October 20.
I never knew till today that "John Brown," the only son of Uncle York, was the first negro soldier who fell in this war. He was shot in a skirmish on St. Simon's Island, Aug. 8, 1862. A singular coincidence of names. No wonder our soldiers think him the hero of the John Brown hymn.
SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 394
November 28.
My decision to resign my commission was a little depressing, and may have had some influence in bringing on the attack of vertigo, but once decided upon and another surgeon found to take my place it has given me no more trouble. When a surgeon has not enough physical vigor to meet the ordinary exigencies of a regiment in the field, it is clearly his duty to resign, regardless of personal attachments or his own choice. After five months of struggle for strength to endure work in this climate, I take this step. To have sustained the relation of surgeon to the 1st S. C. Vols. and to have found in these brave freedmen, the noble, soldierly qualities which history will celebrate, and, above all, to have found such an unlooked for wealth of intellect, music and religion, is not this experience running over with compensation? As I think of it I am ashamed of any regrets at leaving and filled only with gratitude that I have been permitted to help this race begin to assert its rights to freedom. .
Since our skirmish with the rebels the other day they have condescended to ask a flag of truce with the Major of our regiment who was in command at the picket. The regiment returned to camp today. This is peculiarly gratifying since it indicates that they are compelled to respect the bravery of negro soldiers. They evidently mourn over the loss of their dogs a good deal more than over the loss of an equal or greater number of officers and soldiers. Uncle York says he "sposes ebery dog's wuth mo'n ten mens to de revels."
Capt. Rogers prepared the skin and bones of one of the dogs and took it North to be set up. His good boy "Si" for whom he risked his life at the Ferry, last summer, was followed by some of this same pack of hounds while escaping from bondage. He has gone to New York with the Captain.
SOURCE: Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, Volume 43, October, 1909—June, 1910: February 1910. p. 396-7
WASHINGTON, [D. C.],
October 1, 1850.
* Minister from
Great Britain to the United States.
SOURCE: Charles
Henry Ambler, Editor, Annual Report of the American Historical
Association for the Year 1916, in Two Volumes, Vol. II, Correspondence of
Robert M. T. Hunter (1826-1876), p. 119
* * * * * * * * * *
I am in possession of all the news up to date, the passage of the impeachment, resolution, etc., but I yet don't know if the nomination of T. Ewing, Senior, was a real thing or meant to compromise a difficulty.
The publication of my short note of January 18th, is nothing to me. I have the original draft which I sent through Grant's hands, with his endorsement back to At the time this note must have been given to the reporter, the President had an elaborate letter from me, in which I discussed the whole case, and advised against the very course he has pursued, but I don't want that letter or any other to be drawn out to complicate a case already bad enough.
You may always safely represent me by saying that I will not make up a final opinion till called on to act, and I want nothing to do with these controversies until the time comes for the actual fight, which I hope to God may be avoided. If the Democratic party intend to fight on this impeachment, which I believe they do not, you may count 200,000 men against you in the South. The negroes are no match for them. On this question, the whites there will be more united than on the old issue of Union and Secession. I do not think the President should be suspended during trial, and if possible, the Republican party should not vote on all side questions as a unit. They should act as judges, and not as partisans. The vote in the House, being a strictly party vote, looks bad, for it augurs a prejudiced jury. Those who adhere closest to the law in this crisis are the best patriots. Whilst the floating politicians here share the excitement at Washington, the people generally manifest little interest in the game going on at Washington. . . .
SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 312-3
Nothing very particularly interesting to-day in Cabinet. Stanton said he was to introduce some persons to the President and had appointed soon after 1 P.M. for the purpose. This was a play. Mr. Cox, a Rebel of Georgetown, fled South at the beginning of the Rebellion, leaving his fine residence. This was taken and used as a school for colored children. Cox has now returned and wants his house,—demands it. The charitable occupants, who are filled with benevolence for the negro, are unwilling to relinquish the house, which is very valuable, to the owner. Some of those who have the matter in charge went to Stanton, who said it would be necessary to apply to the President. He consented to introduce them, but suggested that a formidable array of ladies whose husbands occupy prominent positions, such as the wives of Senators and members of the Cabinet, [would be effective.] Mrs. Senators Trumbull, Morgan, Wilson, Pomeroy, etc., Mrs. McCulloch, Stanton, Harlan, etc., were of the number. Mrs. Welles was appealed to, but sensibly concluded, as she had no fact to communicate, that she would discharge her duty best by remaining away, and leaving the President to form his decision without annoyance from those who could not aid him. To this assemblage of ladies, and for the purpose, — robbing a man of his dwelling, Stanton performed the part of usher.
Clear, and warm as summer. No fires.
It is reported that Gen. Hood is still marching North, and is near Nashville.
The following telegrams were received this morning:
"AUGUSTA, November 29th, 1864.—It is reported, via Savannah, the enemy, with infantry and artillery, entered Millen yesterday. Wheeler is rapidly pursuing Kilpatrick, who retreats in that direction from Waynesborough.—B. B."
"AUGUSTA, November 29th, 1864.—6½ P.M.—Gen. Jones telegraphs from Charleston: Ten (10) gun-boats with transports landing troops at Boykins on Broad River. Four gun-boats with transports and barges are, by this time, at Mackay's Point, junction of Pocotaligo with Broad River. I am sending all assistance from here, and think we must make the struggle near the coast. As this movement relieves Wilmington, might not some of the North Carolina reserves be sent to Gen. Jones?—B. BRAGG."
