Diary of John Hay: October 11, 1864

. . . I was mentioning old Mr. Blair’s very calm and discreet letter of October 5 to the President to-day contrasting it with Montgomery’s indiscretions; and the President said:— “Yes, they remind me of ———. He was sitting in a bar-room among strangers who were telling of some affair in which his father, as they said, had been tricked in a trade, and he said, ‘that's a lie!’ Some sensation. ‘What do you mean?’ ‘Why the old man ain't so easy tricked. You can fool the boys but ye can't the old man.’”

. . . . At eight o'clock the President went over to the War Department to watch for despatches. I went with him. We found the building in a state of preparation for siege. Stanton had locked the doors and taken the keys up-stairs, so that it was impossible even to send a card to him. A shivering messenger was passing to and fro in the moonlight over the withered leaves who, catching sight of the President, took us around by the Navy Department and conducted us into the War Office by a side door.

The first despatch we received contained the welcome intelligence of the election of Eggelston and Hays in the Cincinnati district. This was from Stager at Cleveland who also promised considerable gains in Indiana, made good a few minutes after by a statement of 400 gain in Noble County. Then came in a despatch from Sanford stating we had 2500 in the city of Philadelphia and that leading Democrats had given up the State. Then Shellabarger was seen to be crowding Sam Cox very hard in the Columbus district, in some places increasing Brough’s colossal vote of last year.

The President, in a lull of despatches, took from his pocket the Nasby papers, and read several chapters of the experiences of the saint and martyr, Petroleum V. They were immensely amusing. Stanton and Dana enjoyed them scarcely less than the President, who read on, con amore, until nine o'clock. At this time I went to Seward’s to keep my engagement. I found there Banks and his wife; Cols. Clark and Wilson, Asta Buruaga and Madame. . . . . Dennison was also there. We broke up very early. Dennison and I went back to the Department.

We found the good Indiana news had become better, and the Pennsylvania had begun to be streaked with lean. Before long the despatches announced with some certainty of tone that Morton was elected by a safe working majority. The scattering reports from Pennsylvania showed about equal gains and losses. But the estimates and the flyers all claimed gains on the Congressmen.

Reports began to come in from the hospitals and camps in the vicinity, the Ohio troops about ten to one for Union, and the Pennsylvania less than three to one. Carver Hospital, by which Stanton and Lincoln pass every day, on their way to the country, gave the heaviest opposition vote, —about one out of three. Lincoln says, — “That's hard on us, Stanton, — they know us better than the others.” Co. K, 150th P. V., the President's personal escort, voted 63 to 11 Union.

I am deeply thankful for the result in Indiana. I believe it saves Illinois in November. I believe it rescues Indiana from sedition and civil war. A copperhead Governor would have afforded a grand central rallying point for that lurking treason whose existence Carrington has already so clearly demonstrated. . . . I should have been willing to sacrifice something in Pennsylvania to avert that calamity. I said as much to the President. He said he was anxious about Pennsylvania because of her enormous weight and influence, which, cast definitely into the scale, would close the campaign, and leave the people free to look again with their whole hearts to the cause of the country.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 233-6; Michael Burlingame and John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s Whitehouse: the Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 238-41

John Hay to John J. Nicolay: October 10, 1864

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Oct. 10, 1864.

MY DEAR NICOLAY:

How are your mails for this morning. We are very busy. . . .

Pennsylvania fellows are very confident. You will know the result before this gets here.

Kelly was here this morning. He seemed to be in a great hurry, as he only staid two hours and a half, and didn't talk about himself more than nine-tenths of the time.

No fun — no Christmas! Thank God you are not here. We are dreary enough. The weather is nasty.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 233; Michael Burlingame, Editor, At Lincoln’s Side: John Hay’s Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings, p. 96-7

Diary of John Hay: October 7, 1864

I showed Bates the letter to-day. He said some friends of his had previously spoken to him in the same sense; that he was friendly to Grover; thought well of him as a gentlemam and a lawyer, and knew of no one whom he would sooner see appointed. That he would not take the office himself in any case. That he had earnest antagonisms in that State; he was fighting those radicals there that stood to him in the relation of enemies of law and order. “There is no such thing as an honest and patriotic American radical. Some of the transcendental, red-Republican Germans were honest enough in their moon-struck theorising; but the Americans imprudently and dishonestly arrogate to themselves the title of unconditional loyalty, when the whole spirit of the faction is contempt of, and opposition to law While the present state of things continues in Missouri, there is no need of a Court, — so says Judge Treat, and I agree with him."

