Diary of Gideon Welles, Tuesday, July 17, 1866

Still excessively warm. Not much at the Cabinet to note. Stanton read a strange dispatch from Gen. George H. Thomas at Nashville, stating that some of the Tennessee members of the legislature would not attend the sessions and asking if he should not arrest them. The President promptly and with point said, if General Thomas had nothing else to do but to intermeddle in local controversies, he had better be detached and ordered elsewhere. Stanton, who should have rebuked Thomas, had, I thought, a design in bringing the subject to the President, who has warm personal friendship for the General. On hearing the emphatic remark and witnessing the decided manner of the President against Thomas's proposition, Stanton dropped his tone and said he had proposed to say to T. that he should avoid mixing up in this question. "But shall I add your remark?" said he. "My wish is," replied the President, "that the answer should be emphatic and decisive, not to meddle with local parties and politics. The military are not superior masters."

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 554-5

Diary of Gideon Welles, Wednesday, July 18, 1866

The President tells me that Dennison did not intend to leave, — that his purpose was to maintain his party relations but conform to the Administration in his action. He did not want nor expect his resignation would be accepted. These were the President's impressions. He looked upon it as a refined partyism to which he would give no attention. Speed, he says, thought to be very short, and he, therefore, did not reply to Speed's note resigning, but considered it a fact in conformity with the terms of the note.

The authentic published proceedings of the Radical leaders are disgraceful to the Members who were present and took part. It shows their incapacity as statesmen and their unfitness as legislators. Raymond publishes the statement, the injunction of secrecy having been removed. He also prints a letter in his paper, the New York Times, disclosing the revolutionary feeling of the leading Radicals, who are, in fact, conspirators.

Montgomery Blair is possessed of the sentiment that another civil war is pending and that the Radical leaders design and are preparing for it. I am unwilling to believe that a majority of Congress is prepared for such a step, but the majority is weak in intellect, easily led into rashness and error by the few designing leaders, who move and control the party machinery. There is no individuality and very little statesmanship or wise legislation, and as little in the Senate. The war on the President and on the Constitution, as well as on the whole of the people South, except the negroes, is revolutionary.

The President, while he has a sound and patriotic heart, has erred in not making himself and his office felt as a power. He should long since have manifested his determination to maintain and exercise his executive rights, in fact should in the first month of the session, and as soon as the spirit and hostility of the Radical leaders was apparent, have drawn the lines and made his own position known and felt. I so said to him on more than one occasion. But the influence and counsel of Seward, who deals in vacillating expedients, have been disastrous. He has striven to keep alive and strengthen the party organization, which is opposed to the President, and thus given power to the Radicals, who are conspiring against him. The President's friends have, as a result, been proscribed and his opponents favored by his own Administration. In this way Congress, where the Administration had or might have a majority, has become consolidated against the President. Those Members who were kindly disposed have been disciplined and drawn away from him by this trimming New York management. His mind is tardy in its movements, though honest and firm, and required stimulating and urging onward at the very time when Seward was exerting himself to suppress and hold back any decisive action in order to secure a party ascendancy in New York under Thurlow Weed. Stanton, of course, operated with Seward to prevent Executive action, for he was in all his feelings with the extreme Radicals, though contriving to so far keep in with the President as to retain his place.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 555-6

Diary of Gideon Welles, Thursday, July 19, 1866

The Democrats have had a large meeting at Reading in Pennsylvania. Mr. Blair is reported to have made an ultra speech, denouncing the intrigues and schemes of the Radical leaders and predicting civil war if they are not defeated at the fall elections. The country has had too recent and too exhausting an experience for another war.

A telegram from the coarse, vulgar creature who is Governor of Tennessee says that there is a quorum of the legislature and that they have ratified the Constitutional Amendment. This legislature was chosen when war existed, and under circumstances and animosities which would not be justified or excusable in peace. It is, of course, no exponent of popular sentiment in that State. But under the urgent appeals of the Radical Members of Congress, Brownlow, the Governor, convened a special session of this dead body on the 4th of July, to ratify the changes in the Constitution of the United States. But he was unable to get a quorum together. Fifty-six were necessary for a quorum; only fifty-four would be assembled, and two were arrested and brought to Nashville as prisoners. These made the requisite fifty-six, and forty-three of these bogus members voted for the Constitutional changes. This is an exhibition of Radical regard for honest principle, for popular opinion, and for changes in the organic law. The change is to be imposed upon the people by fraud, not adopted of choice.

