcher's Run; then on till we came to the earthwork, on this side of the Run, whence came the shot that killed Charlie Mills; then across the Run itself, passing their line with its abattis and heavy parapet, and so up the road, on the other side, marked by deep ruts of the Rebel supply-trains. As we got to the top of the rise, we struck the open country that surrounds the town, for several miles, and here the road was full of troops, who, catching sight of the General trotting briskly by, began to cheer and wave their caps enthusiastically! This continued all along the column, each regiment taking it up in turn. It was a goodly ride, I can tell you! Presently we spied General Grant, seated on the porch of an old house, by the wayside, and there we too halted. It seemed a deserted building and had been occupied by a Rebel ordnance sergeant, whose papers and returns were lying about in admirable confusion. A moral man was this sergeant, and had left behind a diary, in one page of which he lamented the vice and profanity of his fellow soldiers. He was not, however, cleanly, but quite untidy in his domestic arrangements. From this spot we had an admirable view of our own works, as the Rebels had, for months, been used to look at them. There was that tall signal tower, over against us, and the bastions of Fort Fisher, and here, near at hand, the Rebel line, with its huts and its defenders sorely beleagured over there in the inner lines, against which our batteries were even now playing; and presently Gibbon assaults these two outlying redoubts, and takes them after a fierce fight, losing heavily. In one was a Rebel captain, who told his men to surrender to nobody. He himself fought to the last, and was killed with the butt end of a musket, and most of his command were slain in the work. But we carried the works: neither ditches nor abattis could keep our men out that day! You may be sure Miles had not been idle all this time. Following up the Claiborne road, he came on the enemy at Sutherland's Station, entrenched and holding on to cover the escape of their train. Though quite without support, he attacked them fiercely, and, at the second or third charge, stormed their breastwork, routed them and took three guns and near 1000 prisoners. With this gallant feat the day ended, gloriously, as it had begun. We went into camp at the Wall house and all preparations were made to cross the river next morning and completely shut in the town.

[The preceding letter like many others, was written several days after the events described. The victory was so overwhelming that all Lyman actually wrote home that night was:]

Headquarters Army Of The Potomac

Sunday, April 2, 1865

11 P.M.

My Dear Mimi: —

THE 

REBELLION

HAS 

GONE UP!

Theodore Lyman

Lt.-col. & Vol. A.D.C.

_______________

¹ Actually written April 13.

² No diagram is found with the letter.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 334-9

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, April 1, 1865

April 1,1865

You will see the April Fool was on the Rebels; for they did not know that, the night before, we had sent down an entire corps of infantry (the 5th) to aid the worsted Sheridan. Their infantry had contented itself with retiring from Sheridan's front, half-way to the White Oak road, and going into camp with a precautionary breastwork in their front. As they lay there, resting, Warren struck them in the flank and swung round, even into their rear, while the cavalry charged their front. After a brief but determined resistance, the enemy broke and fled in wild confusion; 4000 and over were captured and a large part of the rest hopelessly scattered in the woods. Thus our movement, which had begun in simple advantage, now grew to brilliant success, and was destined to culminate, within twenty-four hours, in complete victory.

We were up pretty early, as usual, and at 6.30 A.M. were already at Grant's Headquarters. These were close to Dabney's Mill, now marked only by a huge pile of sawdust — a veteran battle-ground, marked by two considerable actions and many minor skirmishes. Indeed that whole tract is a network of picket-pits and hasty breastworks. After visiting Humphreys, on the Quaker road, we returned to the Lieutenant-General's, and here it was that a note from Sheridan told that he was driving the enemy. Grant folded the slip of paper, and, looking at Meade, said, very quietly: “Very well, then I want Wright and Parke to assault to-morrow morning at four o'clock.” These dozen words settled the fate of Petersburg and of Richmond! It was midnight when General Warren suddenly came into our camp, followed by only one Staff officer. I got him something to eat, but was surprised to see no look of gratification at his victory to-day. Poor man! he had been relieved from command of his Corps. I don't know the details, but I have told you of the difficulties he has had with the General, from his tendency to substitute his own judgment for that of his commanding officer. It seems that Grant was much moved against him by this. The General had nothing to do with it. I am sorry, for I like Warren.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 332-4

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, March 26, 1865

March 26, 1865

My letter of yesterday only gave a part of the day's work. Our train went briskly up to the front and stopped not far from the little rustic chapel you saw; for there was General Parke with his Staff, waiting to receive the General and report the morning's work.  . . . Brevet Brigadier McLaughlen got taken in trying to maintain his line — a good officer. He was the one who had been five days in Boston and told me he was so tired that he thought he should go right back. A certain Major Miller was captured and sent, with a guard of four men, a little to the rear. They sat in a bomb-proof for protection and Miller did so describe the glories of Yankeedom to his captors, that, when we retook the work, they all deserted and came over with him! Then we kept on and got out at our own domus, where General Meade (it being then about 11.30 A.M.) telegraphed sundry orders to his generals; wherefrom resulted, at 12.15, the greatest bang, bang, whang, from good Duke Humphrey, who, spectacles on nose, rushed violently at the entrenched skirmish line of the enemy and captured the same, with the double view of making a reconnaissance and a diversion, and furthermore of showing the Johns that we were not going to be pitched into without hitting back.