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 232-3; Michael Burlingame and John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 235.

Diary of John Hay: October 2, 1864

To-day I received a letter from Wm. N. Grover saying certain of his friends had agreed to press his name for Judge of the District Court, Western Missouri, in place of Judge Welles. He adds, however, that, in case Judge Bates, Attorney-General, should desire the appointment, he would not stand in his way, believing that Bate’s appointment would be very advantageous and satisfactory to the Union people of the State. He requested me to make this known both to Mr. Bates and the President. I read his letter to the President, and, at the same time referred to the recent indiscreet announcement made by Cameron, that in the event of a reelection the President would call around him fresh and earnest men. He said: “They need not be especially savage about a change. There are now only three left of the original Cabinet with the Government.” He added that he rather thought he would appoint Mr. Bates to the vacant judgeship if he desired it. He said he would be troubled to fill his place in the Cabinet from Missouri, especially from among the radicals. I thought it would not be necessary to confine himself to Missouri; that he might do better farther South by taking Mr. Holt from Kentucky.

He did not seem to have thought of that before. But said at once: “That would do very well; that would be an excellent appointment. I question if I could do better than that. . . . I had always thought, though I had never mentioned it to anyone, that if a vacancy should occur in the Supreme Bench in any Southern District, I would appoint him, . . . but giving him a place in the Cabinet would not hinder that.”

I told him I should show Grover’s letter to Judge Bates, to which he assented.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 230-2; Michael Burlingame and John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 234-5.

Diary of John Hay: September 29, 1864

. . . . Webster has just returned here from the North. He says New York is absolutely safe; that Weed is advising his friends to bet; that Dean Richmond is despondent — saying the Democratic party are half traitors.

Things looked very blue a month ago. A meeting was held in New York (to which Geo.Wilkes refers) of Union men opposed to Lincoln, and it was resolved that he should be requested to withdraw from the canvass. But Atlanta and the response of the country to the Chicago infamy set matters right. . . . .

Grant is moving on Lee. This morning early the President telegraphed to Grant expressing his anxiety that Lee should not reinforce Early against Sheridan. Grant answered that he had taken measures to prevent it by attacking Lee himself. He is moving in two columns; Ord south, and Birney north of the James. Stanton was much excited on hearing the news and said “he will be in Richmond to-night.” “No,” said the President; “Halleck, what do you think?” Halleck answered that he would not be surprised if he got either Richmond or Petersburg by the manoeuvre.

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 229-30; Michael Burlingame and John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 234.

Diary of John Hay: September 26, 1864

Blair has gone into Maryland stumping. He was very much surprised when he got the President's note. He had thought the opposition to him was dying out. He behaves very handsomely, and is doing his utmost. He speaks in New York Tuesday night.

Blair, in spite of some temporary indiscretions, is a good and true man and a most valuable public officer. He stood with the President against the whole Cabinet in favor of reinforcing Fort Sumter. He stood by Fremont in his Emancipation Decree, though yielding when the President revoked it. He approved the Proclamation of January, 1863, and the Amnesty Proclamation, and has stood like a brother beside the President always. What have injured him are his violent personal antagonisms and indiscretions. He made a bitter and vindictive fight on the radicals of Missouri, though ceasing it at the request of the President. He talked with indecorous severity of Mr. Chase, and with unbecoming harshness of Stanton, saying on street-corners “this man is a liar, that man is a thief.” He made needlessly enemies among public men who have pursued him fiercely in turn. Whitelaw Reid said to-day that Hoffman was going to placard all over Maryland this fall:— “Your time has come!” I said, “he won't do anything of the kind, and moreover Montgomery Blair will do more to carry emancipation in Maryland than any one of those who abuse him.”

Nicolay got home this morning, looking rather ill. I wish he would start off and get hearty again, coming back in time to let me off to Wilmington. He says Weed said he was on the track of the letter and hoped to get it. . . . .

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 228-9; Michael Burlingame and John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 233.

Diary of John Hay: Sunday, September 25, 1864

Yesterday Nicolay who has been several days in New York telegraphed to the President that Thurlow Weed had gone to Canada, and asking if he (N.) had better return. I answered he had better amuse himself there for a day or two. This morning a letter came in the same sense. The President, when I showed it to him, said, — “I think I know where Mr. W. has gone. I think he has gone to Vermont not Canada. I will tell you what he is trying to do. I have not as yet told anybody.