I asked by way of suggestion to the President, how it happened that General Thomas's telegram of the 14th respecting the arrest of members of the legislature was not responded to until the 17th. He said he could not tell, and, evidently apprehending my object, said perhaps General Grant did not get it until the 15th and passed it over to the War Department possibly the next day, and the Secretary of War brought it here on the 17th. "Yet it does seem to have been some time on the way for a telegram," said he. "In the mean time," continued I, "two members of the legislature appear to have been arrested and brought to Nashville." This is Stantonian. Why does the President submit to be victimized?

The irregular tidings that Tennessee had in any way, however illegal or by force and fraud, confirmed the Amendment, as it is called, caused great exultation in Congress. The Radicals felt as if they were relieved, or those of them who felt uneasy under the dictation of Stevens, Boutwell, Schenck, etc. Conscious of their wrongdoing and that they were trifling with the country for mere party ascendancy and power, they broke away from Stevens and refused to follow him. Tennessee can now be permitted to have Representatives, — a right from which she has been excluded.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 556-8

Diary of Gideon Welles, Friday, July 20, 1866

I learn that the President to-day sent in the nomination of Mr. Stanbery for Attorney-General. He made no mention of it in Cabinet. There is a reticence on the part of the President — an apparent want of confidence in his friends — which is unfortunate, and prevents him from having intimate and warm personal friends who would relieve him in a measure. Doolittle spoke of this to me last evening as we came from the President's, with whom he wanted some frank and friendly conversation, and he felt a little hurt that he was not met in the same spirit. It is a mistake, an infirmity, a habit fixed before he was President, to keep his own counsel. I find no want of confidence or frankness in him when I introduce a topic, or make an inquiry, but it is unpleasant to seek information which should, in friendly courtesy, be communicated or invited by him.

Professor Davies comes to see me. Wants his nephew, General Davies, to be made Naval Officer at New York. Says Smythe, the Collector, is doing nothing to sustain the President, or the Philadelphia movement. I am inclined to believe there is truth in it and that Smythe is a very indifferent officer, as well as a useless politician, or party man, and that the President has been deceived in him. I have heretofore expressed my doubts of his fitness to the President, McCulloch, and Doolittle, and they, neither of them, controverted my opinion. He is a weight, no aid.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 558

Diary of Gideon Welles, Saturday, July 21, 1866

The Senate has altered and passed the resolution and preamble concerning the right of Tennessee to be represented, Congress, or the Radical majority, graciously permitting it, — not because the Constitution sanctions, or that the people or State have any rights, but because a fragment of a legislature, less than a quorum, elected nearly two years ago and summoned by the vulgar Governor, have adopted or ratified the Constitutional Amendment. The whole proceeding is a burlesque on republican government and our whole system of popular rights, opinion, State action, and constitutional obligation.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 559

Diary of Gideon Welles, Monday, July 23, 1866

Had a discussion last evening with McCulloch and Doolittle in the council-room, the President being by, respecting the preamble and resolution of Congress in regard to Tennessee. McCulloch thought it might injure the President or help the Radicals if he did not sign it. I preferred that he should not, especially that he should not give his assent to the preamble. My own course would be to approve of neither, for it would be claimed as a precedent in future toward the other States. If it were an isolated instance, the resolution affirming that the State might send Representatives would, perhaps, be harmless, but the precedent in the present state of things would be bad. The President listened and then read a dispatch from the Speaker, saying he would not sign a certificate that the Amendment had been ratified.

Admiral Farragut and myself have been busy to-day on promotions under the recent law.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 559

Diary of Gideon Welles, Tuesday, July 24, 1866

Busy through the day until dark on the subject of promotions, except for a short time at the Cabinet. The promotions will, unavoidably, give pain to many worthy men, but the principle which I have adopted will cause immensely less dissatisfaction than the original recommendations of the boards convened under the previous law. My action has been based on their recommendations, only deviating in a few cases when I was convinced injustice had been done by partiality or prejudice.

