Diary of Salmon P. Chase, Saturday, September 13, 1862

Breakfasted alone. What has become of Mr. Skinner? Went to Department and attended to some matters of routine.

Went to Navy Department with Gov. Seward, according to appointment, about expedition to Charleston. Examined chart with Secretary Welles and Asst. Secy. Fox. Learned that the “Ironsides and Passaic” will be ready for sea by the 1st. October; which is more than two weeks longer than Mr. Welles gave me to understand ten days ago. Fox thinks that James Island ought to have been held and that Hunter was wrong in withdrawing our force from it; but it is now commanded by our gunboats, so that a landing upon it is easy, and a force of 10,000 or 15,000 men would suffice for the reduction of Charleston. A land force, however, would have to act mainly independently of the naval, — and no naval force but ironclads could act with any efficiency because, the harbor being a cul de sac, wooden vessels entering it to bombard the town, would be exposed to fire from all sides, and could not pass and repass the enemy's batteries, as at Port Royal, and, by motion, make the enemy's fire comparatively ineffectual. Ironclads, however, such as the “Passaic” and the “Ironsides” could go right into the harbor, with little or no risks, and destroy the Forts, batteries and the town itself, if not surrendered. After all, it seemed to me that it would contribute greatly to the certainty of the result if a land force should be organized, and I determined to confer with the Secretary of War on the subject, as soon as possible. No time should be lost in making every arrangement for such overwhelming blows, just as soon as the ironclads are ready, as will effectually annihilate the possibility of rebel success.

From the Navy Department, we went to Head Quarters where we found Genl. [Cullom¹] who said: “We have got whipped again. We have just received a telegram that the rebels have defeated our people in Fayette County, Va., and are driving them down the Kanawha. The trouble is that our men won't fight.” The style of remark did not suit me, but it is too common among our generals. In my opinion, the soldiers are better than the officers. — Genl. Halleck came in, and we asked the situation. There was nothing new, he said, except confirmation that Burnside drove the rebels out of Frederick yesterday, and had renewed the fight to-day. Heavy firing had been heard from the direction of Harpers Ferry and the Frederick and Hagerstown roads. We left Head Quarters, and I returned to the Department.

Gave O'Harra and Pitt Cooke letter of introduction to Genl. Mitchell. Visited Mr. Clarke's sealing and trimming machine for the ones and twos and found them a perfect success; and the ones and twos are sealed and trimmed by machinery, attended by the most part by women, with such prodigious advantage to the Government, that it seems difficult to imagine that coining, except in large masses, can be of much utility hereafter.

Jay Cooke writes that he has visited New-York and conversed with Bankers; and thinks that $10,000,000 in Gold will be gladly deposited at 4%. I think that, in this way, all the Gold needed can be obtained at very small cost and without affecting the market in any way. If it succeeds, it will form not the least remarkable chapter in the history of the financial success which has attended me thus far.

Wrote to Katie and Nettie, and to Horton — to Katie, advising her not to return immediately, — to Horton about Pope.

In the evening, went to Willard's to call on Genl. Schenck, but did not see him. Met Weed, and went to his room and talked of sundry matters. He says I have done as well in the New York appointments as was possible, and advises care as to the securities taken; which advice I think very good. He thinks the time has come for vigorous measures South; and is for freeing the slaves, and arming them as far as useful, without noise or excitement. He saw Hunter in New-York; who says that if he had been sustained, he would have emasculated the rebellion in South Carolina before now — which he seemed to believe and which I believe absolutely.

Went to War Department. Telegraph men told me that telegraph was built to Point of Rocks and several miles beyond the Monocacy towards Frederick, and that heavy continuous firing was heard, by the operator of the former place, from the direction of Harpers Ferry, till between three and four this afternoon; and that firing, though not so heavy, was also heard from the direction of Middleton, between Frederick and Hagerstown. There was also a rumor that we had captured a large wagon-train, with considerable number of prisoners. The inference from the firing heard is that an attack has been made on Harpers Ferry by a large rebel force, and a stout defense with unknown result; and that a less important conflict has taken place between the advance under Burnside and the rebel rear falling back towards Hagerstown on Harpers Ferry, (probably the former) and that the rebels have been worsted.

Telegram from Gov. Curtin yesterday states that a reliable gentleman of Maryland who had opportunities to converse freely with officers of the rebel army, says that the rebel force in Maryland is 190,000, and the other side of the Potomac 250,000—in all 440,000. This is a specimen of information collected and believed!

Came home and Cooke called with Mr. Davis, General Birney's partner, who wants him made a Major General with command of Kearney's corps. I think this should be done. We must advance all our Republican officers who have real merit, so as to counterpoise the too great weight already given to Democratic officers, without much merit. They have been more pushed than the Republicans and we have been more than just — more than generous even — we have been lavish towards them. It is time to change the policy.

_______________

1 Name inserted from Warden's excerpt, 473.

SOURCE: Annual Report of the American Historical Association for the Year 1902, Vol. 2, p. 78-80

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Monday, December 16, 1861

Camp Union. — A beautiful day. Rode with Colonel Scammon to Townsend's Ferry. That is we rode to the top of the cliffs on New River; thence with six men of Company B we scrambled down by the path to the river, perhaps by the path three-quarters of a mile. A steep rocky gorge, a rushing river, the high precipices, all together make a romantic scene.

It was here we intended to cross with General Schenck's brigade to cut off Floyd's retreat. Boats were prepared, four skiffs brought from Cincinnati, but the river rose, just as we were about to cross, making it impossible. It has always been a question since whether the enemy were aware of our purpose and would have opposed our crossing. I supposed that so much work preparing could not have escaped their notice, and that they were ready for us. Opposition on such a path would have been fatal. From all I saw at the ferry, I am inclined to think they knew nothing of our purpose. There are no signs of pickets or ambuscades to be found on this side. The distance from the river to this village is only two miles and we could probably have taken it and held it.