“Some time ago, the Governor of Vermont came to me ‘on business of importance’ he said. I fixed an hour and he came. His name is Smith. He is, though you wouldn't think it, a cousin of Baldy Smith. Baldy is large, blonde, florid. The Governor is a little, dark sort of man. This is the story he told me, giving General Baldy Smith as his authority.

“When General McClellan was here at Washington, Baldy Smith was very intimate with him. They had been together at West Point, and friends. McClellan had asked for promotion for Baldy from the President, and got it. They were close and confidential friends. When they went down to the peninsula, their same intimate relations continued, the General talking freely with Smith about all his plans and prospects; until one day Fernando Wood and one other politician from New York appeared in camp and passed some days with McClellan. From the day that this took place Smith saw, or thought he saw, that McClellan was treating him with unusual coolness and reserve. After a little while he mentioned this to McC. who, after some talk, told Baldy he had something to show him. He told him that these people who had recently visited him, had been urging him to stand as an opposition candidate for President; that he had thought the thing over, and had concluded to accept their propositions. and had written them a letter (which he had not yet sent) giving his idea of the proper way of conducting the war, so as to conciliate and impress the people of the South with the idea that our armies were intended merely to execute the laws and protect their property, etc., and pledging himself to conduct the war in that inefficient, conciliatory style. This letter he read to Baldy, who, after the reading was finished, said earnestly:— ‘General, do you not see that looks like treason? and that it will ruin you and all of us.’ After some further talk, the General destroyed the letter in Baldy’s presence, and thanked him heartily for his frank and friendly counsel. After this he was again taken into the intimate confidence of McClellan. Immediately after the battle of Antietam, Wood and his familiar came again and saw the General, and again Baldy saw an immediate estrangement on the part of McClellan. He seemed to be anxious to get his intimate friends out of the way, and to avoid opportunities of private conversation with them. Baldy he particularly kept employed on reconnoissances and such work. One night Smith was returning from some duty he had been performing, and seeing a light in McClellan’s tent, he went in to report. Several persons were there. He reported and was about to withdraw when the General requested him to remain. After everyone was gone, he told him those men had been there again and had renewed their proposition about the Presidency:— that this time he had agreed to their proposition, and had written them a letter acceding to their terms, and pledging himself to carry on the war in the sense already indicated. This letter he read then and there to Baldy Smith.

“Immediately thereafter Baldy Smith applied to be transferred from that army.

“At very nearly the same time, other prominent men asked the same; Franklin, Burnside and others.

“Now that letter must be in the possession of Fernando Wood, and it will not be impossible to get it. Mr. Weed has, I think, gone to Vermont to see the Smith’s about it.”

I was very much surprised at the story and expressed my surprise. I said I had always thought that McClellan’s fault was a constitutional weakness and timidity which prevented him from active and timely exertion, instead of any such deep-laid scheme of treachery and ambition.

The President replied:— “After the battle of Antietam I went up to the field to try to get him to move, and came back thinking he would move at once. But when I got home he began to argue why he ought not to move. I peremptorily ordered him to advance. It was nineteen days before he put a man over the river. It was nine days longer before he got his army across, and then he stopped again, delaying on little pretexts of wanting this and that. I began to fear he was playing false, — that he did not want to hurt the enemy. I saw how he could intercept the enemy on the way to Richmond. I determined to make that the test. If he let them get away, I would remove him. He did so, and I relieved him.

“I dismissed Major Key for his silly, treasonable talk because I feared it was staff-talk, and I wanted an example.

"The letter of Buell furnishes another evidence in support of that theory. And the story you have heard Neill tell about Seymour’s first visit to McClellan, all tallies with this story.”

SOURCES: Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 224-8; Michael Burlingame and John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 230-3.

John Hay to John G. Nicolay, September 24, 1864

Executive Mansion,

Washington, Sept. 24, 1864.

MY DEAR NICO:

Your despatch was just brought in. I took it to the President, and he told me to tell you, you had better loaf round the city a while longer. You need some rest and recreation and may as well take it in New York as anywhere else. Besides, you can't imagine how nasty the house is at present. You would get the painters' colic in twenty-four hours if you came home now.

Politicians still unhealthily haunt us. Loose women flavor the anteroom. Much turmoil and trouble. . . . The world is almost too many for me. I take a dreary pleasure in seeing Philbrick eat steamed oysters by the half-bushel. He has gotten a haven of rest in the family of some decayed Virginian gentry; really a very lucky chance, good, respectable, and not dear.