Many would be glad to dispense these promotions, but it has been to me a labor of sadness in many respects, and, though as glad as anyone to assist in rewarding merit, yet, when accompanied with the knowledge that a lifelong sorrow is to be inflicted on others, necessarily, because extra promotion cannot be made without overriding others, some of them estimable men though not proved heroic officers, I am grieved.

Mr. Stanbery, the new Attorney-General, took his seat to-day in the Cabinet. He seems to have encountered no opposition in the Senate.

Seward presented a letter which he had prepared to our Minister to Japan. I did not like it, nor have I been favorable to the course which our Government and authority have in some respects pursued towards the Japanese. We Americans had found favor in their eyes above any Christian nation. To us they had opened ports and permitted trade. The English and French sought the same privilege; ultimately these countries and the Japanese became involved in hostilities, and the two powers had their fleets there. They intrigued to get us to unite with them. But the Japanese wanted no quarrel with us. Yet Mr. Pruyn, our then Minister, persuaded or directed Captain McDougal, commanding the Jamestown, to furnish a small detachment to go on board a small steamer which was chartered and entered, with the American flag, into the fight. Although performing little or no service, the two powers were delighted, extolled our men, who were mere spectators, gave honors to our officers, who rendered no service, and when the Japanese came to terms and agreed to pay three millions, it was insisted the Americans, with their little chartered steamer and with no expectation, should receive the same as the other powers with their large fleets and great expense. Of this money, called indemnity, three hundred thousand dollars have been received. The Japanese have now requested delay in the payment of the other installments. Seward's letter was very arrogant, dictatorial, and mandatory. This Government would consent to no delay; immediate and full payment must be promptly made, unless the two other powers decided on a different course, when our hostile policy would yield and conform to theirs. I was disgusted and said so.

There was, moreover, a by-transaction in which Thurlow Weed and Lansing of Albany, a brother-in-law of the Minister, were interested to the amount of several hundred thousand dollars in gold, which had been intrusted to their hands under the advisement of the Minister for building ships years ago. When the war came on in Japan these two gentlemen with Japanese money in their pockets desired our Government to take the vessel which they had then built. President Lincoln, when I declined the purchase, was appealed to. He had one or two interviews with me, and as I considered the proceeding improper he put his name to a paper expressing a wish that she might be taken into our service. But I was finally successful, though with much difficulty, in resisting the scheme. Difficulties between our Government and Japan on other subjects relieved Weed and company in their matters.

When, therefore, Seward read his letter to-day, I expressed a wish that if a refusal were to be sent, it might be less harsh. I preferred, if he so shaped our relations that we must be tied to England and France, they should take the initiative, and we, acting independently, should consent to a reasonable delay even if they did not assent. This, I thought, sufficiently humiliating. Seward was not pleased. Stanton saw the point of my suggestion and doubted whether we should complicate ourselves with the other powers. No other one made a remark or asked a question to draw me out. They saw, which indeed was very perceptible, that Seward was nettled, and they knew not the preceding history.

I took occasion, immediately after the adjournment, to inform the President of the main points and also McCulloch. On learning the facts, both declared themselves against Seward's letter. The President said he recollected former remarks of mine in Cabinet when the notice of the first installment was announced and Seward took great credit to himself for the money. I said it cost the nation dear.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 559-62

Diary of Gideon Welles, Wednesday, July 25, 1866

 I, early this morning, took to the President the carefully prepared list of promotions. He did not fully understand the subject and was disposed to delay. Stanton came in and took him aside. I comprehended the whole matter.

Senator Doolittle breakfasted with me and said some discontent was manifested because General Grant's nomination had not been sent in to the Senate. I told him I presumed it was because Stanton intentionally or from neglect had not made out and sent it to the President, but that the whole might be remedied by sending up Grant's and Farragut's nominations together, and as our bill for the Navy was only this day confirmed, the conclusion would be that there was an object in having their commissions of the same date. Doolittle went from me to the President with these suggestions, and the President had immediately dispatched Colonel Moore, his Secretary, requesting the Secretary of War to send him Grant's nomination, and to me to send Farragut's. Colonel Moore did not get to the Navy Department until I had left and overtook me as I was taking the Navy nominations, including Farragut's, to the President.