The following items were in the papers this morning:
“NEGRO PICKETS.—Monday morning negro pickets were placed in front of Gen. Pickett's division. Our men, taking it as an insult, yesterday fired upon them, causing a stampede among them. Their places have been supplied with white Yankees, and the lines have resumed the usual quiet.
"Two negroes, captured by Gen. Hunter in the Valley last summer, and forced into the Yankee army, deserted yesterday and came into Gen. Pickett's lines, and were brought over to this city."
"CAPTURE OF GEN. PRYOR.—The Express gives the following account of the capture of the Hon. Roger A. Pryor, on Monday morning:
"While riding along the lines on our right, he stopped at one of our vidette posts, and left his horse and private arms with one or two other articles in charge of the pickets, stated that he intended, as was often his custom, to go forward and exchange papers with the enemy's videttes.
He advanced in the direction of the Yankee lines, flourishing a paper in his hand, in token of his object, and after proceeding some distance was met by a Yankee officer. An exchange of papers was effected, and Gen. Pryor had turned to retrace his steps, when he was suddenly seized by two or three armed men, who were lying in ambush, and hurried away. The whole transaction, we understand, was witnessed by some of our men, but at too great a distance to render any assistance. Gen. Pryor had frequently exchanged papers with the enemy, and his name and character had, no doubt, been reported to them. They resolved to have him, by fair means or foul, and descended to the basest treachery to accomplish their purpose.
"We trust that some notice may be taken of the matter by our military authorities, and every effort used to secure his early return. During the last few months the general has been acting as an independent scout, in which capacity he has rendered valuable service."
Negroes by the hundreds are flocking to our camp; all sizes and ages, ranging from one year to one hundred years old. Poor deluded beings, how extravagant have been their conceptions relative to the Yankees. An order from headquarters at Baily Springs this evening informs us that Colonel Rowett has fought himself away from Camp Butler and returned to the command of the regiment. Remaining in camp at Jackson's until the fifteenth, we leave and report to regimental headquarters. Immediately Captain Ring receives orders to proceed with the detachment to Center Star, where we arrive in the evening and go into camp, after which patrols are sent out to Bainbridge and Lamb's Ferry. This detachment will long remember their camp and stay at the Jackson plantation; how Captain R, Sergeants N. and A. made journeys across the Blue Water, and how the Captain when coming in contact with one of the South's fair literary stars, discoursed so freely upon the American and English poets—especially upon the merits of the Bard of Avon.
SOURCE: Daniel Leib Ambrose, History of the Seventh Regiment Illinois Volunteer Infantry, p. 231-2
The weather for the last few days has been intensely hot. It is very dry, and I hope we shall soon have some rain. My health is excellent. We get plenty of blackberries, and all we need is plenty of sugar to go with them.
I expect we shall soon go back to Petersburg, but I am informed that Kershaw's Brigade and several thousand cavalry have left for the Valley. This indicates that the seat of war may soon be around Washington instead of Richmond. I hope we will not be sent to the Valley again, for I detest those tedious marches. However, I am willing to do anything to whip out the Yankees.
Matters are comparatively quiet at present, although we hear more or less cannonading somewhere every day. At this moment I hear the booming of cannon away down on the James River. We are so quiet now that we have nothing to think about but home and our loved ones.
Word was sent from the headquarters of Wilcox's Brigade to McGowan's that a negro was captured at Petersburg the day Grant's mine was sprung (July 30), who claims to belong to a medical officer of McGowan's Brigade. On the provost marshal's register is the name of "William Wilson of New York.” He always claimed that to be his name. I believe it may be my servant, Wilson. If so, the remarkable part of it is that he was captured charging on our breastworks. If I get him, I shall regard him as something of a curiosity in the future.
I received more pay on the 5th, and will send you one or two hundred dollars. I sent Bob the ten dollars for your catskin shoes. I bought an excellent pair of pants from the quartermaster for $12.50. They are made of merino wool. We shall soon have some fine gray cloth issued to the brigade for officers' uniforms. There will not be enough for all, so we will draw lots for it. If I am lucky enough to get any, I will send it to you.
I am very anxious to get a long letter from you giving me all the news. When I can hear from you regularly and know that you are safe and well, I feel satisfied.
No. 257.
MAJOR: I have the honor to submit the following report of services rendered since the 26th day of October, 1864:
In obedience to orders from army headquarters, 1 crossed the Tennessee River with my regiment on the 29th day of October, 1864, at Sublett's Ferry, two miles south of Bellefonte, on the Memphis and Charleston Railroad. During one month's service in Madison and Jackson Counties the railroad was cut at different places on an average of twice every week, destroying half a mile each time.
After the evacuation of Decatur my command pursued the retreating enemy from Huntsville to within fourteen miles of Stevenson (distance, forty-five miles), capturing about 450 negroes and 250 wagons, 1 train of cars and engine, which was taken possession of by Lieutenant-Colonel Windes, of General Roddey's command, and causing the enemy to destroy another train, the engine falling into our hands; also a large lot of iron, medical, commissary, quartermaster's, and ordnance stores were captured at Huntsville; all of which property was restored to the owners or turned over to Brigadier-General Roddey. My command, during the period, killed 48 of the enemy and captured 52 horses, in addition to the above specified.