The bold enterprises are the successful ones. Take counsel of hopes rather than of fears to win in this business.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 159-60

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: Tuesday November 19, 1861

General Schenck and staff left today. General Schenck sick — not health enough for this work. We are rejoiced reading news of the naval expedition to Port Royal. It looks well. I hope the present anticipations will be fully realized.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 149

Diary of Lieutenant-Colonel Rutherford B. Hayes: November 13, 1861

Had a good march down to Gauley — the whole Third Brigade under General Schenck. Weather warm as summer, almost hot. Crossed New River at ferry near its mouth, worked by Captain Lane and his good men, thence down left bank of the Kanawha to the road from Montgomery Ferry to Fayetteville, thence about two miles to Huddleston's farm, where we bivouacked among briars and devil's-needles — officers in corn fodder in a crib. The band played its best tunes as we crossed New River, Captain Lane remarking, “I little hoped to see such a sight a week ago when the enemy were cannonading us.” About 10:30 o'clock General Schenck got a dispatch from General Benham saying Floyd was on the run and he in pursuit, and urging us to follow. At midnight the men were aroused and at one we were on the way.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 147-8

Colonel Charles Russell Lowell to Josephine Shaw, June 26, 1863

Poolesville, June 26, 1863.

We have come to Poolesville just at the right moment — the whole army is passing here. I have seen a great many officers whom I know — especially at Headquarters, which are here to-night.

While I have been writing this, I have received orders to march to-morrow to Knoxville, to report to Major-General Slocum for temporary duty.¹

_______________

¹ General Hooker, commanding the Army of the Potomac, sent this order to Lowell, who was at Poolesville, Maryland, watching the Potomac for spies, blockade-runners, guerrillas, or important raids. Lowell obeyed, and reported to Slocum, and was sent to Sandy Hook. June 28, Major-General Schenck, commanding Middle Department at Baltimore, was hastily notified from Washington: “A strong brigade of the enemy's cavalry have crossed . . . near Poolesville. Colonel Lowell, with five companies of the 2d Mass. Cavalry, who are there, should be warned, so that he may be ready for an attack.” Then Halleck, General-in-Chief, learned that Lowell was not there, and telegraphed Hooker: “Lowell's cavalry is the only force for scouts in this department, and he cannot be taken from General Heintzelman's command.” Lowell was also telegraphed to take no orders from General Hooker, and to return and watch the fords from Poolesville to Harper's Ferry. But unhappily Stuart had passed in his absence. Lowell's force was not large enough to cope with the rebel force, had he been there, and the raid seems to have resulted in more good than harm. General Doubleday, in his Chancellorsville and Gettysburg, says: “It is thought that he [Stuart] hoped by threatening Hooker's rear to detain him and delay his crossing the river, and thus give time to Lee to capture Harrisburg, and perhaps Philadelphia. His raid on this occasion was undoubtedly a mistake. When he rejoined the main body, his men were exhausted, his horses broken down, and the battle of Gettysburg was nearly over.”

SOURCE: Edward Waldo Emerson, Life and Letters of Charles Russell Lowell, p. 267, 428

Diary of Major Rutherford B. Hayes: October 12, 1861

At Camp Ewing. — Rode down to Hawk's Nest with General Schenck and Colonel Scammon and Lieutenant Chesebrough; a most romantic spot. A cliff seven hundred feet perpendicular projects out over New River; a view of New River for a mile or two above and below the cliff, rushing and foaming between the mountains. On the top was a small entrenchment built by Wise. A Union man (like other Union men) wishing to move to Ohio, says he means to burn his house to keep it from falling into secession hands.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 114-5

Major Rutherford B. Hayes to William A. Platt, October 9, 1861

Headquarters 23d Reg't., O. V. Inf., U. S. A.,

Mountain Cove, Six Miles Above Gauley Bridge,

October 9, 1861.

Dear Brother: — We are now near or at the point where an entrenched camp for winter quarters is to be established. It will command the main entrance to the head of the Kanawha Valley, and can be held by a small force; is within a day's ride of navigable waters connecting with Cincinnati, and telegraphic communication nearly completed. From half to two-thirds of the men in western Virginia can be spared as soon as a few days' work is done. Indeed, green regiments just recruited could take care of this country and release soldiers who have been hardened by some service. Our regiment is second to no other in discipline, and equal in drill to all but two or three in western Virginia. We think it would be sensible to send us to Kentucky, Missouri, or the sea coast for the winter. We can certainly do twice the work that we could have done four months ago, and there is no sense in keeping us housed up in fortifications and sending raw troops into the field. In Kentucky, disciplined troops — that is, men who are obedient and orderly — are particularly needed. A lot of lawless fellows plundering and burning would do more hurt than good among a Union people who have property. We have met no regiment that is better than ours, if any so good.

Now, the point I am at is, first, that a large part of the soldiers here can be spared this winter; second, that for service, the best ought to be taken away. With these two ideas safely lodged in the minds of the powers that be, the Twenty-third is sure to be withdrawn. If you can post the Governor a little, it might be useful.

We are pleasantly associated. My mess consists of Colonel Scammon, Lieutenant-Colonel Matthews, Drs. Clendenin and Webb. The general (Schenck) and staff quarter in our regiment, so that we have the best of society. My connection with General Rosecrans' staff, I manage to make agreeable by a little license. I quarter with my regiment, but am relieved from all but voluntary regimental duty. I think I have never enjoyed any period of my life as much as the last three months. The risks, hardships, separation from family and friends are balanced by the notion that I am doing what every man, who possibly can, ought to do, leaving the agreeable side of things as clear profit. My health has been perfect. A great matter this is. We have many sick, and sickness on marches and in camps is trebly distressing. It makes one value health. We now have our sick in good quarters and are promised a ten days' rest. The weather today is beautiful, and I don't doubt that we shall get back to good condition in that time.

Your election yesterday, I hope, went overwhelmingly for “Tod and Victory.” We talked of holding an election here, but as we liked Jewett personally, it was not pushed. We should have been unanimous for the war ticket.

Letters now should be sent to Gauley Bridge. Love to all.

Sincerely,

R. B. Hayes.*

Wm. A. Platt.

_______________

* This letter was placed in the Governor's hands for his information. It was then sent to Mrs. Hayes, who on October 23 forwarded it to Mr. Birchard. In her accompanying letter Mrs. Hayes wrote that she had seen Colonel Matthews, who had told her that “Rutherford was almost the only man who had not been sick or affected some by the campaign, that he was perfectly well and looking better than ever.” Mrs. Hayes tries bravely to conceal her sense of loneliness, but it appears unmistakably in her closing paragraph where she writes: “We would be so glad to see you. Yours and Rutherford's room is waiting — the books are lonely and everybody and everything would meet you so gladly.”

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 112-4

Major Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, October 9, 1861

Camp Ewing, Mountain Cove, Six Miles Above

Gauley Bridge, Wednesday, October 9, 1861.