Schafer must be our resource this winter in clo’. If you don't want to be surprised into idiocy, don't ask Croney and Lent the price of goods. A faint rumor has reached me and paralyzed me. I am founding a “Shabby Club” to make rags the style this winter. Write to me some morning while you are waiting for your cocktail, and tell me how's things. Give my love to the fair you are so lucky as to know.

Isn't it bully about Sheridan?

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 222-3; Michael Burlingam, Editor, At Lincoln’s Side: John Hay’s Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings, p. 95

Diary of John Hay, September 24, 1864

This morning I asked the President if the report of the resignation of Blair were true. He said it was.

“Has Dennison been appointed to succeed him?”

“I have telegraphed to him to-day — have as yet received no answer.”

“What is Mr. Blair going to do?”

“He is going up to Maryland to make speeches. If he will devote himself to the success of the national cause without exhibiting bad temper towards his opponents, he can set the Blair family up again.”

“Winter Davis is taking the stump also. I doubt if his advocacy of you will be hearty enough to be effective.”

“If he and the rest can succeed in carrying the State for emancipation, I shall be very willing to lose the electoral vote.”

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 221-2; Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 230

Diary of John Hay, September 23, 1864

Senator Harlan thinks that Bennett’s support is so important, especially considered as to its bearing on the soldier vote, that it would pay to offer him a foreign mission for it, and so told me. Forney has also had a man talking to the cannie Scot who asked plumply, “Will I be a welcome visitor at the White House if I support Mr. Lincoln?” What a horrible question for a man to be able to ask! So thinks the President apparently. It is probable that Bennett will stay about as he is, thoroughly neutral, balancing carefully until the October elections, and will then declare for the side which he thinks will win. It is better in many respects to let him alone.

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 221; Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete Civil War Diary of John Hay, p. 229-30

John Hay to John G. Nicolay, August 25, 1864

Warsaw, Illinois, August 25, 1864.

. . . . We are waiting with the greatest interest for the hatching of the big peace-snake at Chicago. There is throughout the country, I mean the rural districts, a good, healthy Union feeling, and an intention to succeed in the military and the political contests; but everywhere in the towns the copperheads are exultant, and our own people either growling and despondent or sneakingly apologetic. I found among my letters here, sent by you, one from Joe Medill, inconceivably impudent, in which he informs me that on the 4th of next March, thanks to Mr. Lincoln's blunders and follies, we will be kicked out of the White House. The d----d scoundrel needs a day's hanging. I won't answer his letter till I return and let you see it. Old Uncle Jesse is talking like an ass, — says if the Chicago nominee is a good man, he don't know, etc., etc. He blackguards you and me — says we are too big for our breeches, — a fault for which it seems to me Nature or our tailors are to blame. After all your kindness to the old whelp and his cub of a son he hates you because you have not done more. I believe he thinks the Executive Mansion's somehow to blame. . . .

Land is getting up near the stars in price. It will take all I am worth to buy a tater-patch. I am after one or two small pieces in Hancock for reasonable prices, 20 to 30 dollars an acre. Logan paid $70,000 for a farm a short while ago, and everybody who has greenbacks is forcing them off like waste paper for land. I find in talking with well-informed people a sort of fear of Kansas property, as uncertain in future settlement and more than all uncertain in weather. The ghost of famine haunts those speculations.

You were wrong in thinking either Milt or Charley Hay at all copperish. They are as sound as they ever were. They of course are not quite clear about the currency, but who is?

Our people here want me to address the Union League. I believe I won't. The snakes would rattle about it a little, and it would do no good. I lose my temper sometimes talking with growling Republicans. There is a diseased restlessness about men in these times that unfits them for the steady support of an administration. It seems as if there were appearing in the Republican party the elements of disorganization that destroyed the Whigs.

If the dumb cattle are not worthy of another term of Lincoln, then let the will of God be done, and the murrain of McClellan fall on them.

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 219-21. See Michael Burlingame, Editor, At Lincoln’s Side: John Hay’s Civil War Correspondence and Selected Writings, p. 91-2 for the full letter.