Then there was a lull, filled by the arrival of a long grey procession of some 1500 prisoners from the 9th Corps. Really these men possess a capacity for looking “rough” beyond any people I ever saw, except the townsmen of Signor Fra Diavolo. They grew rougher and rougher. These looked brown and athletic, but had the most matted hair, tangled beards, and slouched hats, and the most astounding carpets, horse-sheets and transmogrified shelter-tents for blankets, that you ever imagined. One grim gentleman, of forbidding aspect, had tempered his ferocity by a black, broad-brimmed straw hat, such as country ministers sometimes wear — a head-dress which, as Whittier remarked, “rather forced the season!” Singularly enough, the train just then came up and the President and General Grant, followed by a small party, rode over to the Headquarters. “I have just now a despatch from General Parke to show you,” said General Meade. “Ah,” quoth the ready Abraham, pointing to the parade-ground of the Provost-Marshal, “there is the best despatch you can show me from General Parke!” The President is, I think, the ugliest man I ever put my eyes on; there is also an expression of plebeian vulgarity in his face that is offensive (you recognize the recounter of coarse stories). On the other hand, he has the look of sense and wonderful shrewdness, while the heavy eyelids give him a mark almost of genius. He strikes me, too, as a very honest and kindly man; and, with all his vulgarity, I see no trace of low passions in his face. On the whole, he is such a mixture of all sorts, as only America brings forth. He is as much like a highly intellectual and benevolent Satyr as anything I can think of. I never wish to see him again, but, as humanity runs, I am well content to have him at the head of affairs.  . . . After which digression I will remark that the President (who looks very fairly on a horse) reviewed the 3d division, 5th Corps, which had marched up there to support the line, and were turned into a review. As the Chief Magistrate rode down the ranks, plucking off his hat gracefully by the hinder part of the brim, the troops cheered quite loudly. Scarcely was the review done when, by way of salute, all those guns you saw by Fort Fisher opened with shells on the enemy's picket line, which you could see, entrenched, from where you stood. Part of the 6th Corps then advanced and, after a sharp fight, which lasted, with heavy skirmishing, till sunset, drove off the Rebels and occupied their position, driving them towards their main line. At four and at seven P.M. the enemy charged furiously on Humphreys, to recover their picket line, but were repulsed with great loss; our men never behaved better. Both Wright and Humphreys took several hundred prisoners, swelling the total for the day to 2700, more than we have had since the noted 12th of May. Our total loss is from 1800 to 2000; while that of the enemy must be from 4000 to 5000 plus a great discouragement. Isn't it funny for you to think of the polite Humphreys riding round in an ambulance with you Friday, and, the next day, smashing fiercely about in a fight?

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 323-6

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, March 25, 1865

March 25, 1865

We may indeed call this a many-sided field-day: a breakfast with a pleasure party, an assault and a recapture of an entrenched line, a review by the President of a division of infantry, and sharp fighting at sundry points of a front of eighteen miles! If that is not a mixed affair, I would like to know what is? It has been a lucky day, for us; and the 9th Corps, after patient waiting for eight months, have played the game of the “Mine” against their antagonists. The official despatches will give you the main facts very well, but I can add some particulars. About daylight, the enemy having massed three divisions and a part of a fourth, made a sudden rush and carried Fort Stedman and about half a mile of line commanded by it. The garrisons of the forts on either side stood firm, however, and repelled a severe attack with much injury to the enemy. Meantime, General Parke had ordered that the works should be retaken, if it cost every man in the Corps; and all the scattered regiments immediately at hand were put in and checked a further advance, until General Hartranft (I'm not sure about the spelling of his name) brought up the 3d division, which had been camped in reserve. He personally led in one brigade of it, with conspicuous gallantry, retook the whole portion lost, and captured, at one swoop, 1800 Rebels. It was just the “Mine,” turned the other way: they got caught in there and could not get out. Their loss also in killed and wounded must have been severe, not only from musketry, but also from canister, which was thrown into a ravine by which they retreated. Upwards of a hundred Rebel dead lay in and round Fort Stedman alone. Our own losses in the 9th Corps will be somewhat over 800, half of whom may be reckoned prisoners, taken in the first surprise. I should guess the loss of their opponents as not less than 2600.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 322-3