Dearest: — Captain Zimmerman and I have just returned from a long stroll up a most romantic mountain gorge with its rushing mountain stream. A lovely October sun, bright and genial, but not at all oppressive. We found the scattered fragments of a mill that had been swept away in some freshet last winter, and following up came to the broken dam, and near by a deserted home — hastily deserted lately. Books, the cradle, and child's chair, tables, clock, chairs, etc., etc. Our conjecture is they fled from the army of Floyd about the time of [the] Carnifax fight. We each picked up a low, well-made, split-bottom chair and clambered up a steep cliff to our camp. I now sit in the chair. We both moralized on this touching proof of the sorrows of war and I reached my tent a little saddened to find on my lounge in my tidy comfortable quarters your good letter of October 1, directed in the familiar hand of my old friend [Herron]. Love to him and Harriet. How happy it makes me to read this letter.

Tell Mother Webb not to give up. In the Revolution they saw darker days — far darker. We shall be a better, stronger nation than ever in any event. A great disaster would strengthen us, and a victory, we all feel, will bring us out to daylight.

No, I don't leave the Twenty-third. I have been with them all the time except six days. I am privileged. In the Twenty-third I am excused from duty as major being judge-advocate general. On the staff I am free to come and go as major of the Twenty-third. This of course will not relieve me from labor, but it makes me more independent than any other officer I know of.

Dr. Clendenin and Joe tent together and mess with us. Dr. Clendenin's connection with us is permanent. We are in General Schenck's brigade. He lives in our regiment and we like him.

We are now in easy two days' ride of Cincinnati by steamboat, all but thirty or forty miles. We shall stay at this place ten days at least. We are building an entrenched camp for permanently holding this gateway of the Kanawha Valley. . . .

I feel as you do about the Twenty-third, only more so. There are several regiments whose music and appearance I can recognize at a great distance over the hills, as the Tenth, Ninth, and so on, but the Twenty-third I know by instinct. I was sitting in the court-house at Buckhannon one hot afternoon, with windows up, a number of officers present, when we heard music at a distance. No one expected any regiment at that time. I never dreamed of the Twenty-third being on the road, but the music struck me like words from home. “That is the band of my regiment,” was my confident assertion. True, of course.

We have lost by death about six, by desertion four, by dismissal three, by honorable discharge about twenty-five to thirty. About two hundred are too sick to do duty, of whom about one-fifth will never be able to serve.

I was called to command parade this evening while writing this sheet. The line is much shorter than in Camp Chase, but so brown and firm and wiry, that I suspect our six hundred would do more service than twice their number could have done four months ago. . . .

You need not get any shirts or anything. We get them on this line, very good and very cheap. I bought two on the top of Mount Sewell for two dollars and forty cents for the two — excellent ones. I am now wearing one of them.

One of the charms of this life is its perpetual change. Yesterday morning we were in the most uncomfortable condition possible at Camp Lookout. Before night I was in a lovely spot with most capital company at headquarters. . . .

[R]

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 111-2

Diary of Major Rutherford B. Hayes: October 4, 1861

My birthday. At Camp Scammon, one and one-half miles from Camp Sewell. A warm day with clouds gathering. General Schenck has assumed command of our brigade — Twenty-third and Thirtieth [Regiments]. Dined with General Schenck — a birthday dinner. His birthday also — he fifty-one.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 108

Major Rutherford B. Hayes to Sardis Birchard, October 3, 1861

Up Gauley River, Camp Sewell, October 3, 1861.

Dear Uncle: — I should have written you, if I had known where you were. We are in the presence of a large force of the enemy, much stronger than we are, but the mud and floods have pretty much ended this campaign. Both the enemy and ourselves are compelled to go back to supplies soon. I think, therefore, there will be no fight. We shall not attack their entrenchments now that they are reinforced, and I suspect they will not come out after us. Donn Piatt just peeped in. He always has funny things. I said, quoting Webster, “I still live.” “Yes,” said he, “Webster — Webster. He was a great man. Even the old Whigs about Boston admit that!” And again, speaking of the prospect of a fight, he said: “This whistling of projectiles about one's ears is disagreeable. It made me try to think at Bull Run of all my old prayers; but I could only remember, ‘Oh Lord, for these and all thy other mercies, we desire to be thankful.’”

We shall soon go into winter quarters at posts chosen to hold this country, Gauley Bridge, Charleston, etc., etc. Who will get into a better place, is the question. We all want to go to Washington or to Kentucky or Missouri. We are in General Schenck's brigade, and hope he will make interest enough to get us into good quarters. There is much sickness among officers and men. My health was never better than during these four months. I hope you will continue to improve.

I am still in General Rosecrans' staff; but having just finished an extensive tour of court-martial, am again in camp with my regiment in good order. It is like going home to get back. Still this practicing on the circuit after the old fashion, only more so — an escort of cavalry and a couple of wagons with tents and grub — has its attractions. I shall get out of it soon, but as a change, I rather enjoy it.

Between you and Piatt, I must get a strong, fleet, sure-footed horse for the next campaign. If the paymaster comes, I shall be able to pay from one hundred and fifty to two hundred dollars. My present horse turns out well, very well, but the winter will probably use him up, and I must get another.

Hereafter, direct to me, Gauley Bridge, instead of Clarksburg.

We have just learned that McClellan has had a success at Washington. If so, whatever happens here, the cause is safe. I hope the news is true.

Sincerely,

R. B. Hayes.

S. BlRCHARD.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 106-7

Major Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, October 3, 1861

Camp Sewell, October 3, 1861.

Dearest: — This is a pleasant morning. I yesterday finished the work of a court-martial here; am now in my own tent with my regiment “at home.” It does seem like home. I have washed and dressed myself, and having nothing to do I hope to be able today to write to all. I begin, of course, with my darling wife, of whom I think more and more affectionately the longer we are separated. And the dear boys too — kiss and hug them warmly.

We are evidently at the end of our campaign in this direction for this season. The bad roads and floods make it impossible longer to supply an army so far from railroads and navigable waters. How soon we shall begin our backward march, I do not know. If the enemy were not immediately in front of us we should leave instantly but, no doubt, our leaders dislike to make a move that will look like a retreat from an enemy that we care nothing about. But there is nothing to be gained by staying so far in the mountains, and the danger of starving will send us back to Gauley Bridge long before this reaches you. We shall, no doubt, garrison and fortify the strong points which control western Virginia, and the question with us all is, who is to stay and who go to some pleasanter scene.