The enemy did not occupy the Memphis and Charleston Railroad for a period of about two weeks, and that road might have been destroyed by the troops Brigadier-General Roddey had upon it to within twelve miles of Stevenson. In compliance with orders from Major-General Forrest, I would have brought to the army not less than 1,500 men, who are now within the lines and their services lost to the country, but for the contrary influence of some of the staff officers of Brigadier-General Roddey and S. D. Cabaniss, inspector of conscription. My loss, 1 man killed and 2 wounded.
PETERSBURG, VA., April 23, 1850.
MY DEAR L. L.—We
left Richmond this morning, and reached here about noon. At Richmond, I saw
"O'Connor's child," whom you saw last summer at Norwich, and who sent
his respects to you. I have had so far the "uppermost rooms at feasts, and
greetings in the markets." I cannot get a moment to write. There have been
hundreds calling to be introduced, and I have been so busy shaking hands that I
could do nothing else. Last evening, a fine moonlight evening, as I was
returning from Senator Mason's (don't laugh now), some of the most touching and
beautiful music greeted me that I ever heard. It was a negro singing "Lucy
Neal," and accompanying it with his banjo. I stopped some time to listen
to him, and was charmed with the plaintive melody. We leave for Wilmington this
evening.
I have always talked kindly to the President, and advised Grant to do so. I do think that it is best for all hands that his administration be allowed to run out its course without threatened or attempted violence. Whoever begins violent proceedings will lose in the long run. Johnson is not a man of action, but of theory, and so long as your party is in doubt as to the true mode of procedure, it would be at great risk that an attempt be made to displease the President by a simple Law of Congress. This is as much as I have ever said to anybody. I have never by word or inference given anybody the right to class me in opposition to or in support of Congress. On the contrary, I told Mr. Johnson that from the nature of things he could not dispense with a Congress to make laws and appropriate money, and suggested to him to receive and make overtures to such men as Fessenden, Trumbull, Sherman, Morgan, and Morton, who, though differing with him in abstract views of Constitutional Law and Practice, were not destructive. That if the Congressional plan of reconstruction succeeded, he could do nothing, and if it failed or led to confusion, the future developed results in his favor, etc.; and that is pretty much all I have ever said or done. At the meeting of the Society of the Army of the Tennessee on the 13th inst., I will be forced to speak, if here, and though I can confine myself purely to the military events of the past, I can make the opportunity of stating that in no event will I be drawn into the complications of the civil politics of this country.
If Congress could meet and confine itself to current and committee business, I feel certain that everything will work along quietly till the nominations are made, and a new Presidential election will likely settle the principle if negroes are to be voters in the States without the consent of the whites. This is more a question of prejudice than principle, but a voter has as much right to his prejudices as to his vote.
SOURCE: Rachel Sherman Thorndike, Editor, The Sherman Letters: Correspondence Between General and Senator Sherman from 1837 to 1891, p. 297-8
CINCINNATI, October
6, 1866.
DEAR UNCLE:— We are
talking of putting a notice in the papers about two boys we lost a fortnight
ago. They left their homes in good health and spirits one morning and have not
since been heard from! Can you give any information to their anxious parents?
Dr. Joe arrived in
New York Friday. He started home on hearing of his mother's serious illness.
The news of her death reached him at New York. We expect him tomorrow.
The labors of the
campaign closed with me yesterday afternoon. It has been an exceedingly
pleasant time. The Democrats are spending a great deal of money obtained from
New York. They have also made great use of the prejudice against negroes. The struggle is to elect Pendleton. I
think they will fail. The negro prejudice is rapidly wearing away, but is still
very strong among the Irish, and people of Irish parentage, and the ignorant
and unthinking generally. But I think we shall beat it all around.
After election, say
about next Friday or Saturday, I shall probably come up. Love to all.
The army is filling
up with conscripts, absentees and others, and if we get also the principals of
the substitutes our army will soon be very formidable. Mose Cappock has
returned, although his wound has not quite healed. I believe if we whip the
Yankees good again this spring they will quit in disgust. Their cause is not
just, like ours, and they are sure to become discouraged more readily.
The people of
Richmond have had a great time recently, feasting and fêting General Morgan.
Men who saw him there tell me he is very young, handsome and attractive, but is modest
and has a most pleasing address. I learned that when he passed through Newberry
the people made him come out of the train and let them all take a good look at
him.
An officer in our
regiment was cashiered for forging a furlough, sure enough. I feel very sorry
for him and think he should go to the Yankees the first chance he gets, for he
is ruined wherever this thing becomes known.
The winter has been
unusually severe so far, but I am perfectly comfortable in every way, except
that our diet is becoming anything else but bountiful or extravagant. We draw a
little coffee and sugar occasionally. For breakfast this morning I had a cup of
"Pure Rio," some ham, rice, biscuit and butter, but I have a hankering
for such things as syrup, sweet potatoes, sauer-kraut, and the like. I do hope
it will not be a great while before I can have such things.
Edwin still has some
of the good things to eat which he brought from home in his trunk. His servant,
Tony, stole some of his syrup to give to a negro girl who lives near our camp,
and Ed gave him a pretty thorough thrashing for it. He says Tony is too much of
a thief to suit him and he intends to send him back home. I had to give Gabriel
a little thrashing this morning for "jawing” me. I hate very much to raise
a violent hand against a person as old as Gabriel, although he is black and a
slave. He is too slow for me, and I intend to send him back by Billie when he
goes home on furlough.