This accounted for Stanton's sudden appearance. He and the President thought it not [advisable] to send in the nominations before adjournment of others than the two principal officers. I differed and wanted the naval appointments off my hands. Stanton said the Army Bill had not got through Congress. That was his fault.

Farragut and myself were at General Grant's this evening. He said great noise had been made over the Army Bill and nothing had been done, while the Navy had been quiet and accomplished everything. Mrs. Grant said Mr. Grant had better see Stanton about it.

I rode to the Capitol this evening with Admiral Farragut. It is the first time I have visited the Capitol during this session of eight months while the houses were sitting. I did not now go in, for I found the Miscellaneous Bill was on the tapis and should be during this evening's sitting. Farragut and Grant were this day confirmed.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 562-3

Diary of Gideon Welles, Thursday, July 26, 1866

Congress has agreed to adjourn on Saturday. God speed them home. Still there is much important business undone. League Island has not been accepted by the Senate. This is the most important matter affecting the Navy which is now pending. Grimes says he must leave to-morrow evening. He seems to have lost zeal in this matter, after being earnest for it for years.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 563

Diary of Gideon Welles, Friday, July 27, 1866

The naval nominations were confirmed as submitted. I have labored hard to have as little wrong committed as possible, and yet I fear injustice may have been done to some worthy officers.

Randall, appointed Postmaster-General in place of Dennison, this day attended the Cabinet-meeting, and Harlan sent in his resignation. He was at the meeting of the Cabinet, but made no mention of it at that time.

Mr. Stanbery, the Attorney-General, read the rough notes, as he called them, of an embryo report on the subject of filling vacancies. The paper possesses ability.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 563

Diary of Gideon Welles, Saturday, July 28, 1866

Went to the Capitol a little before ten this A.M. Apprehended I should be late, for we had agreed yesterday in Cabinet to meet in the President's room at nine. Only Randall was there when I arrived, and it was more than an hour before the President and others came. There had been some misunderstanding as to the hour of adjournment, on which there had been conflicting votes.

The two houses sat all night, and finished their labor of the session by increasing their own salaries $2000 each per annum, and by a bounty bill involving an expenditure of probably one hundred millions. Trumbull, who has gone astray, says not over sixty-five millions. This is waste and reckless extravagance as well as imprudent and careless legislation in almost all respects.

The President spoke to me on the subject soon after he arrived. I said promptly I hoped he would not sanction the proceeding; that it was profligate legislation and a good question with which to go before the people, — I should be glad of such an issue; — that neither wisdom, sound policy, nor good government would sanction such reckless extravagance, though the country appears dumb and indifferent over extravagant inroads; that the result of such waste and profligacy, if countenanced and approved by Executive and Congress, must end in the prostration of the Government and general repudiation.

When the bill was received and read, Seward at once remarked that the President was not responsible for the act and he had but one course to take, which was to sign the bill. Stanton said promptly he would not have voted for it had he been a Member, but that he would not advise a veto. McCulloch said the bill was not so bad as it might have been and thought the Government could stagger through it. Stanbery thought it had better be approved. I still objected. The President was reluctant, but at length signed the bill. McCulloch put his arm around me as I walked around the room and brought me up towards the President. As he did so, he said, "I know this is against your opinion, but under the circumstances we all think it is best." I told him and the President that I submitted, and he perhaps could hardly be expected to do otherwise than assent to the Act of Congress, supported by his entire Cabinet, including the Secretary of the Treasury, I only differing. The President yields on questions when his friends advise and urge him. They do not always have an opportunity. In the Cabinet economy is not a cardinal point. McCulloch has correct views, but he, also, yields too much. I should have been glad to have stood out with the President on this issue, or rather to have had him with me. The country would have been with him, because he would have been right.