Diary of John Hay: about July 21, 1864

. . . . Got in to New York at 6 o'clock the 16th, Saturday, and, while I was washing my face, came up Greeley’s card. I went down to the parlor and delivered the [President's] letter to him. He didn't like it, evidently; thought he was the worst man that could be taken for that purpose; that as soon as he arrived there the newspapers would be full of it; that he would be abused and blackguarded, etc., etc. Then he said, if the President insisted on his going he would go, but he must have an absolute safe-conduct for four persons, saying the President's letter would not protect him against our own officers. This seemed to me reasonable, and I had even presented the matter to the President in the same way. I wrote the despatch, and sent it to Washington. About noon came the answer. I then wrote the safe-conduct and took it to the Tribune office. I left the names blank, and was going to let G fill them up, but he said “no,” in his peculiar, querulous tone: — “I won't write a word. I expect to be pitched into everywhere for this; but I can't help it.”I was going to write a safe-conduct for “H. G. and four others;” but he would not permit it. “I want no safe-conduct. If they will catch me and put me in Fort La Fayette, it will suit me first-rate.” I wrote the names in and gave it to him. “I will start to-night,” said he; “I shall expect to be in Washington Tuesday morning if they will come.”

He was all along opposed to the President proposing terms. He was in favor of some palaver anyhow; wanted them to propose terms which we could not accept, if no better, for us to go to the country on; wanted the government to appear anxious for peace, and yet was strenuous in demanding as our ultimatum proper terms.

As I left his office, Mr. Chase entered.

I went back to Washington, arriving there Monday morning (July 18). A few hours after I arrived, a despatch came from G. I took it to the President. He told me a few minutes afterwards to hold myself in readiness to start if it became necessary, — that he had a word to say to Mr. Seward in regard to the matter. In the afternoon he handed me the note, and told me to go to the Falls, see Greeley, and deliver that note, and, to say further, that if they, the commissioners, wished to send any communications to Richmond for the purpose indicated, they might be sent through Washington, subject to the inspection of the government; and the answer from Richmond should be sent to them under the same conditions. Provided that if there was anything either way objectionable to the government in the despatches sent, they would be returned to the parties sending them without disclosure.

I went over to see Seward; — he repeated about the same thing, adding that I had better request the commission to omit any official style which it would compromise our government to transmit; that they could waive it in an unofficial communication among themselves, and not thereby estop themselves of every claim.

I left Washington Monday evening, — arrived in New York too late Tuesday; took the evening Tuesday train and arrived at Niagara Wednesday morning (July 20) at 11½ Saw G. at once at the International Hotel. He was evidently a good deal cut up at what he called the President's great mistake in refusing to enter into negotiations without conditions. He thinks it would be an enormous help to us in politics and finance to have even a semblance of negotiations going on; — that the people would hail with acclaim such a harbinger of peace. He especially should have, as he said, shown his hand first. That he should have waited their terms — if they were acceptable, closed with them, — if they were not, gone before the country on them.

I, of course, combatted these views, saying that I thought the wisest way was to make our stand on what the moral sentiment of the country and the world would demand as indispensable, and in all things else offering to deal in a frank, liberal and magnanimous spirit as the President has done;—that the two points to insist on are such points, — that he could not treat with these men who have no powers, that he could do no more than offer to treat with any who came properly empowered. I did not see how he could do more.

Mr. Greeley did not wish to go over. He had all along declined seeing these people and did not wish to give any handle to talk. He thought it better that I should myself go over alone and deliver the letter. I really thought so too — but I understood the President and Seward to think otherwise, and so I felt I must insist on G’s going over as a witness to the interview. We got a carriage and started over.

We got to the Clifton House and met George Saunders at the door. I wrote G’s name on my card and sent it up to Holcombe, Clay being out of town at St. Kate’s.

Sanders is a seedy-looking rebel, with grizzled whiskers and a flavor of old clo'. He came up and talked a few commonplaces with G. as we stood by the counter. Our arrival, Greeley’s well-known person, created a good deal of interest, the bar-room rapidly filling with the curious, and the halls blooming suddenly with wide-eyed and pretty women. We went up to Holcombe’s room, where he was breakfasting or lunching — tea and toasting — at all events. He was a tall, solemn, spare, false-looking man, with false teeth, false eyes, and false hair.

Mr. Greeley said: — “Major Hay has come from the President of the United States to deliver you a communication in writing and to add a verbal message with which he has been entrusted.” I handed him the note, and told him what the President and Seward had told me to say, and I added that I would be the bearer of anything they chose to send by me to Washington, or, if they chose to wait, it could go as well by mail.

He said: — “Mr. Clay is now absent at St. Catherine's. I will telegraph to him at once, and inform you in the morning.”

We got up to go. He shook hands with Greeley, who “hoped to meet him again;” with me; and we went down to our carriage. Sanders was on the piazza. He again accosted Greeley; made some remark about the fine view from the House, and said, “I wanted old Bennett to come up, but he was afraid to come.” Greeley answered:— “I expect to be blackguarded for what I have done, and I am not allowed to explain. But all I have done has been done under instructions.”