I must close, as
Gabriel is bringing in my dinner. I will write to you again in a few days.
MANSFIELD, OHIO,
Aug. 9, 1867.
Dear Brother: . . . It
is now becoming extremely important to know precisely what Grant wants in
connection with the Presidency. If he has really made up his mind that he would
like to hold that office, he can have it. Popular opinion is all in his favor.
His position is the rare one of having that office within his easy reach, and
yet it is clear that his interest is against his acceptance. The moment he is
nominated, he at once becomes the victim of abuse; and even his great services
will not shield him. Our politics for years will be a maelstrom, destroying and
building up reputations with rapidity. My conviction is clear that Grant ought
not to change his present position to that of President; and if he declines,
then by all odds Chase is the safest man for the country. He is wise, politic,
and safe. Our finances, the public credit, and the general interests of all
parts of the country will be safe with him. His opinions are advanced on the
suffrage question, but this waived, he would be a most conservative President.
He is not a partisan, scarcely enough so for his own interests; still, if Grant
wishes to be President, all other candidates will have to stand aside. I see
nothing in his way unless he is foolish enough to connect his future with the
Democratic party. This party cannot dictate the next President. They would
deaden any man they praise. Even Grant could not overcome any fellowship with
them. If they should take a wise course on future political questions, their
course during the war will bar their way. You may not think so, but I know it.
The strength is with the Republicans. Not of the Butler stripe, but with just
that kind of men who would be satisfied with the position of Grant. The
suffrage and reconstruction questions will be settled before the election, and
in such a way as to secure the Republican party an even chance in every
Southern State except Kentucky. . . .
I agree with you
that Indian wars will not cease until all the Indian tribes are absorbed in our
population, and can be controlled by constables instead of soldiers.
I mean to remain as
quiet as possible this fall. I am not now in high favor with the Radicals, and
can afford to wait awhile. The election in Ohio will go as usual. The suffrage
amendment will be adopted by a close vote, and that will settle forever the
negro question in Ohio. A reaction and struggle may occur in the South, but no
change will occur in the loyal States until they decide on financial questions.
This is inevitable after the next election..
Sumner called on me
with young Bright. We had quite a talk on the policy of the Government, and his
own views. Sumner's vanity and egotism are great. He assumes that the
Administration is wholly wrong, and that he is beyond peradventure right; that
Congress has plenary powers, the Executive none, on reestablishing the Union.
He denounced the policy of the President on the question of organizing the
Rebel States as the greatest and most criminal error ever committed by any
government. Dwelt on what constitutes a republican government; says he has read
everything on the subject from Plato to the last French pamphlet. Tells me that
a general officer from Georgia had informed him within a week that the negroes
of that State were better qualified to establish and maintain a republican
government than the whites. He says that Seward, McCulloch, and myself are the
men who have involved the President in this transcendent error, I, a New
England man, New England's representative in the Cabinet, have misrepresented
New England sentiment. McCulloch was imbued with the pernicious folly of Indiana,
but Seward and myself were foully, fatally culpable in giving our countenance
and support to the President in his policy.
I insisted it was
correct, that the country aside from heated politics approved it, and asked if
he supposed there was any opposition to that policy in the Cabinet. He said he
knew Stanton was opposed to it, and when I said I was not aware of it, he
seemed surprised. He asked if I had read his Worcester speech. I told him I had
but did not indorse it. He replied, "Stanton does." "Stanton,"
said he, "came to Boston at that time; the speech was thrown into the
cars, and he had read it before I met him. Stanton complimented the speech. I
said it was pretty radical or had pretty strong views. Stanton said it was none
too strong, that he approved of every sentiment, every opinion and word of
it."
I told Sumner I did
not understand Stanton as occupying that position, and I apprehended the
President did not so understand him. I told him that I well recollected that on
one occasion last spring, when I was in the War Department, he and Dawes and
Gooch came in there. He said, "Yes, and Colfax was there." "I
recollect he was. Stanton took out his project for organizing a government in
North Carolina. I had heard it read on the last day of Mr. Lincoln's life, and
had made a suggestion respecting it, and the project had been modified. Some
discussion took place at the War Department on the question of negro suffrage.
Stanton said he wanted to avoid that topic. You [Sumner] wanted to meet it.
When that discussion opened I left, for I knew I could not agree with
you."
Sumner said he well
recollected that meeting; that he and Colfax had proposed modifications of the
plan and put it in an acceptable shape, but that we had upset it. One other
member of the Cabinet had written him a few days before he left home expressing
sympathy with him, and one other had spoken equally cordially to him since he
arrived here. "You may have had a letter from Speed," I remarked.
"No," said he, "but Speed has had a conversation with me."
I think Harlan must
be the man, yet my impressions were that Harlan held a different position.
Perhaps Iowa has influenced him. Our conversation, though earnest, was not in
anger or with any acrimony. He is confident that he shall carry Stevens's
resolution through the Senate, and be able to defeat the President in his
policy.
Clear and pleasant.
All quiet. No doubt, from the indications, Lincoln has been re-elected.
Now preparations
must be made for the further “conflict of opposing forces." All our
physical power must be exerted, else all is lost.