I told the President that I regretted the appointment of Clark¹ to be judge in New Hampshire. He said it was not acceptable to him, but there was a confused state of things. It was hard to ascertain who was worthy. He thought some good results might grow out of it. I can see nothing good and so said. On every Constitutional point that has been raised, Clark has opposed the President. He has been vindictive. He was the tool of Fessenden in expelling Stockton, and has been as mischievously hostile as any man in the Senate. Yet he is selected to be a judge. Such selections destroy public confidence.

So far as I am, or the Navy Department is, concerned, Clark has been friendly and kind, but in his course towards the President and as a politician and legislator I think badly of him. The President has, under bad advice, committed a mistake. I am told Hendricks and some other Senators interfered for Clark. There are loose political morals in the Senate, and the President should disregard Senatorial interposition for their own members, for they favor one another at the country's expense.

I do not think the Members were exactly satisfied with themselves in closing up the session. A feeling of disappointment was apparent, and by many confessed, accompanied with conscious guilt of wrong and feebleness. Weak capabilities, shallow statesmanship, and intense partisanship are the qualities of this Congress.

_______________

¹ Daniel Clark, Senator from New Hampshire, 1857-66, appointed United States Judge for the District of New Hampshire.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, pp. 563-5

Diary of Gideon Welles, Monday, July 30, 1866

Senator Doolittle called and wished me to accompany him to the President to meet General Dix, and we sent to McCulloch to go there also. The selection of Dix as Minister to The Hague, a third-class mission, is doing good. It is opening the eyes of Doolittle and McCulloch, and I think the President, to the course of Weed and Seward.

Doolittle called on me the morning that this nomination was announced, and asked what it meant. Said we could not spare Dix from the country at this time. I told him there was no probability that Dix would leave. Certainly not on that mission. "What, then, does it mean?" said Doolittle. I replied that it was intended to dispose of Dix. The appointment was derogatory and designed to belittle him, and then, as he would not accept, the place would be kept open for Seward to play with.

I saw when I met Dix this morning that he was, for him, a good deal disturbed, and was glad to have him express his dissatisfaction and his opinions, and the views of others. He says Weed is playing a strange game in relation to Governor of New York. Tells of Weed's and Seward's policy, though only Weed's name used. Says that when Weed wants his own party and servants to be beaten, he selects a weak candidate, etc.

Smythe, the Collector, came in soon after Dix went out, and he was even more full than Dix in disclosing Weed's intrigues and the lectures and teachings of which he was the recipient. Weed told Smythe he was a merchant and no politician. Smythe said he knew enough to fire at mark, though he might not hit it.

 SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 2: April 1, 1864 — December 31, 1866, p. 566

Pierre Gustave Toutant Beauregard

BEAUREGARD, PIERRE GUSTAVE TOUTANT (bō-re-gär'), an American military officer, born in St. Martin's parish, La., May 28, 1818; was graduated at the United States Military Academy and appointed a brevet Second Lieutenant of Artillery in 1838; was promoted First Lieutenant and transferred to the Corps of Engineers in 1839; distinguished himself in the Mexican War, where he won the brevet of Captain for gallantry at Contreras and Churubusco, and of Major for Chapultepec, where he was twice wounded. He resigned his commission after the secession of Louisiana in February, 1861, and was appointed commander of the Confederate forces at Charleston, S. C., and there opened the hostilities of the Civil War by bombarding Fort Sumter, on April 11. After the evacuation of the Fort by Major Anderson, General Beauregard was transferred to Virginia where he commanded the Confederate forces in the battle of Bull Run, on July 21. In March, 1862, he was ordered to the Army of the Mississippi, under Gen. Albert S. Johnston, and in April following fought the battle of Shiloh, gaining a victory over the National forces the first day, but being defeated by General Grant on the second day. Failing health kept him from active duty till June, 1863, when he took charge of the defense of Charleston against the combined land and naval forces. He remained in command there till April, 1864, when he was ordered to Richmond to strengthen its defenses. On May 16, he attacked General Butler in front of Drury's Bluff, and forced him back to his intrenchments between the James and the Appomattox rivers. In anticipation of General Sherman's successful march through the Carolinas, he ordered General Hardee to evacuate Charleston, which was done, Feb. 17, 1865. He attempted to aid General Joseph E. Johnston in opposing General Sherman, but in April surrendered with the former to the latter. After the war he became president of the New Orleans, Jackson and Mississippi Railroad Company, Adjutant-General of the State, and a manager of the Louisiana State Lottery. In 1866 the chief command of the Rumanian army was tendered to him, and in 1869 that of the army of the Khedive of Egypt, both of which he declined. He published "The Principles and Maxims of the Art of War" (Charleston, 1863), and "Report of the Defense of Charleston" (Richmond, 1864), and was the last survivor of the full generals of the Confederacy. He died in New Orleans, Feb. 20, 1893.