We are now in General Schenck's brigade, and hope he will have influence enough to get us a place in the Kentucky or some other army. We are, no doubt, the crack American regiment of all this region, and think we should have the conspicuous place. I think we shall get out of here, but we shall see. I think there will be no battle here. The enemy are strongly entrenched and far superior to us in numbers. Besides there is no object in attacking them. They have twenty-two pieces of artillery. They will not attack us, unless encouraged to do so by our apparent retreat. If they come out of their entrenchments to fight us we think we have got them. So if our retreat is prudently managed, I suspect there will be nothing but skirmishing. That we have a little of daily.

Since we passed into the mountains, we are out of reach of mails. It is almost a month since the date of your last letter. I am still on General Rosecrans' staff although with my regiment, and you can direct letters as heretofore, except instead of “Clarksburg” put “Gauley Bridge,” and ask Dr. James W. to leave the new direction at the Commercial office.

I am in the best of health. I speak of this always because it is now a noticeable thing. No man in our regiment has been healthier than I have, perhaps none so healthy. I have not been laid up a moment, hardly felt even slightly unwell.

It is singular how one gets attached to this life with all its hardships. We are a most jovial happy set. Our mess now is Colonel Scammon, Lieutenant-Colonel Matthews, Dr. Clendenin, Dr. Joe, and myself. I doubt if anywhere in the country a happier set gather about the table. Joe is full of life, occasionally unwell a little, but always jovial. Matthews has had some of his old troubles — nothing serious — but is a most witty, social man. Colonel Scammon takes medicines all the time, but is getting fat, and is in the best of temper with all of us. General Schenck and his staff are also here. Donn Piatt is one of them. The general and Donn add greatly to our social resources. Indeed I have seen no regiment that will at all compare with us in this respect. . . .

I shall be thirty-nine years old, or is it thirty-eight, tomorrow? Birthdays come along pretty fast these days.

Do the boys go to school? I hope they will be good scholars, but not study at the expense of growth and health. . . .

If the paymaster ever gets along I shall be able to send home money enough to pay debts, taxes, and keep you going for some time.

We have news of a victory by McClellan. We hope it is true. Whatever may befall us, success at Washington if followed up secures our country's cause. Love to all.

Affectionately, as ever,

R.

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 104-6

Diary of Major Rutherford B. Hayes: October 1, 1861

Camp Sewell. — About a week ago I left Camp Scott, or Cross Lanes, and came over to General Cox's camp on the top of Sewell Mountain. Our Secesh friends are fortifying in sight. I staid with McCook. General Cox is an even-tempered man of sound judgment, much loved by his men. McCook and he both wanted to occupy Buster's Knob on the left of our enemy's camp, but a dispatch from General Rosecrans prevented. The next day the enemy were fortifying it. General Schenck takes command of our brigade. I have tried five cases the last two days. We had a rain-storm, cold, windy, and awful. Must go to winter quarters. The enemy still fortifying. Our pickets killed a colonel or lieutenant-colonel of the enemy who rode among them. All wrong and cruel. This is too like murder. Shooting pickets, etc., etc., ought to be put down. Another cold night. Jolly times we have in camp.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 104

Major Rutherford B. Hayes to Lucy Webb Hayes, September 29, 1861

Sewell Mountain, September 29, 1861.

Dearest L—: — A beautiful bright Sunday morning after a cold, bitter, dismal storm of three days. It finds me in perfect health, although many a poor fellow has succumbed to the weather. The bearer of this goes home sick — a gentlemanly German. I am still living with McCook, my regiment being back ten miles. We are in doubt as to whether we shall fight the enemy ahead of us or not. We are compelled now by roads and climate to stop and return to the region of navigable waters or railroads. No teams can supply us up here much longer. In this state of things we shall probably be content with holding the strong points already taken without fighting for more until another campaign.

We have three generals here. Rosecrans, Cox, and Schenck. General Cox is a great favorite, deservedly I think, with his men. We suppose, but don't know, that there are three generals in the enemy's camp, viz: Lee, Wise, and Floyd. Their force is believed to be much larger than ours, and many more cannon, but they dare not attack. They are industriously fortifying hills which we care nothing about.

My regards to the family. Love and kisses to the boys. The bearer, Mr. Harries, will, I hope, call on you.

Affectionately as ever, your

R.

Mrs. Hayes.

SOURCE: Charles Richard Williams, editor, Diary and Letters of Rutherford Birchard Hayes, Volume 2, p. 103-4

Thomas Kilby Smith to Elizabeth Budd Smith, July 22, 1861

WASHINGTON, July 22, 1861.

As you will probably have seen by the papers, before you receive this letter, there has been a terrible battle fought at "Manassas Gap," about twenty-six miles from here, and as you may not have seen, our army, at least the right wing, has been badly whipped. The city is in great excitement, the streets filled with flying soldiers, disbanded, disorganized, without officers and without a rallying point. Up to five o'clock our men behaved well and victory was apparently with the U. S. troops, but at that time a large number of them became panic stricken by the appearance of a body of rebel cavalry and took flight, which became a general stampede. A member of Congress, Mr. Blake, who was witness of the engagement, has told me all about it. He says when the rout commenced that the behavior of our men was perfectly sickening. That they threw away their muskets and haversacks and fled like frightened sheep. Teamsters cut their horses loose from their wagons and left their baggage and stores of all kinds scattered upon the road, which was strewn for miles with guns, pistols, ammunition, rice, sugar, flour, horse-feed, blankets, everything, in short, that goes to make up the impedimenta of an army, while broken and overturned wagons and carriages (for an immense number of citizens went out to witness what they called the races, expecting to see the rebel forces flee), the shrieks of the wounded, and the pitiful moaning of those too tired to make headway and who were trampled upon by the stronger who came after, conspired to make an hideous ending of the day. The enemy in pursuit did not hesitate to bayonet or shoot any of the wounded found by the wayside. They propose no quarter. The dead and wounded are being brought in by hundreds. All day ambulances are passing my window on their way to the hospital freighted with their ghastly loads. A mother, Mrs. McCook, living next door, has just received the dead body of her son borne from the battlefield in the arms of his father, who brings the news that another son has been killed in the same engagement. They had eight sons and four nephews all in the service. Many people here are frantic in the apprehension that Washington will be taken. Beauregard has an hundred thousand troops now concentrated under his command, well disciplined, well fed, and flushed with victory. He may press his present successes.