We got in and rode away. As soon as the whole thing was over, G. recovered his spirits and said he was glad he had come, — and was very chatty and agreeable on the way back and at dinner.

After dinner I thought I would go down to Buffalo and spend the night. Went down with young Dorsheimer, formerly of Fremont’s staff. I found him also deeply regretting that the President had not hauled these fellows into a negotiation neck and ears without terms. He gave me some details of what G. had before talked about, — the political campaign these fellows are engineering up here. He says Clay is to write a letter giving three points on which, if the Democracy carry the fall elections, the South will stop the war and come back into the Union. These are: 1st. Restoration of the Union. 2d. Assumption of Confederate Debt. 3d. Restriction of slavery to its present limits and acknowledgment of de facto emancipation. On this platform it is thought Judge Nelson will run. . . . .

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 212-8. See Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete War Diary of John Hay, p. 211-2 for the full diary entry.

Diary of John Hay: June 24, 1864

To-day a Resolution came from the Senate asking information about War and Treasury Orders concerning exportation of arms to Mexico. I did not like to act without consulting Seward, so took the papers to him, asking if it would be well to send copies to Secretaries of War and Treasury or not. He said, — “Yes! send the Resolution to the Secretary of War; a copy to the Secretary of the Treasury; asking reports from them, and then when the reports are in, ———

“Did you ever hear Webster's recipe for cooking a cod? He was a great fisherman and fond of cod. Some one once asking him the best way to prepare a cod for the table, he said: — ‘Denude your cod of his scales — cut him open carefully — put him in a pot of cold water — heat it until your fork can pass easily through the fish — take him out — spread good fresh butter over him liberally, — sprinkle salt on the butter — pepper on the salt — and — send for George Ashman and me.’”

“When the Reports are in, let me see them!”

He got up, stumped around the room enjoying his joke, then said: — “Our friends are very anxious to get into a war with France, using this Mexican business for that purpose. They don't consider that England and France would surely be together in that event. France has the whip hand of England completely. England got out of the Mexican business into which she had been deceived by France, by virtue of our having nothing to do with it. They have since been kept apart by good management; and our people are laboring to unite them again by making war on France. Worse than that, instead of doing something effective, if we must fight, they are for making mouths and shaking fists at France, warning and threatening and inducing her to prepare for our attack when it comes.”

Carpenter, the artist, who is painting the picture of the “Reading the Proclamation,” says that Seward protested earnestly against that act being taken as the central and crowning act of the administration. He says slavery was destroyed years ago; the formation of the Republican party destroyed slavery; the anti-slavery acts of this administration are merely incidental. Their great work is the preservation of the Union, and, in that, the saving of popular government for the world. The scene which should have been taken was the Cabinet Meeting in the Navy Department when it was resolved to relieve Fort Sumter. That was the significant act of the Administration: — the act which determined the fact that Republican institutions were worth fighting for. . . . .

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 210-12. See Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete War Diary of John Hay, p. 211-2 for the full diary entry.

Diary of John Hay: June 23, 1864

The President arrived to-day from the front, sunburnt and fagged, but still refreshed and cheered. He found the army in fine health, good position, and good spirits; Grant quietly confident; he says, quoting the Richmond papers, it may be a long summer's day before he does his work, but that he is as sure of doing it as he is of anything in the world. Sheridan is now on a raid, the purpose of which is to sever the connection at junction of the Richmond and Danville Railroads at Burk's, while the army is swinging around to the south of Petersburg and taking possession of the roads in that direction.

Grants says he is not sufficiently acquainted with Hunter to say with certainty whether it is possible to destroy him: but that he has confidence in him that he will not be badly beaten. When McPherson or Sherman or Sheridan or Wilson is gone on any outside expedition, he feels perfectly secure about them, knowing that, while they are liable to any of the ordinary mischances of war, there is no danger of their being whipped in any but a legitimate way.

Brooks says of Grant that he seems to arrive at his conclusions without any intermediate reasoning process — giving his orders with the greatest rapidity and with great detail. Uses the theoretical staff-officers very little.

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 209-10. See Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete War Diary of John Hay, p. 210 for the full diary entry.

Diary of John Hay: June 21, 1864

To-day the President started down the river with Fox to have a talk with Gen. Grant and Admiral Lee. . . .

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 208. See Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete War Diary of John Hay, p. 209-10 for the full diary entry.