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, November 10, 1864

Headquarters Army Of Potomac

November 10, 1864

They have been singularly niggardly to us about election returns; but we have reliable intelligence to-night that Lincoln is re-elected, the coarse, honest, good-natured, tolerably able man! It is very well as it is; for the certainty of pushing this war to its righteous end must now swallow up all other considerations. I am still more content that there has been a powerful opposition to him, even from respectable men, an opposition strong enough to carry several states. This will caution him, or better, his party, to proceed cautiously and to make no fanatical experiments, such as we too often have seen, but to proceed firmly, and according to rule and law. Lincoln has some men of ability about him — pre-eminent, Mr. Seward, whom the ultras have thrown over, but whom I think the strong man of the cabinet. Mr. Fessenden is said to be a very superior person, and his face is certainly a bright one, very. There is another important advantage in keeping on as we are: the machine is in running order and it is always a drawback to change midst a season of public trial. And again we have done with Lincoln what the Rebels have successfully done with their generals, let him learn from his own misfortunes and mistakes; not a bad school for a sensible man. So you see, I am inclined to make the best of what I deem is the best, albeit not very good. . . .

Have you read an article from Fraser, in Littel’s, called “Concord Transcendentalists.” It is a singular production, rather entertaining some of it, and interspersed with the weakest, sweetened warm milk and water. The place where it says that Theodore Parker hid two slaves in his study, and nightly sat writing at the door of it, with several pistols and the gun that had belonged to his grandfather, would be a funny passage at any time, but, written so gravely in these war days, it is quite irresistible! If you see any number, in future, containing the tale of Tony Butler,¹ you might send it to me, though it is no great matter. I have read a number or two, the last chapter being in this very number where the Transcends flourish. Which reminds me of what a West Point professor said, according to the solemn Duane. He was hearing a recitation in philosophy, and would fain illustrate how the body might slowly change, yet the individual remain the same. “Now,” said he, “if I have a knife and lose a blade and get it replaced, it is still the same knife.” “Well,” said a stupid-looking cadet, “and suppose you lose the other blades, one after another, and get them replaced, is it the same knife?” “Certainly,” replied the Professor. “And suppose the handle should get rather ricketty and you replaced that?” “Yes, it would be the same knife.” “Well, now,” cried the stupid one, suddenly brightening up amazingly, “suppose you took the old handle, and found the old blades, and put 'em all together, what would you call that, hey?” Poor Major Duane! he can't do much but talk and tell stories, for he is quite miserably yet and is not fit for duty, though he is improving. . . .

Last night, with a mild south wind, we had a singular example of the stopping of sound. Our batteries near the plank road, some three miles off, may usually be heard with perfect distinctness; not only the guns, but the explosion of the shells; and the replies of the Rebels also. At night we can see the shells going over, by the burning fuse, that looks like a flying spark. The deception is very singular in the dark, for, though the shell may be passing at the rate of 1200 feet a second, in the distance the fuse seems to go slowly and in a stately curve. This is because 1200 feet looks very small, three miles away, and the eye gets an idea of rapidity by the space travelled over in a given time. Well, last night, they opened a somewhat brisk discharge of mortar shells from both sides; but though we could see them go through the sky and burst below, not the faintest sound reached the ear! At other times these same guns will sound quite close to us. I could cite many such contrasts.

I rode forth with good Duke Humphrey, to see the dress-parade in the 9th Corps. That and the 5th, not being in the immediate presence of the enemy, have a good chance for drill. The 9th Corps, in particular, have gone into the evolutions to an alarming extent, an exercise which, like Wistar's balsam of wild cherry, can't do harm and may do good. Around General Parke's Headquarters there is a chronic beating of drums and fifing of fifes and playing of bands. We sat some time and watched the drilling; it was quite fun to see them double-quicking here, and marching there, and turning up in unexpected positions. At last the gallant Colonel McLaughlen, after many intricate manoeuvres, charged and took a sutler's tent, and the brigade was then marched to its quarters. As we returned, there was a nig brigade, having its dress parade in fine style. They looked extremely well and marched in good style. The band was a great feature. There was a man with the bass drum (the same I believe that so amused De Chanal) who felt a ruat-coelum-fiat-big-drum sentiment in his deepest heart! No man ever felt more that the success of great things lay in the whacking of that sheepskin with vigor and precision! Te-de-bung, de-de-bung, bung, bung! could be heard, far and near.  . . . The nigs are getting quite brisk at their evolutions. If their intellects don't work, the officers occasionally refresh them by applying the flats of their swords to their skins. There was a Swede here, who had passed General Casey's board for a negro commission. He was greatly enraged by a remark of the distinguished Casey, who asked him what Gustavus Adolphus did, meaning what great improvements he introduced in the art of war. To which the furriner replied: “He was commander-in-chief of the Swedish army.” “Oh, pooh!” said Casey, “that's nothing!” Which the Swede interpreted to mean that Gustavus was small potatoes, or that the Swedish army was so. Really, most foreign officers among us are but scapegraces from abroad. The other day the Belgian Minister Sanford sent a letter asking for promotion for private Guatineau, whose pa had rendered us great service by writing in the French press. The matter being referred to his commander, the reply was: “This man deserted to the enemy from the picket line.”