Great complaint is made of General Scott; this as a matter of course; if our army had been victorious, great praise had been awarded him, for it is only success in arms that meets applause; nevertheless, I am forced to the opinion that our army was in no condition for a great battle. We lack officers of accomplishment in the profession, and in whom our men can repose confidence in the hour of danger and trial. There was no such thing as discipline or obedience to orders yesterday, particularly at such times when obedience was most necessary. Indeed I have heard to-day of a colonel who all day long was countermanding his general's orders, and who boasted that his men would obey him sooner than their general. Consequently, there was no turning the tide when flight commenced, the men were without confidence in their officers, who, finding their orders unavailing, fled side by side with them, and the only cry was "Sauve qui peut" and "the Devil take the hindermost." General Schenck and his aides are in town, but I have not been able to find Donn. I understand he is safe and shall endeavor to see him this evening. I tried very hard yesterday to get out to the battlefield, but though a member of Congress gave me a pass he had got for himself from General Scott, I failed to procure any kind of a conveyance and it was too far to walk. We have had a drenching rain all day which makes it still harder for the men to rally.

SOURCE: Walter George Smith, Life and letters of Thomas Kilby Smith, p. 169-71

Diary of Gideon Welles, Sunday, August 31, 1862

For the last two or three days there has been fighting at the front and army movements of interest. McClellan with most of his army arrived at Alexandria a week or more ago, but inertness, inactivity, and sluggishness seem to prevail. The army officers do not engage in this move of the War Department with zeal. Some of the troops have gone forward to join Pope, who has been beyond Manassas, where he has encountered Stonewall Jackson and the Rebel forces for the last three days in a severe struggle. The energy and rapid movements of the Rebels are in such striking contrast to those of our own officers that I shall not be seriously surprised at any sudden dash from them. The War Department — Stanton and Halleck—are alarmed. By request, and in anticipation of the worst, though not expecting it, I have ordered Wilkes and a force of fourteen gunboats, including the five light-draft asked for by Burnside, to come round into the Potomac, and have put W. in command of the flotilla here, disbanding the flotilla on the James.

Yesterday, Saturday, p.m., when about leaving the Department, Chase called on me with a protest addressed to the President, signed by himself and Stanton, against continuing McClellan in command and demanding his immediate dismissal. Certain grave offenses were enumerated.  Chase said that Smith had seen and would sign it in turn, but as my name preceded his in order, he desired mine to appear in its place. I told him I was not prepared to sign the document; that I preferred a different method of meeting the question; that if asked by the President, and even if not asked, I was prepared to express my opinion, which, as he knew, had long been averse to McClellan's dilatory course, and was much aggravated from what I had recently learned at the War Department; that I did not choose to denounce McC. for incapacity, or to pronounce him a traitor, as declared in this paper, but I would say, and perhaps it was my duty to say, that I believed his removal from command was demanded by public sentiment and the best interest of the country.

Chase said that was not sufficient, that the time had arrived when the Cabinet must act with energy and promptitude, for either the Government or McClellan must go down. He then proceeded to expose certain acts, some of which were partially known to me, and others, more startling, which were new to me. I said to C. that he and Stanton were familiar with facts of which I was ignorant, and there might therefore be propriety in their stating what they knew, though in a different way, — facts which I could not indorse because I had no knowledge of them. I proposed as a preferable course that there should be a general consultation with the President. He objected to this until the document was signed, which, he said, should be done at once.

This method of getting signatures without an interchange of views with those who are associated in council was repugnant to my ideas of duty and right. When I asked if the Attorney-General and Postmaster-General had seen the paper or been consulted, he replied not yet, their turn had not come. I informed C. that I should desire to advise with them in so important a matter; that I was disinclined to sign the paper; did not like the proceeding; that I could not, though I wished McClellan removed after what I had heard, and should have no hesitation in saying so at the proper time and place and in what I considered the right way. While we were talking, Blair came in. Chase was alarmed, for the paper was in my hand and he evidently feared I should address B. on the subject. This, after witnessing his agitation, I could not do without his consent. Blair remained but a few moments; did not even take a seat. After he left, I asked Chase if we should not call him back and consult him. C. said in great haste, "No, not now; it is best he should for the present know nothing of it." I took a different view; said that there was no one of the Cabinet whom I would sooner consult on this subject, that I thought Blair's opinion, especially on military matters, he having had a military education, very correct. Chase said this was not the time to bring him in. After Chase left me, he returned to make a special request that I would make no allusion concerning the paper to Blair or any one else.

Met, by invitation, a few friends last evening at Baron Gerolt's.¹ My call was early, and, feeling anxious concerning affairs in front, I soon excused myself to go to the War Department for tidings. Found Stanton and Caleb Smith alone in the Secretary's room. The conduct of McClellan was soon taken up; it had, I inferred, been under discussion before I came in.

Stanton began with a statement of his entrance into the Cabinet in January last, when he found everything in confusion, with unpaid bills on his table to the amount of over $20,000,000 against the Department; his inability, then or since, to procure any satisfactory information from McClellan, who had no plan nor any system. Said this vague, indefinite uncertainty was oppressive; that near the close of January he pressed this subject on the President, who issued the order to him and myself for an advance on the 22d of February. McClellan began at once to interpose objections, yet did nothing, but talked always vaguely and indefinitely and of various matters except those immediately in hand. The President insisted on, and ordered, a forward movement. Then McClellan stated he intended a demonstration on the upper waters of the Potomac, and boats for a bridge were prepared with great labor and expense. He went up there and telegraphed back that two or three officers — his favorites — had done admirably in preparing the bridge and he wished them to be brevetted. The whole thing was absurd, eventuated in nothing, and he was ordered back.

The President then commanded that the army should proceed to Richmond. McClellan delayed, hesitated, said he must go by way of the Peninsula, would take transports at Annapolis. In order that he should have no excuse, but without any faith in his plan, Stanton said he ordered transports and supplies to Annapolis. The President, in the mean time, urged and pressed a forward movement towards Manassas. Spoke of its results, — the wooden guns, the evacuation by the Rebels, who fled before the General came, and he did not pursue them but came back to Washington. The transports were then ordered round to the Potomac, where the troops were shipped to Fortress Monroe. The plans, the number of troops to proceed, the number that was to remain, Stanton recounted. These arrangements were somewhat deranged by the sudden raid of Jackson towards Winchester, which withdrew Banks from Manassas, leaving no force between Washington and the Rebel army at Gordonsville. He then ordered McDowell and his division, also Franklin's command, to remain, to the great grief of McDowell, who believed glory and fighting were all to be with the grand army. McClellan had made the withholding of this necessary force to protect the seat of government his excuse for not being more rapid and effective; was constantly complaining. The President wrote him how, by his arrangement, only 18,000 troops, remnants and odd parcels, were left to protect the, Capital. Still McClellan was complaining and underrating his forces; said he had but 96,000, when his own returns showed he had 123,000. But, to stop his complaints and drive him forward, the President finally, on the 10th of June, sent him McCall and his division, with which he promised to proceed at once to Richmond, but did not, lingered along until finally attacked. McClellan's excuse for going by way of the Peninsula was that he might have good roads and dry ground, but his complaints were unceasing, after he got there, of bad roads, water, and swamps.