Diary of John Hay: Monday, June 17, 1864

I left Cincinnati Sunday evening and came to St. Louis about 11 o'clock Monday morning. The road is a very pleasant one, though rather slow. I sat and wrote rhymes in the same compartment with a pair of whiskey smugglers.

I reported to General Rosecrans immediately upon my arrival. After waiting some time in an anteroom full of officers, among them General Davidson, a young, nervous, active looking man; General Ewing, whom I had known before, a man of great coolness and steadiness of judgment: Rosecrans came out and took me to his room. I presented my letter; he read it, and nodded: — “All right — got something to show you — too important to talk about — busy just now — this orderly business — keep me till four o'clock — dine with us at the Lindell half-past five — then talk matter over at my room there. Hay, where were you born? How long have you been with the President?” etc. And I went away. He is a fine, hearty, abrupt sort of talker, heavy-whiskered, blond, keen eyes, with light brows and lashes, head shunted forward a little; legs a little unsteady in walk.

We dined at the Lindell quietly at six o'clock: Rosecrans, Major Bond and I. The General was chatty and sociable; told some old army stories; and drank very little wine. The dinner had nothing to tempt one out of frugality in diet, being up to the average badness of hotel dinners. From the dining room I went to his private room. He issued orders to his intelligent contraband to admit no one. He seated himself in a queer combination chair he had — which let you lounge or forced you to a rigid pose of business as you desired, — and offered me a cigar. “No? long-necked fellows like you don't need them. Men of my temperament derive advantage from them as a sedative, and as a preventer of corpulence.” He puffed away and began to talk, in a loud, easy tone at first, which he soon lowered, casting a glance over his shoulder and moving his chair nearer.

There is a secret conspiracy on foot against the Government, carried on by a society called the Order of the American Knights, or, to use their initials — O. A. K. The head of the Order, styled the high priest, is in the North, Vallandigham,  and in the South, Sterling Price. Its objects are, in  the North to exert an injurious effect upon public feeling, to resist the arrest of its members, to oppose the war in all possible ways; in the border States to join with returned rebels and guerilla parties to plunder, murder and persecute Union men and to give to rebel invasion all possible information and timely aid. He said that in Missouri they had carefully investigated the matter by means of secret service men who had taken the oaths, and they had found that many recent massacres were directly chargeable to them; that the whole Order was in a state of intense activity; that they numbered in Missouri 13,000 sworn members; in Illinois, 140,000; in Ohio and Indiana almost as large numbers, and in Kentucky a very large and formidable association.

That the present objective point was the return and the protection of Vallandigham. He intends, on dit, that the district convention in his district in Ohio shall elect him a delegate to the Chicago Convention. That he is to be elected and come over from Canada and take his seat, and if the Government should see fit to re-arrest him, then his followers are to unite to resist the officers and protect him at all hazards.

A convocation of the Order was held at Windsor, Canada, in the month of April under his personal supervision; to this came delegates from every part of the country. It is not definitely known what was done there. . . . .

I went over to Sanderson’ office, and he read to me his voluminous report to Rosecrans in regard to the workings of the Order, and showed me some few documents. . . . We went back and finished the evening at Roscrans rooms. I said I would go back to Washington and lay the matter before the President, as it had been presented to me, and I thought he would look upon it as I did, as a matter of importance. I did not make any suggestions; I did not even ask for a copy of Sanderson’s report, or any of the papers in the case: — 1st, because my instructions placed me in a purely receptive attitude; and, — 2d, because I saw in both R. & S. a disposition to insist on Sanderson’s coming to Washington in person to discuss the matter without the intervention of the Secretary of War. Two or three motives influenced this, no doubt. Rosecrans is bitterly hostile to Stanton; he is full of the idea that S. has wronged him, and is continually seeking opportunities to thwart and humiliate him. Then Sandn. himself is rather proud of his work in ferreting out this business, and is not unwilling to come to Washington to impress the President with the same sense; they wish a programme for future opportunities determined; and finally they want money for the secret service fund.

Gen. Rosecrans wrote a letter to the President Monday night, which I took on Tuesday morning, and started back to Washington.