Mr. Sparrow,
Louisiana, chairman of the Committee on Military Affairs, introduced a measure,
yesterday, in the Senate, which, if consummated, might put all our able-bodied
men in the field. It would equalize prices of the necessaries of life, and
produce a panic among the speculators. I append it. But, probably, the press
will have to be suppressed, “as a war measure,” too, to pass it:
A bill to extend the assessment of prices for the army to all citizens of the Confederate States:
Whereas, the
depreciation of our currency is, in a great measure, produced by the extortion
of those who sell the necessaries of life; and whereas, such depreciation is
ruinous to our Confederacy and to the means of prosecuting the war; therefore
The Congress of the Confederate States of America do enact, as a necessary war measure, That the prices assessed for the army by
the commissioners of assessment shall be the prices established for all
citizens of the Confederate States; and that any person who shall charge any
price beyond such assessment shall be deemed guilty of a criminal offense, and
be subject to a fine not exceeding five thousand dollars and to imprisonment
not exceeding one year.
We are now tending
rapidly, under fearful exigencies, to the absolutism which, in a republic,
alone can summon the full forces into the field. Power must be concentrated,
and wielded with promptitude and precision, else we shall fail to achieve our
independence. All obstructions in the way of necessary war measures must be
speedily removed, or the finances, and the war itself, will speedily come to an
ignominious end.
The Secretary
recommends, and the President orders, that Gen. Bragg be assigned to the
command of North Carolina. The President yields; Bragg is “given up."
The Richmond Enquirer is
out, to-day, in an article advocating the employment of 250,000 negroes in our
army.
Some slight
indisposition and pressing duties have postponed my daily remarks. The
President had expressed to me his intention to go to Richmond and Raleigh on
the 3d inst., and invited me to accompany him, but I doubted if he would carry
the design out, and he said on the 3d he must postpone it for the present,
which I think will be for the season.
A vote was taken in
Connecticut on Monday, the 2d, on the proposed Constitutional Amendment to
erase the word "white" and permit the colored persons to vote. I was
not surprised that the proposition was defeated by a very decided majority, yet
I had expected that the question might be carried on the strong appeal to
party. But there is among the people a repugnance to the negro, and a positive
disinclination to lower the standard of suffrage. They will not receive the
negro into their parlors on terms of social intimacy, and they are unwilling to
put him in the jury-box or any political position. There are probably not five
hundred colored persons who could be made electors, and the grievance is
therefore not very great.
The defeat of the
Constitutional Amendment has caused a great howl to be set up by certain
extremists, in the State and out of it. While I might have voted affirmatively
had I been in the State, I have no wailing over the negative results. I regret
to witness the abuse of the Press and other papers on those whom it failed to
convince, and who consequently voted according to their convictions. This abuse
and denunciation will tend to alienate friends, and weaken the influence of the
Union leaders in future elections.
The effect of the
vote elsewhere will be to impair centralization, which has been setting in
strong of late, and invigorate State action, and in this respect the result
will be beneficent. I apprehend our extreme negro advocates are doing serious
injury to the negro in their zeal in his behalf, and they are certainly doing
harm to our system by insisting on the exercise of arbitrary and unauthorized
power in aid of the negro.
Some of the workmen
in the Philadelphia Navy Yard complained that an assessment had been levied
upon them for party purposes. I had written a pretty decisive letter correcting
the evil when I went to the Cabinet-meeting on Tuesday, and had given it out to
be copied. After the general business before the Cabinet had been disposed of,
the President took me aside and said complaints of a similar character had been
made to him. I told him my own conclusion and what I had done, which he
approved. The opportunity is most favorable to correct a pernicious practice,
which I last year would not sanction, and which led Raymond, Thurlow Weed, and
others to try to prejudice President Lincoln against me.
On Wednesday Amos
Kendall called and wished me to go with him to the President. He alluded to old
friendly political associations and relations between us. I was glad of the
opportunity of taking him to the President, whom I was about to call upon with
my letter to the Commandant of the Philadelphia Navy Yard, respecting the
improper assessment of workmen. After a brief interview Mr. Kendall left, and I
read my letter concerning the assessment of workmen, which the President
complimented and desired it should go to other yards and be made public. [The
letter follows.]
NAVY DEPARTMENT,
3 October, 1865.
SIR:
The attention of the Department has been called to an attempt recently made in
Philadelphia to assess or tax for party purposes the workmen in the Navy Yard.
It is claimed by those who have participated in these proceedings, that the
practice has prevailed in former years, at that and other Navy Yards, of
levying contributions of this character on mechanics and laborers employed by
the Government.
Such
an abuse cannot be permitted; and it is the object of this communication to
prohibit it, wherever it may be practiced.
From
inquiries instituted by the Department, on the complaint of sundry workmen, who
represented that a committee had undertaken, through the agency of the masters,
to collect from each of the employés in their respective departments, a sum equal
to one day's labor, for party purposes—it has been ascertained that there had
been received from the workmen before these proceedings were arrested, the sum
of $1052.
This
and all other attempts to exact money from laborers in the public service,
either by compulsion or voluntary contribution, is, in every point of view,
reprehensible, and is wholly and absolutely prohibited. Whatever money may have
been exacted, and is now in the hands of the Masters, will be forthwith
returned to the workmen from whom it was received; and any Master or other
appointee of this Department who may be guilty of a repetition of this offense,
or shall hereafter participate in levying contributions in the Navy Yards, from
persons in the Government service, for party purposes, will incur the
displeasure of the Department, and render himself liable to removal. The
organization of the Yard must not be perverted to aid any party. Persons who
desire to make voluntary party contributions, can find opportunities to do so,
at ward or other local political meetings, and on other occasions than during
working hours. They are neither to be assisted nor opposed, in this matter, by
government officials. The Navy Yards must not be prostituted to any such
purpose, nor will Committee men be permitted to resort thither, to make
collections for any political party whatever. Working men, and others in the service
of the Government, are expected and required to devote their time and energies
during working hours, and while in the Yard, to the labor which they are
employed to execute.