When finally ordered, after his blunders and reverses, to withdraw from James River, he delayed obeying the order for thirteen days, and never did comply until General Burnside was sent to supersede him if he did not move.

Since his arrival at Alexandria, Stanton says, only delay and embarrassment had governed him. General Halleck had, among other things, ordered General Franklin's division to go forward promptly to support Pope at Manassas. When Franklin got as far as Annandale he was stopped by McClellan, against orders from Headquarters. McClellan's excuse was he thought Franklin might be in danger if he proceeded farther. For twenty-four hours that large force remained stationary, hearing the whole time the guns of the battle that was raging in front. In consequence of this delay by command of McClellan, against specific orders, he apprehended our army would be compelled to fall back.

Smith left whilst we were conversing after this detailed narrative, and Stanton, dropping his voice, though no one was present, said he understood from Chase that I declined to sign the protest which he had drawn up against McClellan's continuance in command, and asked if I did not think we ought to get rid of him. I told him I might not differ with him on that point, especially after what I had heard in addition to what I had previously known, but that I disliked the method and manner of proceeding, that it appeared to me an unwise and injudicious proceeding, and was discourteous and disrespectful to the President, were there nothing else. Stanton said, with some excitement, he knew of no particular obligations he was under to the President, who had called him to a difficult position and imposed upon him labors and responsibilities which no man could carry, and which were greatly increased by fastening upon him a commander who was constantly striving to embarrass him in his administration of the Department. He could not and would not submit to a continuance of this state of things. I admitted they were bad, severe on him, and he could and had stated his case strongly, but I could not from facts within my own knowledge indorse them, nor did I like the manner in which it was proposed to bring about a dismissal. He said among other things General Pope telegraphed to McClellan for supplies; the latter informed P. they were at Alexandria, and if P. would send an escort he could have them. A general fighting, on the field of battle, to send to a general in the rear and in repose an escort!

Watson, Assistant Secretary of War, repeated to me this last fact this morning, and reaffirmed others. He informs me that my course on a certain occasion had offended McClellan and was not approved by others; but that both the President and Stanton had since, and now, in their private conversation, admitted I was right, and that my letter in answer to a curt and improper demand of McClellan last spring was proper and correct. Watson says he always told the President and Stanton I was right, and he complimented me on several subjects, which, though gratifying, others can speak of and judge better than myself.

We hear, this Sunday morning, that our army has fallen back to Centreville.² Pope writes in pretty good spirits that we have lost no guns, etc. The Rebels were largely reinforced, while our troops, detained at Annandale by McClellan's orders, did not arrive to support our wearied and exhausted men. McClellan telegraphs that he hears "Pope is badly cut up." Schenck, who had a wound in his arm, left the battle-field, bringing with him for company an Ohio captain. Both arrived safe at Willard's. They met McCall on the other side of Centreville and Sumner on this side. Late! late!

Up to this hour, 1 p.m., Sunday, no specific intelligence beyond the general facts above stated. There is considerable uneasiness in this city, which is mere panic. I see no cause for alarm. It is impossible to feel otherwise than sorrowful and sad over the waste of life and treasure and energies of the nation, the misplaced confidence in certain men, the errors of some, perhaps the crimes of others, who have been trusted. But my faith in present security and of ultimate success is unshaken. We better generals but can have no better army. There is much latent disloyal feeling in Washington which should be expelled. And oh, there is great want of capacity and will among our military leaders.

I hear that all the churches not heretofore seized are now taken for hospital purposes; private dwellings are taken to be thus used, among others my next neighbor Corcoran's³ fine house and grounds. There is malice in this. I told General Halleck it was vandalism. He admitted it would be wrong. Halleck walked over with me from the War Department as far as my house, and is, I perceive, quite alarmed for the safety of the city; says that we overrate our own strength and underestimate the Rebels' — a fatal error in Halleck. This has been the talk of McClellan, which none of us have believed.

__________

¹ The Prussian Minister.

² After the defeat in the Second Battle of Bull Run.

³ William W. Corcoran, the banker, who among other public benefactions gave the city of Washington the art gallery which bears his name.

SOURCE: Gideon Welles, Diary of Gideon Welles, Secretary of the Navy Under Lincoln and Johnson, Vol. 1: 1861 – March 30, 1864, p. 93-9

Abraham Lincoln to Major General John C. Fremont, June 15, 1862

WAR DEPARTMENT,

Washington City, D. C., June 15, 1862.

 Major-General FREMONT:

MY DEAR SIR: Your letter of the 12th, by Colonel Zagonyi, is just received. In answer to the principal part of it I repeat the substance of an order of the 8th and one or two telegraphic dispatches sent you since:

We have no indefinite power of sending re-enforcements; so that we are compelled rather to consider the proper disposal of the forces we have than of those we could wish to have. We may be able to send you some dribs by degrees, but I do not believe we can do more. As you alone beat Jackson last Sunday I argue that you are stronger than he is to-day, unless he has been re-enforced, and that he cannot have been materially re-enforced, because such re-enforcement could only have come from Richmond, and he is much more likely to go to Richmond than Richmond is to come to him. Neither is very likely. I think Jackson's game – his assigned work – now is to magnify the accounts of his numbers and reports of his movements, and thus by constant alarms keep three or four times as many of our troops away from Richmond as his own force amounts to. Thus he helps his friends at Richmond three or four times as much as if he were there. Our game is not to allow this. Accordingly, by the order of the 8th, I directed you to halt at Harrisonburg, rest your force, and get it well in hand, the objects being to guard against Jackson's returning by the same route to the Upper Potomac, over which you have just driven him out, and at the same time give some protection against a raid into West Virginia. Already I have given you discretion to occupy Mount Jackson instead, if, on full consideration, you think best. I do not believe Jackson will attack you, but certainly he cannot attack you by surprise; and if he comes upon you in superior force you have but to notify us, fall back cautiously, and Banks will join you in due time. But while we know not whether Jackson will move at all, or by what route, we cannot safely put you and Banks both on the Strasburg line, and leave no force on the Front Royal line, the very line upon which he prosecuted his late raid. The true policy is to place one of you on one line and the other on the other, in such positions that you can unite on either once you actually find Jackson moving upon it. And this is precisely what we are doing. This protects that part of our frontier, so to speak, and liberates McDowell to go to the assistance of McClellan. I have arranged this, and am very unwilling to have it deranged. While you have only asked for Sigel I have spoken only of Banks, and this because Sigel's force is now the principal part of Banks' force.