SOURCE: Collier’s New Encyclopedia, Anniversary Edition, ©1928, Vol. 1, p. 460

James Hopkins Adams

ADAMS, James Hopkins, statesman, b. in South Carolina about 1811; d. near Columbia, S. C., 27 July, 1861. He was graduated at Yale in 1831. In 1832, during the "nullification" excitement, he strongly opposed the nullifiers in the legislature. After serving in the state senate for several sessions, he was elected governor for the term of 1855-'57. He was one of the state commissioners that were chosen, after the ordinance of secession was passed, to treat with the president concerning the disposition of United States property in South Carolina.

SOURCE: James Grant Wilson, Editor, Appleton's Cyclopaedia of American Biography, Vol. 1,  p. 15

John Hugh Means

MEANS, John Hugh, governor of South Carolina, was born at Hampton, Fairfield district, S.C., Aug. 18, 1812, son of Thomas and Sarah Means. His father, a planter, was a native of Boston, Mass. John Hugh Means was graduated at South Carolina college in 1832, and during the nullification excitement in 1832-33 he became well known as an advocate of state rights. He was married, Jan. 23, 1833, to Sallie, daughter of Robert Stark of Columbia, S.C. He was a representative in the South Carolina legislature for several terms, was governor of South Carolina, 1850-52, and during his administration strengthened the state militia and advocated secession. As president of the state convention of 1852, he declared the state had a right to secede and govern itself independently. He was a delegate to the South Carolina convention of 1860, and in 1861 entered the Confederate army as colonel of the 17th South Carolina regiment. He took a prominent part in the early movements of the civil war, and was attached to Evans's independent brigade, Kemper's division, in the battle of Manassas, where he was mortally wounded. He died at Manassas, Va., Aug. 28, 1862.

SOURCE: Rossiter Johnson, Editor-In-Chief, The Biographical Dictionary of America, Vol. 7: Lodge—Moul. This book contains no page numbers, however the biographies are in alphabetical order.

Diary of Edward Bates, June 8, 1859

International Law — Naturalized Citizens — Their rights as such, against the claims of their Native Country —

The Mo. Democrat of June 10 (and various papers a few days older ⁸¹) contains a short letter⁸² from Mr. Cass,⁸³ Secretary of State, in answer to one Le Clerc of Memphis Tenn :, a Frenchman born but naturalized here. Secretary Cass tells Mr. Le Clerc, in plain brief terms, that his American Citizenship, by Naturalization, will not exempt him from the claim of the French government for military service, if he should expose himself to the power of that Government, by visiting France.

This seems very strange to me. The right of expatriation is denied by many of the Governments of Europe; but our Government has always affirmed it. Our Constitution and statutes affirm the right and regulate the manner of using it. Under these laws, Mr. Le Clerc is or is not a citizen of the U. S — Here at home, he is a citizen, as perfectly and absolutely as any native born. If he choose to visit France, his native country, with a pas[s]port in his pocket, vouching for him as an American Citizen, is he less entitled to the protection of this country than a native born American citizen with a like pas[s]port in his pocket? Or does Mr. Cass mean to affirm that any American Citizen, found in France, is liable to be forced into the army, to fight the battles of France?

I do not know whether, in the practice of the State Dep[art]m[en]t., there is any distinction made in granting pas[s]ports, between native and naturalised citizens — or whether the fact is mentioned at all.⁸⁴

_______________

⁸¹ E. g., the National Intelligencer of July 21, 1859.

⁸² It is copied into the diary. The original is in the archives of the State Department.