It
has been also represented that some of the Masters at some of the Navy Yards
employ extra hands preceding warmly contested elections, and that much of the
time of these superfluous hands is devoted to party electioneering. Such an
abuse, if it exists in any department of any of the Navy Yards, must be
corrected. No more persons should be retained in the Navy Yards than the public
service actually requires. Party gatherings and party discussions are at all
times to be avoided within the Yards. It will be the duty of the Commandants of
the respective Yards, and of all officers, to see that this order is observed.
Very respectfully,
G. WELLES,
Secty. of the Navy.
COMMO.
CHAS. H. BELL,
Commdt. Navy Yard,
New York.
(Also written to all the other Commandants of Navy Yards.)
I called on Seward
on Wednesday in relation to the Stonewall, the Harriet Lane, the Florida, etc.,
as he was about leaving to be absent for a fortnight, and we may wish to send
to Havana before he returns. After disposing of business, and I had left his
room, he sent his messenger to recall me. He seemed a little embarrassed and
hesitating at first, but said he wished to say to me that he had had full and
free and unreserved talks recently with the President; that he had found him
friendly and confiding, and more communicative than Mr. Lincoln ever had been;
that he knew and could say to me that the President had for me, for him
(Seward), and indeed for all the Cabinet a friendly regard; that he had no
intention of disturbing any member of the Cabinet; that I had reason to be
specially gratified with the President's appreciation of me. Some general
conversation followed on past transactions and events. Among other things we
got on to Blair's letters and speeches. He says the original armistice, alluded
to by Blair, was left by Buchanan with other papers on the office table at the
Executive Mansion or with the Attorney-General.
Seward, McCulloch,
Harlan, and Speed were absent from Washington on Friday, the 6th, the day of
the last Cabinet-meeting. No very important questions were presented and
discussed. The presence of the assistants instead of the principals operates, I
perceive, as an obstruction to free interchange of opinion.
At the last
Cabinet-meeting in September, Seward read a strange letter addressed to one of
the provisional governors, informing him that the President intended to
continue the provisional governments in the several insurrectionary States
until Congress assembled and should take the subject in hand with the newly
formed constitutions. I was amazed, and remarked that I did not understand the
question or status of the States to be as stated, and was relieved when the
President said he disapproved of that part of the letter. Speed asked to have
the letter again read and was evidently satisfied with it. Seward made a pencil
correction or alteration that was unimportant and meaningless, when the
President said very emphatically he wished no reference to Congress in any such
communication, or in any such way. Stanton, I observed, remained perfectly
silent though very attentive. It appeared to me that the subject was not novel
to him.
In an interview with
the President the Monday following (the 2d inst.), I expressed my wish that no
letter should be sent defining the policy of the Administration without full
and careful consideration. The President said he should see to that, and that
Seward's letter as modified by himself was a harmless affair.
I have sent out
another circular in relation to the appointment of masters in the navy yards.
These appointments have caused great difficulty in the Department, the Members
of Congress insisting on naming them, and almost without an exception the party
instead of the mechanical qualifications of the man is urged. It is best to be
relieved of this evil, and I shall try to cure it.
I see that Senator
Grimes by letter expresses his disapproval of the Radical movements in the Iowa
State Convention. Doolittle has been still more emphatic in Wisconsin. Things
are working very well. The conventions in the Rebel States are discharging their
duties as satisfactorily, perhaps, as could be expected. Some of the extreme
Republicans, of the Sumner school, are dissatisfied, but I think their numbers
are growing less. The Democrats, on the other hand, are playing what they
consider a shrewd party game, by striving to take advantage of the errors and
impracticable notions of the ultras. Therefore the policy of the Administration
appears to be growing in favor, though the machinery of politics is at work in
an opposite direction.
The enclosed letter
from Mr G. Morris, was yesterday put into my hands by Mr R. Morris, having come
under cover to him.
I was yesterday
asked by the Vice-Presidt if it was true that information had been received of
Count Andriani’s having written things to Europe unfavourable to and
disrespectful of this Country. I told him that such information had been
received—repeating the purport of that contained in Colo. H.’s Letter. He
appeared extremely vexed at the Count, and spoke of him in very harsh terms. He
said that the Count had brot a letter to him from Dr Price recommending him to
his notice, but not having formed a very good opinion of him, he had paid him
but little Attention. In future he should make it a point to deny himself if
the Count should call upon him, and should he meet him elsewhere he should
treat him with a marked contempt. He further added that he should let Dr Price
know what an unworthy Character he had introduced to him—and beg in future that
he would be more cautious in his recommendations. I relate this conversation,
because it struck me as being pointedly introduced.
The Attorney General
called upon Mrs Washington today, and informed her that three of his Negroes
had given him notice that they should tomorrow take advantage of a law of this
State, and claim their freedom—and that he had mentioned it to her from an idea
that those who were of age in this family might follow the example, after a
residence of six months should put it in their power. I have therefore
communicated it to you that you might, if you thought best, give directions in
the matter respecting the blacks in this family.