About transferring General Schenck's command, the purchase of supplies, and the promotion and appointment of officers mentioned in your letter, I will consult with the Secretary of War to-morrow.

Yours, truly,

A. LINCOLN.

SOURCE: The War of the Rebellion: A Compilation of the Official Records of the Union and Confederate Armies, Series I, Volume 12, Part 1 (Serial No. 15), p. 661

From Fremont’s Army

STRASBURG, May 16.

Yesterday morning a band of guerillas made a dash on the railroad beyond Front Royal, and killed one man and took fourteen prisoners – all belonging to the 28th Pennsylvania.

The railroad bridge, 50 feet high and 850 feet long, over the north fork of the Shenandoah was completed to-night.  The track will be laid and trains will pass tomorrow.  The work was constructed in 48 hours, under the superintendence of G. D. Nagle, Government bridge builder.

All is quiet in front to-night.  It is currently reported that Milroy and Schenck are in occupation of Staunton.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Monday Morning, May 19, 1862, p. 1

Colonel William T. Sherman to Ellen Ewing Sherman, July 28, 1861

FORT CORCORAN, July 28, Sunday.

I have already written to you since my return from the unfortunate defeat at Bull Run. I had previously conveyed to you the doubts that oppressed my mind on the score of discipline.

Four large columns of poorly disciplined militia left this place, the Long bridge and Alexandria, all concentrating at a place called Centreville, twenty-seven miles from Washington. We were the first column to reach Centreville, the enemy abandoning all defences en route.

The first day of our arrival our commander, General Tyler, advanced on Bull Run, about two and a half miles distant, and against orders engaged the batteries. He sent back to Centreville and I advanced with our Brigade, when we lay for half an hour, amidst descending shots, killing a few of our men. The batteries were full a mile distant, and I confess I, nor any person in my Brigade, saw an enemy.

Towards evening we returned to Centreville.

That occurred on Thursday. We lay in camp till Saturday night by which the whole army was assembled in and about Centreville. We got orders for march at 2½ Sunday morning, — our column of three brigades — Schenck, Sherman and Keyes — to move straight along a road to Bull Run; another of about 10,000 men to make a circuit by the right (Hunter’s), and come upon the enemy in front of us; Heintzelman's column of about similar strength also to make a wide circuit to sustain Hunter. We took the road first, and about 6 A.M. came in sight of Bull Run. We saw in the grey light of morning men moving about, but no signs of batteries. I rode well down to the stone bridge which crosses the stream, saw plenty of trees cut down, some bush huts, such as soldiers use on picket guard, but none of the evidences of strong fortifications we had been led to believe.

Our business was simply to threaten, and give time for Hunter and Heintzelman to make their circuit. We arranged our troops to this end, Schenck to the left of the road, and I to the right, Keyes behind in reserve. We had with us two six gun batteries, and a 30 lb. gun. This was fired several times, but no answer. We shifted positions several times, firing whenever we had reason to suppose there were any troops. About ten or eleven o’clock, we saw the cloud of dust in the direction of Hunter's approach, saw one or more regiments of the enemy leave their line and move in that direction, soon the firing of musketry and guns showing the engagement had commenced. Early in the morning I saw a flag flying behind some trees. Some of the soldiers seeing it called out, “Colonel, there's a flag, a flag of truce.” A man in the field with his dog and gun, called out, “No, it is no flag of truce, but a flag of defiance.”  I was at the time studying the ground and paid no attention to him. About nine o’clock I was well down to the Run with some skirmishers, and observed two men on horseback ride along a hill, descend, cross the stream, and ride out towards us. He had a gun in his hand which he waved over his head, and called out to us, “You d----d black abolitionists, come on,” etc. I permitted some of the men to fire on him, but no damage was done. We remained some time thus awaiting the action which had begun on the other side of Bull Run. We could see nothing, but heard the firing and could judge that Hunter's column steadily advanced. About 2 P. M. they came to a stand, the firing was severe and stationary. General Tyler rode up to me and remarked that he might have to send the N. Y. 69th to the relief of Hunter. A short while after, he came up and ordered me with my whole Brigade, some 3,400 men, to cross over to Hunter. I ordered the movement, led off, found a place where the men could cross, but the battery could not follow.

We crossed the stream, and ascended the bluff bank, moving slowly to permit the ranks to close up. When about half a mile back from the stream, I saw the parties in the fight, and the first danger was that we might be mistaken for secessionists and fired on. One of my regiments had on the grey uniform of the Virginia troops. We first fired on some retreating secessionists, our Lieutenant Colonel Haggerty was killed, and my bugler by my side had his horse shot dead. I moved on and joined Hunter’s column. They had a pretty severe fight. Hunter was wounded, and the unexpected arrival of my Brigade seemed a great relief to all. I joined them on a high field with a house, and as we effected the junction the secessionists took to the woods and were seemingly retreating, and General McDowell who had accompanied Hunter’s column ordered me to join in the pursuit. I will not attempt to describe you the scene. Their batteries were on all the high hills overlooking the ground which we had to cross, and they fired with great vigor. Our horse batteries pursued from point to point returning the fire, whilst we moved on, with shot, shell and cannister over and all round us. I kept to my horse and head of the Brigade, and moving slowly, came upon their heavy masses of men, behind all kinds of obstacles.