⁸³ Lewis Cass, of Michigan: governor, 1813-1831; secretary of War, 1831-1836; minister to France, 1836-1842; Democratic U. S. senator, 1845-1848, 1849-1857; secretary of State, 1857-1860. He was an imperialist, a strong nationalist, and a leading advocate of "squatter sovereignty" in the Territories. In December, 1860, he resigned from the Cabinet in protest against Buchanan's weak policy toward secession.

⁸⁴ The same passport exactly was issued to both native-born and naturalized citizens. This paragraph is added in the margin.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, pp. 23-4

Diary of Edward Bates, Wednesday, June 15, 1859

[Rights of Naturalized Citizens Abroad.

 

Secretary Cass renders the following decision, in answer to a communication of a naturalized citizen who is desirous of visiting his native land:

Department of State, 

Washington, May 11, 1859.

 

To Mr. Felix LeClerc, Memphis, Tenn.:

 

Sir: Your letter of the 13th instant has been received. In reply, I have to state that it is understood that the French Government claims military service from all natives of France who may be found within its jurisdiction. Your naturalization in this country will not exempt you from that claim if you should voluntarily repair thither.

 

I am, sir, your ob't ser't,

Lewis Cass.]

I read in the Nat[ional] Intel [ligence]r.⁸⁵ recd, to day, that this letter of Mr. Cass has called forth much comment, in so much that the Adm[inistratio]n. deems an explanation necessary, and so, it is announced that a full statement of the views of the Govt, will soon be made[.]

(See Forward, 3 pages for 2d. letter)⁸⁶

(See Forward, 6 pages)⁸⁷

Horse Railroad — To day they began to lay down the rails in Olive Street, along the square next East of Lucas Market. They expect to complete it, from 4th. St. to 17th. St: by the 4th. July.

This day I took up my note to Peter Lindell⁸⁸ for $1000 and interest at 6 pr. ct: for a little over 2 yrs. He refused to charge more than 6 pr. ct: and seemed quite willing for me to keep it as long as I pleased.

He holds another note of mine for $500.⁸⁹

Fleming⁹⁰ and his wife and child came out, and are with us tonight.

Carlisle's [sic] Frederick the Great— vol 2. p 308 [.]

Election of the Kings of Poland — Worth reading, for comparison with some of our own elections.⁹¹

_______________

⁸⁵ June 14, 1859.

⁸⁶ The parenthetical note was added later in red pencil. It refers to the entry of June 20.

⁸⁷ In black ink again. It refers to the entry of July 19.

⁸⁸ Supra, May 3, 1859, note 44.

⁸⁹ After Mr. Lindell's death his heirs embarrassed Mr. Bates by calling this note.     See infra, Oct. 18, 1865-.

⁹⁰ The third of Mr. Bates's living sons — later a Confederate officer. See supra, " Introduction."

⁹¹ This Carlyle entry is in red pencil.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, pp. 24-5

Diary of Edward Bates, June 16, 1859

Wrote a long letter to S. Colfax⁹² of Inda. shewing plainly my views of the slavery question and the Dred Scott decision— Sent him also copious extracts of my letter to Gov Means⁹³ (of 1854) and a copy of my letter to Mr. Kennett,⁹⁴ of 1856. These are not for the press, but are not secret and may be shewn to his friends, at his discretion.

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⁹² Supra, April 27, 1859, note 28.

⁹³ John H. Means of South Carolina: governor, 1850-1852 ; a leading advocate of secession in 1850 and 1861; a colonel in the Confederate Army, killed in 1862.

⁹⁴ Luther M. Kennett: St. Louis merchant; vice-president of the Pacific Railroad Company; president of the Iron Mountain Railroad Company; mayor, 1850-1853; KnowNothing congressman, 1855-1857, elected in opposition to Thomas H. Benton.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, p. 25

Diary of Edward Bates, Monday Morning, June 20, 1859

Barton⁹⁵ has been with us two days, it being too wet to plough at home. . . .