Mrs Washington has
just now received your letter from Mount Vernon, where we are happy to hear
that you arrived well. She does not write at this time, but desires to be
remembered. The family continue in good health. Mrs Lear unites with me in best
respects. I have the honor to be with the highest respect & warmest
attachment—Sir—Your most Obedt Servt
Tobias Lear.
Slightly hazy and
sunshine.
Quiet, save aimless
and bootless shelling and picket firing along the lines on the south side of
the river.
Hon. Geo. Davis,
Attorney-General, to whom was referred the question of the constitutionality of
the purposed removal from office of clerks appointed to fill places
specifically created by act of Congress previous to the enactment of the
Conscript law, without there being alleged against them any misconduct,
inefficiency, dishonesty, etc., has reported that as several subsequent acts of
Congress already indicate an intention to put all capable of bearing arms in
the army, it is the duty of the President and the Secretary of War to carry out the intentions of Congress,
leaving the constitutional question to the decision of the courts! The
Constitution they swore upon the holy, etc. to support! Thus, & refugee
must either starve his wife and children by relinquishing office, or be disgraced
by appealing to the courts!
It is reported that
30,000 of the enemy crossed to this side of the river last night, and that
fighting has began at 10 A.M.; but I hear nothing save an occasional report of
cannon.
It is said brisk
skirmishing is now (12 m.) going on along the lines.
Gen. Cooper and Mr.
Secretary Seddon wants Brig.-Gen. R. (Charleston) relieved, for insulting a lady in one of his fits
of drunkenness. The President is reluctant to consent.
We have intelligence
to-day of gun-boats and transports ascending the Rappahannock River. Another
squall from that quarter!
Three P.M. The
cannonading has grown quick and terrific along the lines, below the city (north
side), with occasional discharges nearer, and farther to the left (north), as
if the enemy were attempting to flank our army.
The sounds are very
distinctly heard, the weather being damp and the wind from the southeast. We
can distinguish the bursting of the shell quickly after the discharge of the
cannon.
The firing ceased at
dark. It rains hard and steadily, now. What a life! what suffering; in mud and
water, without tents (in the trenches), burdened with wet blankets, and perhaps
without food! To-morrow, in all probability, a battle will be fought.
Gen. Lee, for
several weeks, as if aware of the impending operations in this vicinity, has
been on this side of the river, superintending in person the fortifications
multiplied everywhere for the defense of the city, while reinforcements have
been pouring in by thousands. It must be a fearful struggle, if Gen. Grant
really intends to make another effort to capture Richmond by assault! Our
works, mostly made by the negroes, under the direction of skillful engineers,
must be nearly impregnable, and the attempt to take them will involve a
prodigious expenditure of blood.
No. 2.
Report of Brig. Gen. Joseph Finegan, C. S.
Army, commanding District of East Florida.
GENERAL: 1 have the
honor to report that on the 10th instant I received information from
Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, commanding forces at Camp Finegan, of the arrival
at Jacksonville of five gunboats and transports, and the landing of a large
number of Abolition troops, said to be negroes. I immediately issued orders by
telegraph and express trains for the concentration of all the troops which I
could reach within the space of four or five days at the camp in the immediate
vicinity of Jacksonville, prepared to check any movement of the enemy by land
into the interior. To do this I am compelled to leave with entirely inadequate,
protection many important points on the coast whence negroes may escape in
large numbers to the enemy and where they have easy access to the interior.
On the same evening
I proceeded to the camp, arriving there near midnight. I here found that the
enemy had landed from five gunboats and transports, and he had occupied the
town with so much celerity and secrecy as to have surrounded it with his
pickets before the people generally were aware of his presence.
The next morning I
made a reconnaissance in person, with the cavalry companies of Captains
Stephens and Chambers, of the Second Florida Cavalry, under command of
Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, of the same regiment, and directed Major Brevard,
commanding First Battalion Partisan Rangers, with the companies of Captains
Mays, Bird, J. Q. Stewart, and Asa Stewart, numbering 200 men, to advance to
the immediate vicinity of the town, and cut off, capture, or kill their other
pickets. The cavalry detachment under command of Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick,
which I accompanied, advanced into the suburbs of the town, where we found the
enemy posted in strong picket force. We were fired upon by their first pickets
without effect, except the disabling of 1 or 2 horses, and drove them into the
town. Proceeding farther, we encountered a stronger force, which I estimated to
be about two companies of infantry, drawn up in line of battle and
advantageously posted. These opened on us unexpectedly, firing alternately by
platoons and by file, with some degree of regularity. Our men, at great
disadvantage of position, returned their fire with effect and drove them in
haste and confusion from their position, killing 2 of whom we are certainly
advised and wounding 4 or 5, and we have some reason to believe inflicting on
them a severe loss. In this skirmish we lost a valuable life in Acting Surgeon
Meredith, who accompanied the expedition, and was killed in the second skirmish
with the enemy. At this point I had expected to meet the infantry detachment
under command of Major Brevard, and with them to have retired from the town,
capturing such pickets as were posted still farther out. The road taken was
shorter than anticipated, and the two skirmishes with the enemy had accelerated
our progress, so that we arrived at the place in advance of the infantry. Being
under the range of the enemy's five gunboats and of his field pieces, we
withdrew, bringing off the body of Surgeon Meredith.
Later in the day
Major Brevard, commanding the infantry detachment, making his way into the
suburbs of the town, encountered in the vicinity of the same place one or two
companies of the enemy drawn up in line under cover of the trees and a house.