They knew the ground perfectly, and at every turn we found new ground, over which they poured their fire. At last we came to a stand, and with my regiments in succession we crossed a ridge and were exposed to a very heavy fire. First one regiment and then another and another were forced back, not by the bayonet but by a musketry and rifle fire, which it seemed impossible to push our men through. After an hour of close contest our men began to fall into confusion. One hundred and eleven had been killed, some two hundred and fifty wounded and the soldiers began to fall back in disorder. My horse was shot through the fore leg. My knee was cut round by a ball, and another had hit my coat collar and did not penetrate; an aide, Lt. Bagley, was missing, and spite of all exertions the confusion increased, and the men would not re-form. Similar confusion had already occurred among other regiments, and I saw we were gone. Had they kept their ranks we were the gainers up to that point, only our field batteries, exposed, had been severely cut up by theirs, partially covered. Then for the first time I saw the carnage of battle, men lying in every conceivable shape, and mangled in a horrible way; but this did not make a particle of impression on me, but horses running about riderless with blood streaming from their nostrils, lying on the ground hitched to guns, gnawing their sides in death. I sat on my horse on the ground where Ricketts’ Battery had been shattered to fragments, and saw the havoc done. I kept my regiments under cover as much as possible, till the last moment, when it became necessary to cross boldly a ridge and attack the enemy, by that time gathered in great strength behind all sorts of cover.

The volunteers up to that time had done well, but they were repulsed regiment by regiment, and I do think it was impossible to stand long in that fire. I did not find fault with them, but they fell into disorder — an incessant clamor of tongues, one saying they were not properly supported, another that they could not tell friend from foe; but I observed the gradual retreat going on and did all I could to stop it. At last it became manifest we were falling back, and as soon as I perceived it, I gave it direction by the way we came, and thus we fell back to Centreville, some four miles. We had with our Brigade no wagons, they had not crossed the river. At Centreville came pouring in the confused masses of men, without order or system. Here I supposed we should assemble in some order the confused masses and try to stem the tide. Indeed I saw but little evidence of being pursued, though once or twice their cavalry interposed themselves between us and our rear. I had read of retreats before, have seen the noise and confusion of crowds of men at fires and shipwrecks, but nothing like this. It was as disgraceful as words can portray, but I doubt if volunteers from any quarter could do better. Each private thinks for himself. If he wants to go for water, he asks leave of no one. If he thinks right, he takes the oats and corn, and even burns the house of his enemy. As we could not prevent these disorders on the way out, I always feared the result, for everywhere we found the people against us. No curse could be greater than invasion by a volunteer army. No Goths or Vandals ever had less respect for the lives and property of friends and foes, and henceforth we ought never to hope for any friends in Virginia. McDowell and all the generals tried their best to stop these disorders, but for us to say we commanded that army is no such thing. They did as they pleased. Democracy has worked out one result, and the next step is to be seen. Beauregard and Johnston were enabled to effect a junction by the failure of Patterson to press the latter, and they had such accurate accounts of our numbers and movements that they had all the men they wanted. We had never more than 18,000 engaged, though some ten or twelve thousand were within a few miles. After our retreat here I did my best to stop the flying masses, and partially succeeded, so that we once more present a front: but Beauregard has committed a sad mistake in not pursuing us promptly. Had he done so, he could have stampeded us again, and gone into Washington.

As it is, I suppose their plan is to produce riot in Baltimore, cross over above Leesburg, and come upon Washington through Maryland. Our rulers think more of who shall get office, than who can save the country. Nobody, no man, can save the country. The difficulty is with the masses. Our men are not good soldiers. They brag, but don't perform, complain sadly if they don't get everything they want, and a march of a few miles uses them up. It will take a long time to overcome these things, and what is in store for us in the future I know not. I purpose trying to defend this place if Beauregard approaches Washington by this route, but he has now deferred it some days and I rather think he will give it up.

The newspapers will tell ten thousand things, none of which are true. I have had no time to read them, but I know no one now has the moral courage to tell the truth. . . .

SOURCE: M. A. DeWolfe Howe, Editor, Home Letters of General Sherman,  p. 204-10.  A full copy of this letter can be found in the William T Sherman Family papers (SHR), University of Notre Dame Archives (UNDA), Notre Dame, IN 46556, Folder CSHR 1/138.

A Fair Settlement

Gen. Schenck, of the Mountain Department, in a reply to a rebel owner claiming some slaves who had taken refuge in his camp, gave the following fair decision, a fortnight ago:

The General commanding this brigade will, therefore, as has been stated to you, not interfere with the military force at his command between the claimant and the fugitive slave.  He will neither allow the one class nor the other as loafers about his camps.  But if either of them, coming voluntarily within his lines, can be profitably employed, within the scope of military restrictions and usage, as guides, servants, laborers, or any other available capacity, he will not hesitate to so engage them or permit them to be so engaged.  He will punish any officer or private soldier of his command who may be caught either enticing or forcing a slave to leave his loyal master; but he will not lend his soldiers to be established as guards to prevent the escape of fugitives from bondage seeking their liberty.

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Wednesday Morning, May 14, 1862, p. 2

From Western Virginia

Times’ Special.

HEADQUARTERS MOUNTAIN DEPARTMENT,

NEAR HARRISBURG, May 8.

A dispatch from Fayetteville, announcing the advance of Gen. Cox, composed of a part of the 33d, under Maj. Cawley, occupied Giles C. H., and Darrows, on New river, yesterday.  The rebels ran, and did not burn the town as intended.  Abundant commissary stores, a Lieut., Major and 20 privates were captured.  The citizens remained, and seemed loyal.

The defeat of the rebels at Camp Creek, was more important than at first supposed.

Gen. Milory is now fighting, and Gen. [Schenck] is advancing.  Particular[s] of this movement are forbidden.

HEADQUARTERS MOUNTAIN DEPARTMENT,

May 8, 1862.

To E. M. STANTON, Secretary of War:– Gen. Cox telegraphs that his advance, consisting of part of the 23d Ohio, occupied Giles Court House and the narrows of New River yesterday, driving away the rebels, who were taken by surprise.  A large quantity of commissary stores and 20 privates were captured.  Our surprise prevented the burning of that place as the rebels intended.  Most of the citizens seem loyally disposed.

Signed.

J. C. FREMONT.

WASHINGTON, May 8.

Information has been received here that a cavalry reconnoissance was recently made to Culpepper C. H.  Seven prisoners were captured as they were attempting to escape – they have been sent to Washington.  Our troops were favorably received by the people, and only temporarily occupied the town.

Minister Adams has presented a claim to the British Government for the restoration of the Emily St. Pierre, the Captain of which rose on the prize crew and conveyed her to Liverpool, after her capture by the United States fleet, for a violation of the blockade.

An order from the War Department says: “Upon requisitions made by commanders of the armies in the field, and authority will be given by the Department to the Governors of the respective States to recruit for regiments now in the service.”

– Published in The Davenport Daily Gazette, Davenport, Iowa, Saturday Morning, May 10, 1862, p. 1