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¹ By Charles James Lever, and then running in Blackwood's Magazine.

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 259-62

Lieutenant-Colonel Theodore Lyman to Elizabeth Russell Lyman, Friday, October 14, 1864

October 14, 1864

How shall I vote? I don't know that I shall be given the chance; but, if I am, I shall vote for the blue-blooded Abraham. It was with a feeling of depression that I heard the first rumors that the Dems had carried Pennsylvania, Ohio, and Indiana; and when the truth came out, I felt glad. This proves to me that I look on the Mac party with misgiving. The soldiers' vote is an unexpected one; they are said to show five to one for the Administration, which tells me that they identify it with the support of the war; for the troops in their private thoughts make the thrashing of the Rebs a matter of pride, as well as of patriotism.

I venture to say that at no time during the war have the Rebel papers talked so desperately; they speak of the next month settling the question, and of arming the negroes. If they do this latter, the slavery candle will burn at both ends. I have no idea that the next month will settle it, though, of course, there is a chance for important movements during the autumn, as at other seasons of good weather. We must keep at them — that is the only way; no let up, no armistice. They perfectly hate what we are doing now, going a couple of miles and fortifying, then going two more and fortifying again; then making a sudden rush, taking a position and a lot of cannon, and again fortifying that. All these moves being a part of what we may call a throttling plan. Their struggles, though often apparently successful, do them thus far no good. They flank us on the Weldon railroad and brush off 2000 prisoners: no use! we hold the road. They flank us again at the Pegram house, and capture 1000 more: no use; we hold the Pegram position and add it to former acquisitions. Then they flank Butler and get eight of his guns; but they have to go back, and Benjamin remains in what General Halleck terms a “threatening attitude.”  . . . Yesterday, Loring, whom I saw over at General Parke's Headquarters, was speaking of the quaint ways of talking among soldiers. Their lines are at peace out there, and the soldiers don't fire; notwithstanding, some sharpshooters, with telescopic rifles, are posted here and there. As he rode along, he met two of these gentry coming with faces as of men who had labored in a good cause, without profit. “Hullo!” said L., “did you get good places out in front?” “Yes, fust-rate places: but no shooting, no shooting!” General Meade rode to Parke's on account of a statement from a deserter, that the enemy would attack our left. “If they do” quoth the General, proud of his engineering skill, “if they do, they’ll get into a nice hornet's nest.” It is funny to see two engineers, like Meade and Parke, ride along works and pleasantly discuss them. In their enthusiasm, they always personify redoubts as far as to give them eyes, and speak of their “looking” in sundry directions, meaning thereby that they can fire there. “Here is a nice swallow-tail lunette,” says Parke as if introducing a pâté de foie gras; “these two faces, you see, look down the two roads of approach, and here is a face that looks into that ravine: nothing could live in that ravine, nothing!” This last he emphasizes, as if the presence of life in the ravine aforesaid was a thing in the highest degree sinful, and this redoubt was virtuously bent on preserving the public morality. “Yes,” replies Father Meade, “that seems all right; now you want to slash out, about 300 yards further, and get a good field of fire so that the enemy's sharpshooters can't annoy your gunners.” The use of the word “annoy” is another military eccentricity. When half the men are killed or wounded by the enemy's riflemen, an officer will ride pleasantly in to the chief of artillery, and state that the battery is a good deal “annoyed” by sharpshooters, giving to the novice the impression that the sharpshooters complained of have been using provoking and impertinent language to the battery. To-day I was the sole companion of the General on his exercise ride, on which occasions, instead of riding behind him, I ride beside him, but keep as it were a little back of his horse's head. When we approach any body of troops, I fall entirely to the rear — strong on etiquette we are! For two or three days he has been in the best of humors and sits in the evening by the camp-fire before my tent, talking familiarly with all the aides; a rare thing with him. . . .

SOURCE: George R. Agassiz, Editor, Meade’s Headquarters, 1863-1865: Letters of Colonel Theodore Lyman from the Wilderness to Appomattox, p. 244-5