Senator Green

The Weekly Mo. Rep:[ublican] of June 17 contains a set speech of Hon: James. S. Green,⁹⁶ on Politics, gotten up, no doubt, with a special eye to his future — another election — He cannot fully defend Buchanan's administration, yet supports it — He is against Douglas'⁹⁷ popular Sovereignty, yet supports him⁹⁸ — On one point of Territorial government however, he is clear, i. e — Congress ought to intervene to put down Polygamy and other crimes in Utah.

[A clipping from the National Intelligencer of June 15, 1859, charging that the expedition sent to Paraguay under Captain Simbrick⁹⁹ was insufficiently provided with ammunition.]

[A long editorial from the Missouri Daily Democrat of June 29, 1859, denouncing Secretary Cass and President Buchanan for surrendering a right maintained by President Fillmore and Secretary Everett in the case of Mr. Francis Allibert,¹ the country of whose birth claimed his military service. The editorial is headed "Degradation and Disfranchisement of Naturalized Citizens by the National Democracy . . ."]

[A reprint from the New York Express referring to this case.]

Naturalized citizens — Secy. Cass — See back 3 pages — Forward 6 pages.2

[A column from the Washington Constitution on "The Rights and Liabilities of Naturalized Citizens" in justification of Secretary Cass’s position.]

[A newspaper copy of Senator Douglas's letter to Colonel John L. Peyton written August 2, 1859, about the LeClerc matter and the slave trade.]

On this subject, of the effect of naturalization, see my two letters to Mr. Welling³ of the Nat:[ional] Intel[ligence]r. — See current Letter Book.

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⁹⁵ Mr. Bates's eldest son. See supra, " Introduction."

⁹⁶ An anti-Douglas Democrat from Missouri; successor of Douglas as chairman of the Senate Committee on Territories; leader of the revolt against Benton in 1849 ; congress man, 1847-1851; U. S. senator, 1857-1861. His Confederate sympathies led to his arrest by Federal troops at the outbreak of the Civil War and to his expulsion from the Senate.

⁹⁷ Stephen A. Douglas of Illinois: Democratic congressman, 1843-1847; U. S. Senator 1847-1861; chairman of the Committee on Territories; nominee of the Northern Democrats for the Presidency in 1860.

⁹⁸ Douglas and Buchanan had recently split the Party in their quarrel over " popular sovereignty." Green was a clever politician indeed if he could support both at once.

⁹⁹ William B. Shubrick had entered the Navy in 1806, and had served in the War of 1812 and the Mexican War. For the naval expedition against Paraguay which he commanded see supra, April 20, 1859, note 13.

¹ Francis Allibert was a native of France who left in 1839 just as he was drawn as a conscript. He became a naturalized American in New Orleans in 1845. On his return to France in 1852, he was arrested, but upon protest of the United States was ultimately released.

² The references are to June 15 and July 19.

³ James C. Welling: literary editor of the National Intelligencer in Washington, 1850-1865; advocate of Bell and Everett in the election of 1860; loyal supporter of Lincoln during the War; assistant clerk of the Court of Claims under Bates 1863-1865: later, president of St. John's College and then of Columbia University.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, pp. 25-6

Diary of Edward Bates, June 23, 1859

Today attended some of the closing exercises of the students of Washington University.

Barton will leave us tomorrow morning. He has been down some days transacting business i. a. he has bought a carriage and pair of horses and a negro woman.

Fleming and wife and child are here tonight — Also Dick⁴ and Dick Woodson⁵ —

No news from Matilda⁶ lately. She is on a visit to Louisiana and Han[n]ibal, having gone up with her cousin Julia Coalter.⁷

Note. Gave Coalter⁸ a watch today — the first he has ever owned. Bo[ugh]t. of Crane & Jones, for $35.

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⁴ Mr. Bates's fourth son. See supra, " Introduction."

⁵ Son of a cousin of Mr. Bates.

⁶ Mr. Bates's younger daughter. See loc. cit.

⁷ A niece of Mrs. Bates who later married Mr. Davis of Pike County.

⁸ John Coalter Bates, fifth of Mr. Bates's living sons, who served in the Army with distinction. 1861-1906. See loc. tit.

SOURCE: Howard K. Beale, Editor, Annual Report of The American Historical Association For The Year 1930, Vol. 4, The Diary Of Edward Bates, p. 26