Feeling the party with skirmishers, he then opened on them with his entire
command, when they broke and fled in confusion, having first, however, returned
his fire. Major Brevard then withdrew his command, and, although the enemy
opened on them with shell from their gunboats, escaped without loss, having
inflicted, as we believe, some loss on the enemy. We have ascertained from the
reconnaissances and other sources of information that the enemy are certainly
in large force in Jacksonville; that they are negroes, with white commissioned
officers, company and field, and generally mulatto non-commissioned officers.
From the best information that we can gather there may be 4,000 negroes now in
the place, with perhaps one company of white troops. That they are expecting
re-enforcements and have strongly fortified the place, having cut down all the
trees, of which there were a great number, and made of them barricades and
abatis; that they have posted field pieces in all the streets and covering the
approaches, and have burned the houses from the river out beyond the suburbs of
the town, so as to enable them to sweep with their heavy guns the whole country
in rear and on either side of the place. They keep five boats with guns of long
range in front and on the sides of the town, thus enabling them from the
conformation of the ground to cover the country for several miles. The object
of these formidable preparations, as we gather from our people who have been
allowed to come out and as indicated by the probabilities of the case, is to
hold the town of Jacksonville and then to advance up the Saint John's in their
gunboats and establish another secure position higher up the river, whence they
may entice the slaves. That the entire negro population of East Florida will be
lost and the country ruined there cannot be a doubt, unless the means of
holding the Saint John's River are immediately supplied. The next movement of
the enemy will be to Palatka, and it may be to-day or to-morrow, and will
necessitate the division of the force here concentrated. In a short time a
similar landing may be effected in the vicinity of Fernandina and another
division of the force required. It is impossible to do anything of importance
unless I obtain the means asked for. All positions on the river, with the
superior weight and number of the enemy's guns, are untenable with the means
which I possess. I hope the commanding general will be able to supply me with
the means absolutely necessary for the preservation of the people of this
district. With the four siege guns asked for I can drive off the enemy's
gunboats preparatory to an attack on the town.
I am to-day advised
that the regiment of white troops in Saint Augustine have been ordered to
re-enforce the enemy at Jacksonville. It is more probable, however, that they
will proceed to Palatka, which is an easy march of 30 miles, through an open
country, and there establish themselves. With the means at my command I shall
not be able to prevent it.
To appreciate the
danger of the permanent establishment of these posts of negro troops on the
Saint John's River I respectfully submit to the commanding general that a
consideration of the topography of the country will exhibit the fact that the
entire planting interest of East Florida lies within easy communication of the
river; that intercourse will immediately commence between negroes on the
plantations and those in the enemy's service; that this intercourse will be
conducted through swamps and under cover of the night, and cannot be prevented.
A few weeks will suffice to corrupt the entire slave population of East
Florida.
I herewith transmit
a copy of an address which I deemed it my duty to publish to the people of the
State, and which I trust will meet the approval of the commanding general; also
a copy of general orders, complimentary to the conduct of officers and men of
this command in the two skirmishes of the 11th instant.
The whole force
which I am able to concentrate at this point, after leaving exposed many
important points, will be less than 1,000 men (of all arms). I further beg
leave to urge upon the commanding general the necessity of supplying me with
300 or 400 Enfield rifles and necessary ammunition for new recruits and new
companies.
[Inclosure No. 1.]
I feel it my duty as
brigadier-general commanding this district to inform the people of the district
and of the State that our unscrupulous enemy has landed a large force of
negroes, under command of white officers, at Jacksonville, under cover of
gunboats. He is attempting to fortify the place so as to make it secure against
attacks. The purpose of this movement is obvious and need not be mentioned in
direct terms. It is sufficient to inspire the whole body of the people with a
renewed and sterner purpose of resistance. I therefore call on such of the
citizens as can possibly leave their homes to arm and organize themselves into
companies without delay and to report to me. Ammunition, subsistence, and
transportation will be furnished them while they remain in service. I further
ask the zealous co-operation of the whole people in forcing into service all
persons within the conscript age who yet remain out. With the blessing of the
Almighty, the zealous support of the people and the Government, I doubt not that
the detestable foe will soon be driven from their cover.
The
brigadier-general commanding desires to notice in general orders the coolness
and daring exhibited by the officers and men of this command of detachments of
the companies of Capt. W. E. Chambers and Capt. Winston Stephens, of Second
Florida Cavalry, and of the companies of Capts. S. W. Mays, P.B. Bird, J. Q.
Stewart, and Asa Stewart, under the command of Maj. T. W. Brevard, First
Battalion Partisan Rangers, in two separate skirmishes with the enemy in the
suburbs of Jacksonville on this day, These troops advanced with steadfast bravery
while within range of his gunboats and attacked and drove him from his cover.
The brigadier-general commanding commends the gallant and meritorious conduct
in this affair of Lieutenant-Colonel McCormick, Second Florida Cavalry,
commanding cavalry force, and Capts. W. E. Chambers and W. Stephens, of Second
Cavalry, and their officers and men, and of Maj. T.W. Brevard, First Battalion
Partisan Rangers, commanding infantry force, and his captains, S. W. Mays, P.B.
Bird, J. Q. Stewart, and Asa Stewart, and their officers and men.
The command mourns
the loss of Surgeon Meredith, who fell by nobly discharging his duty.