. . . . I had bad luck coming back. I missed a day at Springfield, a connection at Harrisburgh, and one at Baltimore, leaving Philadelphia five minutes after the President, and arriving at Washington almost as many hours behind him. I saw him at once, and gave him the impressions I have recorded above. The situation of affairs had been a good deal changed in my transit by the Avatar of Vallandigham in Ohio. The President seemed not over-well pleased that Rosecrans had not sent all the necessary papers by me, reiterating his want of confidence in Sanderson, declining to be made a party to a quarrel between Stanton and Rosecrans, and stating in reply to Rosecrans’ suggestion of the importance of the greatest secrecy, that a secret which has already been confided to Yates, Morton, Brough, Bramlette and their respective circles of officers, could scarcely be worth the keeping now. He treats the northern section of the conspiracy as not especially worth regarding, holding it a mere political organization, with about as much of malice and as much of puerility as the Knights of the Golden Circle.

About Vallandigham himself he says that the question for the Government to decide is whether it can afford to disregard the contempt of authority and breach of discipline displayed in Vallandigham’s unauthorized return. For the rest it cannot result in benefit for the Union cause to have so violent and indiscreet a man go to Chicago as a firebrand to his own party. The President had some time ago seriously thought of annulling the sentence of exile, but had been too much occupied to do it. Fernando Wood said to him on one occasion that he could do nothing more politic than to bring Val. back; in that case he could promise him two Democratic candidates for President this year. “These War Democrats,” said F. W., “are scoundrelly hypocrites; they want to oppose you, and favor the war, at once, which is nonsense. There are but two sides in this fight, — yours and mine: War and Peace. You will succeed while the war lasts, I expect, but we shall succeed when the war is over. I intend to keep my record clear for the future.”

The President said one thing in which I differ from him. He says: — “The opposition politicians are so blinded with rage, seeing themselves unable to control the politics of the country, that they may be able to manage the Chicago Convention for some violent end, but they cannot transfer the people, the honest though misguided masses, to the same course.” I said:— “I thought the reverse to be true: that the sharp managers would go to Chicago to try to do some clever and prudent thing, such as nominate Grant without platform; but that the bare-footed democracy from the heads of the hollows, who are now clearly for peace would carry everything in the Convention before them. As it was at Cleveland: — the New York politicians who came out to intrigue for Grant could not get a hearing. They were as a feather in the wind in the midst of that blast of German fanaticism. I think my idea is sustained by the action of the Illinois Convention which endorses Val. on his return and pledges the party strength to protect him. In the stress of this war, politics have drifted out of the hands of politicians, and are now more than ever subject to genuine popular currents.”

The President said he would take the matter into consideration and would write to-morrow, the 18th, to Brough and Heintzelman about Val., and to Rosecrans at an early day.

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 201-8. See Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete War Diary of John Hay, p. 204-8 for the full diary entry which they date June 17.

Diary of John Hay: Sunday, June 12, 1864

[Passed] through Mingo, Cadiz, to Cincinnati, where I arrived on Sunday morning. I washed my face and went out; saw a plain, old church covered with ivy, and congratulated myself that there I would find some decent people worshipping God comme il faut; and was horribly bored for my worldliness. After dinner, where I met a rascally looking Jew, who was dining with a gorgeous lorette, and who insisted on knowing me and recognising me from a picture in Harper's Weekly, I strolled out to make visits. The Andersons were not at home, except young Larz. I plunged into the bosom of a peaceful family, and demanded to see the wife of a quiet gentleman on the ground that she was a young lady now travelling in Europe. He commiserated my wild and agitated demeanor, and asked me to dinner.

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 201; This diary entry was clearly written after June 9. See Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete War Diary of John Hay, p. 202-3 for the full diary entry which they date June 17.

Diary of John Hay: Saturday, June 11, 1864

[Passed through] Pittsburgh, noon on the 11th.

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 201; This diary entry was clearly written after June 9. See Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete War Diary of John Hay, p. 202-3 for the full diary entry which they date June 17.

Diary of John Hay: Friday Afternoon, June 10, 1864

Friday afternoon, June 10, I left Washington and passed through Harrisburg at midnight.

SOURCES: Abstracted from Clara B. Hay, Letters of John Hay and Extracts from Diary, Volume 1, p. 201; This diary entry was clearly written after June 9. See Michael Burlingame & John R. Turner Ettlinger, Editors, Inside Lincoln’s White House: The Complete War Diary of John Hay, p. 202-3 for the full diary entry which they date June 17.

Abraham Lincoln to Major-General William S. Rosecrans, June 10, 1864

Executive Mansion,

Washington, June 10, 1864.

Major General Rosecrans

Major John Hay, the bearer, is one of my Private Secretaries, to whom please communicate, in writing, or verbally, anything you would think proper to say to me.

Yours truly

A. Lincoln.

SOURCE: Abraham Lincoln Papers at the Library of Congress, Washington, D.C.